UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DEPARTMENT  OF  UNIVERSITY  EXTENSION 


i? 


THE   LABOR   MOVEMENT 
IN   AMERICA 


The  Labor  Movement 
in  America 


BY 


RICHARD  T.  ELY,  PH.D.,  LL.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  POLITICAL  ECONOMY  AND  DIRECTOR  OF  THE  SCHOOL 

OF  ECONOMICS,  POLITICAL   SCIENCE,  AND   HISTORY 

IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  WISCONSIN 


NEW  EDITION,   REVISED  AND   ENLARGED 

mm 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 
1905 


COPYRIGHT,  1886, 
BY  THOMAS  Y.  CROWELL  &  CO. 

COPYRIGHT,  1905, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


First  published  elsewhere.     Revised  edition  published 
June,  1905. 


NortoooD 

J.  S.  Cashing  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


TO 

flit,  auto  4Wr&  Sugene  #, 


IN  GRATEFUL   RECOGNITION    OF   THEIR    SELF-SACRIFICING 

ENDEAVORS    IN    YEARS    GONE    BY    TO    AID    ME 

IN    THE    SOLUTION    OF   THE  TRYING 

ECONOMIC    PROBLEMS    OF 

MY   OWN    LIFE, 

THIS  BOOK, 

WRITTEN    WITH    THE    EARNEST    DESIRE    THAT    IT    MAY 
SERVE   OTHERS   LESS   FAVORABLY    SITUATED, 

IS  AFFECTIONATELY  DEDICATED. 


PREFATORY  NOTE  FOR  THE  MACMILLAN 
COMPANY'S  REPRINT  OF  "THE  LABOR 
MOVEMENT  IN  AMERICA." 

THE  present  work  was  published  in  1886,  and,  although 
since  the  appearance  of  the  first  edition  some  new  matter 
has  been  added  in  the  form  of  an  appendix,  the  body  of  the 
book  has  never  undergone  revision.  Nevertheless  there  has 
been  a  continuous  demand  for  it.  While  the  author  is  prob- 
ably more  painfully  aware  of  its  defects  than  any  one  else 
can  be,  the  book  has  its  friends  who  are  good  enough  to  say 
pleasant  things  about  it  and  to  express  the  opinion  that  it 
should  be  brought  down  to  date  by  a  thorough  revision. 
This  revision  must  necessarily  take  some  time  on  account 
of  the  largeness  of  the  field  to  be  covered.  In  the  mean- 
time the  Macmillan  Company  have  undertaken  to  supply 
the  demand  for  the  book  by  the  present  reprint. 


RICHARD  T.   ELY. 


MADISON,  WISCONSIN, 
April  15,  1905. 


PREFACE, 

WITH    FINAL   WORD   TO   WORKINGMEN. 

THE  importance  of  those  phases  of  American  life  with  which 
the  present  work  deals,  is  no  longer  likely  to  be  called 
in  question.  The  labor  movement  treats  of  the  struggle  of  the 
masses  for  existence,  and  this  phrase  is  acquiring  new  meaning 
in  our  own  times.  A  marvellous  war  is  now  being  waged  in  the 
heart  of  modern  civilization.  Millions  are  engaged  in  it.  The 
welfare  of  humanity  depends  on  its  issue. 

I  do  not  claim  to  have  written  a  history  of  the  labor  move- 
ment in  America.  I  offer  this  book  merely  as  a  sketch,  which 
will,  I  trust,  some  day  be  followed  by  a  work  worthy  of  the  title, 
"  History  of  Labor  in  the  New  World."  In  the  meantime,  I 
shall  be  abundantly  satisfied  if  this  more  modest  effort  accom- 
plishes two  chief  purposes  which  I  have  set  before  me  as  a  goal. 
The  one  is  to  show  that  the  material  furnished  to  the  historian 
by  the  movements  of  the  laboring  classes  in  America  is  interest- 
ing, instructive,  and  withal  not  devoid  of  the  pathetic  and  pic- 
turesque. The  other  is  to  convince  my  readers  of  the  vastness 
of  our  present  opportunities.  While  America  is  young  and  our 
institutions  and  even  our  habits  of  thought  are  as  yet  plastic  to 
an  unusual  degree,  we  have  advantages  which  are  not  likely  to 
recur  in  a  near  future.  It  is  still  in  our  power  permanently 
to  avoid  many  of  the  evils  under  which  older  countries  suffer, 
if  we  will  but  take  to  heart  the  lessons  of  past  experience,  and 
seriously  endeavor  to  profit  by  the  mistakes  of  others;  and 
surely  this  is  wiser  than  to  repeat  their  folly.  The  present 
crisis  in  our  history  is  a  time  when  either  optimism  or  pessi- 
mism is  easy;  but  both  are  dangerous.  The  potentialities  for 
good  or  for  evil  are  grand  beyond  precedent,  and  it  rests  with 


VI 


PREFACE. 


the  living  to  say  what  the  future  shall  be.  There  is  enough  that 
is  alarming  to  excite  us  to  vigorous  action ;  there  is  enough  that 
is  promising  to  encourage  our  best  efforts  with  the  brightest 
hopes. 

I  have  endeavored  in  this  book  to  present  an  accurate  record 
of  facts,  to  ascertain  which  I  have  spared  no  trouble.  Books, 
pamphlets,  and  newspapers  have  been  carefully  collected  for 
years,  and  several  thousand  miles  have  been  travelled  with  this 
in  view.  Nevertheless,  in  a  field  so  new  and  so  immense,  it  is 
but  natural  to  suppose  that  I  must  occasionally  have  fallen  into 
errors  both  of  omission  and  commission,  and  I  shall  regard  it  as 
a  favor  if  any  friendly  reader  will  point  these  out  to  me.  I  shall 
also  be  under  obligations  to  any  one  who  —  for  possible  use  in  a 
future  edition — will  send  me  any  labor  literature,  such  as  con- 
stitutions, by-laws,  and  annual  proceedings  of  labor  organiza- 
tions, newspapers,  pamphlets,  etc.  The  first  phases  of  the 
labor  movement  in  this  country  are  obscure,  and  I  should  be 
particularly  obliged  for  any  of  the  earlier  publications  relating 
to  it,  as  well  as  for  any  oral  or  written  communications  bear- 
ing thereon. 

The  aim  of  the  present  work  is  chiefly  presentation  rather  than 
refutation,  although  it  will  be  noticed  that  I  do  not  entirely  ab- 
stain from  criticism.  I  do,  however,  presuppose  that  my  reader 
is  gifted  with  ordinary  common  sense,  and  will  not  be  pleased 
by  childish  criticism  such  as  must  occur  to  every  schoolboy. 
Criticism  of  this  kind,  thrust  into  the  midst  of  the  presentation 
of  some  theoretical  system  or  historical  narrative,  has  often  an- 
noyed me  in  works  on  social  topics,  and  I  have  purposely 
avoided  it.  I  further  assume  that  the  readers  of  the  following 
pages  are  of  moral  natures  sufficiently  elevated  to  understand 
that  we  ought  not  to  lie,  murder,  and  blow  up  cities  with  dyna- 
mite, to  accomplish  our  ends.  I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to 
tell  them  this.  I  do  not  think  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  say  on 
every  page,  that  I  am  so  far  from  sympathizing  with  schemes  for 
destruction,  that  I  regard  them  as  damnable. 

While  I  have  endeavored  first  to  understand  the  American 
labor  movement,  and  then  to  present  a  description  of  it  in  such 


PREFACE.  Vii 

manner  that  others  may  likewise  understand  it,  letting  the  parties 
concerned  speak  for  themselves  as  far  as  possible,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  I  have  concerned  myself  chiefly  with  the  main 
current  of  a  great  stream,  and  have  not  been  able  to  find  room 
for  a  treatment  of  many  separate  lesser  currents  of  social  life ; 
consequently  when  I  express  approval  of  the  labor  movement,  I 
do  not  approve  everything  connected  with  it. 

Much  that  is  done  in  the  name  of  labor,  I  regard  with  abhor- 
rence. In  the  same  way  should  tjie  reader  understand  my  ad- 
miration for  the  Knights  of  Labor.  I  believe  it  is  a  grand  so- 
ciety, but  I  dissent  from  some  of  its  principles,  and  from  its 
course  in  some  localities.  Individual  knights  and  individual  as- 
semblies, have  been  guilty  of  outrageous  conduct  with  reference 
to  their  employers,  the  general  public,  and  their  fellow-working- 
men.  Their  deeds  have  sadly  injured  the  cause  of  labor.  Fi- 
nally, while  I  believe  that  the  Knights  of  Labor  represent  an 
organization  of  a  higher  type  than  the  trades-union,  I  do  not 
believe  that  the  latter  can  yet  be  dispensed  with.  The  two 
forms  of  organization  should  co-operate  ;  but  co-operation  ought 
to  be  sought  by  lawful  and  kindly  measures,  and  not  by  such 
abominable  methods  as  I  fear  have  been  adopted  in  a  few 
cases. 

"  I  presume  you  have  felt,  as  have  I,  the  sting  of  criticism  and 
censure  —  of  misrepresentation  because  discussing  this  topic  of 
socialism  at  all."  These  are  words  written  to  me  in  a  letter  re- 
cently received,  by  a  friend  who  is  professor  of  political  economy 
in  a  Western  university.  They  indicate  at  once  a  difficulty  in  the 
way  of  the  economist.  The  topics  he  discusses  are  so  vital,  that 
any  presentation  of  them  is  bound  to  be  misconstrued  in  some 
quarter.  Nevertheless,  there  seems  to  be  only  one  course  for  an 
honest  man,  which  is  to  say  his  word  and  patiently  endure  mis- 
understanding and  even  malicious  abuse.  Yet  the  wilful  false- 
hood with  which  one's  character  and  motives  are  assailed,  when 
one  attempts  to  treat  social  topics  truthfully,  are  sometimes  hard 
to  bear,  and  at  times  one  feels  inclined  to  reply  to  some  malig- 
nant critic,  as  Charles  Kingsley  did  once  when  his  honest  soul 
was  vexed  beyond  measure :  — 


yiu  PREFACE. 

"  If  you  say  theie  things,  —  mentiris  impudentissime."  On  the 
other  hand,  frank  and  honest  discussion  of  differences  of  opinion 
can  only  benefit  all  parties  concerned. 

I  regard  this  as  a  most  conservative  work,  for  I  believe  that 
error  in  our  social  life  derives  its  chief  strength  from  its  ad- 
mixture with  truth,  and  that  the  larger  the  proportion  of  truth, 
the  greater  the  danger  of  the  error.  The  thought  which  has  ani- 
mated me,  has  been  to  separate  the  two,  and  to  encourage  people 
to  render  error  comparatively  harmless  by  a  full  and  complete 
recognition  of  truth. 

My  thanks  are  due  to  many  people  for  kind  assistance  in  the 
preparation  of  this  work.  Professor  A.  S.  Bolles,  Mr.  Joseph 
Labadie,  and  Mr.  E.  S.  Mclntosh  kindly  lent  me  valuable  pam- 
phlets. Officers  of  nearly  all  of  the  organizations  of  which  I  treat 
in  this  book  have  been  most  courteous  in  their  endeavors  to  aid  me 
in  the  presentation  of  an  accurate  and  impartial  account  of  their 
respective  societies.  My  thanks  are  also  due  many  business  men, 
including  some  of  the  leading  manufacturers  of  the  United  States, 
for  information  readily  imparted,  and  for  their  generous  encour- 
agement, which  has  been  a  valuable  stimulus  to  me  in  my  task. 
One  of  the  pleasantest  features  connected  with  the  preparation  of 
this  work  is  the  personal  kindness  received  from  so  many  men  of 
all  occupations,  and  of  the  most  widely  separated  social  positions, 
in  various  parts  of  the  country ;  and  without  any  mention  of  names, 
for  which  space  is  too  limited,  I  beg  them  each  and  all  to  receive 
this  expression  of  my  gratitude. 

Several  chapters  of  this  work  first  appeared  in  a  series  of  arti- 
cles in  the  Christian  Union  two  years  ago.  These  articles  have 
been  used  freely  both  by  pulpit  and  press,  sometimes  with  gener- 
ous recognition  of  the  source  of  information,  perhaps  oftener 
without  mention  either  of  their  author  or  the  Christian  Union. 
A  year  later  they  were  revised,  enlarged,  and  published,  under 
the  title,  "  Recent  American  Socialism,"  in  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University  Studies  in  Historical  and  Political  Science.  Chapter  I., 
"  Survey  of  the  Field,"  and  Chapter  VII.,  "  Co-operation  in 
America,"  appeared  first  in  the  Congregationalist,  of  Boston.  A 
few  paragraphs  appeared  first  in  the  Andover  Review,  and  one 


PREFACE.  iX 

or  two  sentences  are  quoted  —  with  acknowledgment— from  an 
article  of  mine  which  recently  appeared  in  the  North  American 
Review. 

TO  WORKINGMEN. 

I  wish  the  last  word  that  I  pen  in  the  preparation  of  this  book 
to  be  addressed  to  you,  for  it  has  been  prepared  in  the  hope  that 
it  may  benefit  you.  I  bring  together  in  this  place,  even  at  the 
risk  of  repetition,  a  few  words  of  caution  and  counsel ;  and  I  beg 
you  to  receive  these  as  the  sincere  conviction  of  one  who  would 
be  your  friend.  If  I  assume  the  imperative  form  of  address, 
please  understand  that  I  do  this  simply  for  the  sake  of  brevity, 
and  not  in  any  spirit  of  dictation.  I  do  not  wish  you  to  accept 
what  I  say,  unless  it  commends  itself  to  your  judgment  and  con- 
science. "  Prove  all  things ;  hold  fast  that  which  is  good." 

i.  Let  every  workingman  try  to  make  himself  more  indispen- 
sable in  his  place,  a  better  workman  and  a  better  man.  If  every 
member  of  society  is  ever  to  receive  a  sufficient  quantity  of  eco- 
nomic goods  to  satisfy  all  rational  wants,  products  must  be  in- 
creased in  quantity  and  improved  in  quality.  If  we  ever  expect 
to  use  our  opportunities  to  the  best  advantage,  we  must  improve 
our  characters.  Banding  together  will  be  of  little  avail  to  worth- 
less men  or  a  worthless  cause. 

2.  There  is  no  atom  of  help  to  you  or  to  any  in  drink,  —  the 
poor  man's  curse  so  often,  and  so  often  the  rich  man's  shame. 
Every  effort  making  to  promote  temperance  among  you  should 
receive  the  warmest  encouragement. 

3.  Beware  of  demagoguery,  especially  political  partyism,  which 
will  give  illusory  triumphs,  but  leave  to  you  only  wretched  failure. 
Be  not  stepping-stones  for  others  to  vault  into  place.     Cast  off 
the  slavery  of  party  politics,  and  with  faith  in  the  triumph  of 
righteousness,  ally  yourselves  to  every  endeavor  to  elevate  and 
purify  public  life.    You  have  far  more  than  others  at  stake  in 
this.     While  the  majority  of  you  reject  socialism,  I  am  certain 
that  most  of  you  agree  with  me  that  along  certain  lines  the  func- 
tions of  the  State  should  be  increased.    Government  cannot  do 


X  PREFACE. 

everything,  but  it  can  do  much.  Yet  when  this  is  suggested, 
corruption  in  the  sphere  of  public  life  is  urged  as  an  obstruction 
to  the  performance  by  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  land  of 
their  legitimate  duties.  Help  all  those  who  are  trying  to  remedy 
this  unfortunate  state  of  affairs. 

4.  It  cuts  me  to  the  heart  when  laboring  men  are  shot  down 
in  the  street.     All  the  wars  have  been  at  the  expense  of  your 
blood.     Imitate  no  violence.     Destruction  of  the  property  or 
lives  of  others  cannot  help  you  or  enrich  you.     Your  triumph  can 
come  only  by  peace. 

5.  There  is  much  that  is  bad  in  existing  social  arrangements, 
but  there  is  also  much  that  is  good;  and  this  good  has  been 
procured  by  the  struggles  of  centuries.     With  a  full  appreciation 
of  all  that  is  sad  and  disheartening  in  the  condition  of  the  masses, 
I  believe  that,  on  the  whole,  the  lot  of  mankind  was  never  a 
happier  one  than  to-day.   The  preparation  of  this  book  has  given 
me  a  stronger  conviction  than  ever  before  that  the  past  century 
has  witnessed  an  improvement  in  the  position  of  the  laboring 
classes  in  the  United  States.     Rights  which  the  humblest  of  us 
Americans  take  as  so  much  a  matter  of  course  that  we  do  not 
reflect  upon  the  possession  of  them  as  a  source  of  pleasure, 
although  to  be  deprived  of  them  would  inflict  the  keenest  pain, 
were  in  a  past  age  scarcely  within  the  ^dreamland  region  of  the 
masses.     This  is  not  said  to  suggest  to  you  that  you  fold  your 
hands,  and  lazily  take  things  as  they  are,  but  to  encourage  the 
use  of  conservative  means  for  the  attainment  of  your  ends.   There 
are  vast  treasures  in  our  civilization  which  it  is  in  the  interest  of 
all  to  preserve.     Resist  wrong  more  strenuously  than  heretofore ; 
strive  for  all  that  is  good  more  earnestly  than  you  have  ever 
done ;  but  let  all  your  endeavors  be  within  the  law.     The  rich 
and  powerful  will  always  find  protection ;  and  if  the  dream  of  the 
Anarchists  were  realized,  there  would  be  no  check  to  the  despot- 
ism of  the  strong  and'  cunning.     The  law  is  often  not  what  it 
should  be ;   but  the  law  itself  points  out  peaceful  methods  by 
which  it  may  be  changed.     Law  is  often  perverted,  and  fails  to 
fulfil  its  function;   but  even  when  it  is  worst  administered,  it 
affords  some  protection. 


PREFACE*  xJ 

6.  Cast  aside  envy,  one  of  your  most  treacherous  foes.    Reject 
every  thought  of  levelling  down.     Cultivate  an  admiration  for  all 
genuine  superiority.     While  all  the  monstrous  inequalities  of  our 
times  can  by  no  means  be  upheld  by  good  men,  while  many  of 
those  inequalities,  the  fruit  of  evil,  can  beget  only  evil,  remember 
that  nothing  more  disastrous  to  you  could  happen  than  to  live  in 
a  society  in  which  all  should  be  equals.     It  is  a  grand  thing  for 
us  that  there  are  men  with  higher  natures  than  ours,  and  with 
every  advantage  for  the  development  of  their  faculties,  that  they 
may  lead  in  the  world's  progress,  and  serve  us  as  examples  of 
what  we  should  strive  to  become.     It  will  not  take  you  long,  if 
you  think  earnestly  about  it,  to  become  convinced  of  this.     It  is 
well  for  the  small  farmer  to  have  a  rich  neighbor  to  take  the  lead 
in  the  use  of  expensive  machinery,  the  introduction  of  blooded 
stock,  and  in  other  experiments,  which,  if  disastrous,  would  ruin 
a  poor  man ;  it  is  well  for  common  schools  to  be  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  best  universities,  without  which  their  work  is  likely  to 
be  indifferent.     Why,  it  is  often  held  to  be  a  misfortune  for  a 
boy  to  belong  to  a  class  in  school  or  college  which  he  can  lead. 
It  is,  as  a  rule,  much  better  that  there  should  be  those  associated 
with  him  who  are  abler  than  he,  that  they  may  serve  as  a  constant 
stimulus  to  him. 

7.  If  your  demands  are  right,  if  they  are  reasonable,  then  you 
will  win  and  hold  your  gain.     The  world  will  listen  even  to 
socialism,  if  properly  presented.     If  you  keep  to  the  right,  the 
world  will  come  to  you.    The  right  is  bound  to  win.    Educate, 
organize,  wait. 

8.  Christ  and  all  Christly  people  are  with  you  for  the  right. 
Never  let  go  that  confidence.    This  is  a  sure  guarantee  of  the 
successful  issue  of  every  good  cause,  the  righting  of  every  wrong. 
Christ  forever  elevated  labor  and  exalted   the    laborer.      He 
worked  himself  and  he  sought  his  associates  and  the  first  mem- 
bers of  his  church  among  workingmen,  men  rude  and  ignorant, 
and  certainly  no  better  than   the   workingmen  of  to-day.     As 
Charles  Kingsley  has  said,  "  The  Bible  is  the  rich  man's  warning 
and  the  poor  man's  comfort." 

You  cannot  proclaim  the  wrongs  under  which  you  suffer  with 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

I 

SURVEY  OF  THI  FIELD ..,«.       I 

CHAPTER  II. 
EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM ,  7 


CHAPTER  III. 
THE  GROWTH  AND  PRESENT  CONDITION   OF  LABOR  ORGANI- 

34 


ZATIONS  IN  AMERICA 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE  ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS 92 

CHAPTER  V. 
THE  EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS     ...    120 

CHAPTER  VL 
OTHER  ASPECTS  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS 141 

CHAPTER  VII. 
CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA ,  167 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA    .    .    .    209 

CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  INTERNATIONALISTS 231 


XVi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X. 
THE  PROPAGANDA  OF  DEED  AND  THE  EDUCATIONAL  CAMPAIGN,    254 

CHAPTER  XI. 
THE  SOCIALISTIC  LABOR  PARTY 269 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM  —  ITS  SIGNIFI- 
CANCE   277 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
REMEDIES 295 

APPENDIX   I. 

I.  PLATFORM  OF  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  LABOR  UNION,    333 
II.  PLEDGE  AND  PREAMBLE  OF  THE  JOURNEYMEN  BRICK- 
LAYERS' ASSOCIATION  OF  PHILADELPHIA 341 

III.  DECLARATION  OF  PRINCIPLES  AND  OBJECTS  OF  THE  CIGAR 

MAKERS'  PROGRESSIVE  UNION  OF  AMERICA  ....    342 

IV.  EXTRACTS   FROM  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  NATIONAL 

AMALGAMATED    ASSOCIATION    OF    IRON    AND    STEEL 

WORKERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES /  345^ 

V.  MANIFESTO  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL  WORKING  PEOPLES' V^X 

ASSOCIATION 358 

VI.  LETTER  TO  TRAMPS,  REPRINTED  FROM  THE  "ALARM"  OF 

CHICAGO 364 

VII.  PLATFORM  AND  PRESENT  DEMANDS  OF  THE  SOCIALISTIC 

LABOR  PARTY 366 

VIII.  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,   JULY  4,  1886,  BY  AN 

AMERICAN  SOCIALIST 370 

APPENDIX   II. 

THE  RELATION  OF  TEMPERANCE  REFORM  TO  THE  LABOR  MOVE- 
MENT  «...    375 


THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT 
IN  AMERICA 


THE 

LABOR  MOVEMENT  IN  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   I. 

SURVEY   OF  THE   FIELD. 

THE  great  forces  of  nature  are  invisible  and  work  below 
the  surface  of  things,  and  that  which  is  most  real  is 
the  unseen.  He  who  would  understand  nature  must  go 
behind  the  veil  of  illusions,  under  which  she  conceals 
herself  from  the  unwelcome  gaze  of  the  careless  and 
indifferent. 

The  student  of  social  science  finds  himself  at  the  outset 
in  a  similar  position.  He  also  speedily  discovers  "that 
things  which  are  seen  were  not  made  of  things  which  do 
appear,"  and  no  better  illustration  of  this  can  be  afforded 
than  that  offered  us  by  the  history  of  the  labor  movement  in 
America.  Investigation  soon  reveals  in  this  movement  one 
of  the  chief  social  forces  working  among  us,  yet  it  is  quite 
unknown  in  its  operations  to  the  ordinary  man  or  woman 
outside  of  the  laboring  classes,  while  the  vast  majority  of 
those  who  in  their  own  persons  bear  forward  the  movement 
have  but  a  glimmering  apprehension  of  its  true  import. 

We  read  of  the  marvels  of  past  eras,  but  the  number  is 
small  indeed  who  realize  that  no  previous  age  was  more 
eventful  in  the  life  of  economic  and  industrial  society  than 
that  in  which  we  are  now  living.  To-day  we  are  the  specta- 


2  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

tors  of  a  most  marvellous  act  in  the  great  world-drama.  Yet 
it  is  necessary  to  add  at  once  that  we  are  in  the  position  of 
those  who  seeing  see  not,  or  see  but  dimly.  On  the  one 
hand,  attention  has  not  been  sufficiently  directed  to  the 
phenomena  of  the  unparalleled  social  movement  in  which  we 
live ;  on  the  other,  it  is  difficult  for  us  who  are  in  it  and  of 
it  to  secure  a  vantage-ground  from  which  to  get  large  views. 
In  his  life  of  Cobden,  Morley  says :  "  Great  economic  and 
social  forces  flow  with  a  tidal  sweep  over  communities  that 
are  only  half  conscious  of  that  which  is  befalling  them." 
Such  is  the  epoch  in  which  we  find  ourselves. 

Great  as  are  the  difficulties  in  the  way,  it  is  nevertheless 
possible  to  ascertain  something  of  the  social  movement 
of  which  we  form  a  part.  Last  summer  I  spent  some  time 
with  the  Shakers,  and  when  with  them,  separated  as  I  was 
from  the  ordinary  life  of  mankind  and  talking  with  my  good 
friends  about  the  world  movements  of  this  century,  the  feel- 
ing grew  upon  me  that  I  was  in  a  social  observatory,  viewing 
as  from  another  planet  the  buying  and  selling,  the  hurrying 
to  and  fro,  the  marrying  and  the  giving  in  marriage,  the  toil, 
the  pleasure,  the  vanity,  the  oppression,  the  good  and  the 
evil  among  men  on  earth ;  and  I  noticed  afterward  in  a  letter 
from  one  of  the  Shakers  the  expression,  "  Our  social  watch' 
tower."  But  even  without  such  a  social  observatory,  one 
may  step  aside  and  note  what  the  other  actors  are  doing  on 
the  great  stage  of  social  life ;  and  records  —  obscure  and 
imperfect,  to  be  sure,  still  valuable  records — of  the  past  have 
been  preserved.  It  is  not  then  a  fruitless  task  to  endeavor 
to  mark  off  the  distance  travelled,  to  ascertain  the  direction 
of  present  motion,  and  to  get  an  approximate  idea  of  the 
speed  with  which  we  are  moving. 

What  is  the  labor  movement  ?  This  question  brings  us  to 
the  heart  of  things.  We  do  not  concern  ourselves  now  with 


SURVEY   OF   THE  FIELD.  3 

accessories,  important  as  they  may  be ;  but  we  desire   to 
know  the  ultimate  significance  of  the  mighty  social  forces 
which  are  beginning  to  shake  the  earth.     The  labor  move- 
ment, then,  in  its  broadest  terms,  is  the  effort  of  men  to  live 
the  life  of  men.     It  is  the  systematic,  organized  struggle  of 
the  masses  to  attain  primarily  more  leisure  and  larger  econo- 
mic resources ;  but  that  is  not  by  any  means  all,  because  the 
end  and  purpose  of  it  all  is  a  richer  existence  for  the  toilers, 
and  that  with  respect  to  mind,  soul,  and  body.     Half  con^\ 
scious  though  it  may  be,  the  labor  movement  is  a  force  \ 
pushing  on  towards  the  attainment  of  the  purpose  of  hu-    \ 
manity ;  in  other  words,  the  end  of  the  true  growth  of  man-   \ 
kind ;  namely,  the  full  and  harmonious  development  in  each 
individual  of  all  human  faculties  —  the  faculties  of  working, 
perceiving,  knowing,  loving  —  the  development,  in  short,  of    / 
whatever  capabilities  of  good  there  may  be  in  us.     And  this    / 
development  of  human  powers  in  the  individual  is  not  to  be  / 
entirely  for  self,  but  it  is  to  be  for  the  sake  of  their  benefi-/ 
cent  use  in  the  service  of  one's  fellows  in  a  Christian  civiliza-/ 
tion.     It  is  for  self  and  for  others ;  it  is  the  realization  of 
the  ethical  aim  expressed  in  that  command  which  contains 
the  secret  of  all  true  progress,  "  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor 
as  thyself."     It  is  directed  against  oppression  in  every  form, 
because  oppression  carries  with  it  the  idea  that  persons  or 
classes  live  not  to  fulfil  a  destiny  of  their  own,  but  primarily 
and  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  the  welfare  of  other  persons  or 
classes.     The  true  significance  of  the  labor  movement,  on 
the  contrary,  lies  in  this :  it  is  an  attempt  to  bring  to  pass 
the  idea  of  human  development  which  has  animated  sages, 
prophets,  and  poets  of  all  ages ;  the  idea  that  a  time  must 
come  when  warfare  of  all  kinds  shall  cease,  and  when  a 
peaceful  organization  of  society  shall  find  a  place  within  its 
framework  %  the  best  growth  of  each  personality,  and  shall 


V 


4  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

abolish  all  servitude,  in  which  one  "  but  subserves  another's 
gain." 

The  labor  movement  represents  mankind  as  it  is  repre- 
sented by  no  other  manifestation  of  the  life  of  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  because  the  vast  majority  of  the  race  are  laborers. 

Embracing,  then,  all  modern  lands,  and  in  our  own  country 
extending  from  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  to  the  waters  of 
the  Pacific,  and  from  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  it  is  but  natural  that  it  should  assume  a 
great  variety  of  forms ;  nor  should  it  excite  surprise  to 
discover  attempts  to  divert  the  movement  from  its  true  path 
into  destructive  byways.  False  guides  are  ever  found  com- 
bating the  true  leaders,  and  there  is  backward  motion  as 
well  as  advance.  But  frequent  whirlpools  and  innumerable 
eddies  do  not  prevent  the  onward  flow  of  the  mighty  stream  ! 

Socialism,  communism,  co-operation,  trades-unions  and 
labor  societies,  mutual  benefit  organizations  of  one  kind 
and  another,  also,  alas  !  anarchy  and  nihilism,  are  different 
lines  along  which  are  directed  the  efforts  of  the  masses 
to  attain  improved  conditions  and  relations  in  industrial 
society. 

A  radical  difference  separates  these  schemes  into  two 
general  classes.  Some  of  them  accept  the  fundamental 
positions  of  our  existing  order.  They  ask  no  thorough- 
going reconstruction  of  our  economic  institutions,  but  con- 
template the  continuance  of  such  far-reaching  existing  facts 
as  private  property  in  land  with  its  rent,  private  property 
in  capital  with  its  profits,  the  system  of  freedom  of  contract 
and  the  division  of  men  into  two  classes  in  economic 
society ;  namely,  employers  and  employees.  Schemes  of  this 
first  order  imply,  even  when  they  do  not  explicitly  avow, 
that  without  considerable  change  in  fundamental  principles 
it  is  possible  for  the  laboring  masses  to  abolish  the  most 


SURVEY  OF  THE  FIELD.  5 

grievous  evils  under  which  they  suffer,  and  to  effect  such 
amelioration  in  their  condition  as  may  be  rationally  contem- 
plated either  in  the  present  or  in  any  near  future.  This  is 
essentially  the  position  of  the  trades-unions  and  of  the 
ordinary  labor  organizations ;  yet  there  is  a  difference. 

A  conservative  trades-unionist  of  the  old  school  would 
very  likely  affirm  that  natural  laws  set  fixed  bounds  to 
improvement  which  rendered  illusory  all  hopes  of  anything 
beyond  what  efforts  directed  along  this  line  could  accom- 
plish. The  more  modern  and  more  radical  trades-unionist, 
like  the  members  of  the  Cigar  Makers'  Progressive  Union 
of  America,  of  the  Journeymen  Bakers'  National  Union,  and 
of  the  International  Furniture  Workers'  Union,  holds  to  old 
methods,  it  is  true,  but  only  for  the  present,  and  in  the  pres- 
ent largely  as  a  means  of  education,  rather  than  for  what 
can  be  directly  attained  by  them.  This  idea  is  forcibly 
expressed  in  the  following  quotation  from  the  Declaration 
of  Principles  of  the  Federative  Union  of  Metal  Workers 
of  America :  "  The  entire  abolition  of  the  present  system  of 
society  can  alone  emancipate  the  workers,  being  replaced 
by  a  new  system  based  upon  co-operative  organization  of 
production  in  a  free  society.  .  .  .  Our  organization  should 
be  a  school  to  educate  its  members  for  the  new  conditions 
of  society  when  the  workers  will  regulate  their  own  affairs." 

The  more  modern  trades-unionist,  while  working  along 
old  lines,  is  then  looking  forward  to  something  far  more 
radical,  —  something  which,  as  regards  ultimate  aims,  places 
him  among  those  who  hold  to  social  schemes  of  the  second 
class. 

The  practical  plans  and  speculations  of  this  class  are  built 
up  on  the  hypothesis  that  existing  social,  economic,  and 
legal  institutions  do  not  admit  the  possibility  of  satisfactory 
living,  but  render  the  robbery  of  the  many  by  the  few 


o  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT.  ' 

something  so  inevitable  that  the  few  themselves  could 
scarcely  prevent  it,  even  if  they  all,  without  dissenting  voice, 
wished  to  do  so.  But  this  is  not  all,  for  this  is  only  the 
dark  side  of  the  picture.  Pessimists  as  to  the  present,  the 
adherents  of  these  views  are  optimists  as  to  the  future,  for  it 
is  assumed  that  it  is  possible  for  men  to  introduce  new 
foundation  principles  into  society  which  will  remedy  this 
unhappy  condition  of  things ;  which  will  indeed  banish  it 
forever  from  the  earth.  This  is  the  position  of  socialism, 
which  holds  that  justice  in  the  distribution  of  the  good 
things  of  life  is  to  be  attained  in  common  and  systematic 
production  in  a  re-created  state,  where  men  shall  receive 
the  means  of  enjoyment  in  proportion  to  the  service  they 
have  rendered  to  society.  Communism  presupposes  a  like 
transformation,  but  seeks  justice  in  equality ;  while  anarch- 
ism would  abolish  all  existing  compulsory  institutions,  and 
would  let  men  freely  build  such  social  structures  as  inclina- 
tion and  uncontrolled  desire  might  prompt. 

Co-operation  occupies  a  place  midway  between  these  two 
positions  taken  by  the  old  trades-unions  and  socialism 
respectively.  It  begins  within  the  framework  of  present 
industrial  society,  but  proposes  to  transform  it  gradually  and 
peacefully,  but  completely,  by  abolishing  a  distinct  capitalist 
class  of  employers,  the  leading  class  at  present  in  that 
society,  comprising  those  who  are  not  inappropriately  called 
captains  of  industry.  Co-operation  does  not  desire  funda- 
mental change  of  law,  for  it  hopes  by  means  of  voluntary 
associations  to  unite  labor  and  capital  in  the  same  hands  — 
the  hands  of  the  actual  workers.  Repudiating  State  help,  it 
proudly  adopts  as  its  device,  self-help. 


CHAPTER   II. 

EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM. 

THE  practical  character  of  the  American  is  a  matter  of 
common  report  and  a  cause  of  national  pride.  The 
citizen  of  the  New  World  is  not  content  with  mere  specula- 
tion ;  his  nature  craves  action,  and  nowhere  else  does  practice 
follow  so  closely  upon  theory.  This  trait  shows  itself  in  social 
movements  as  well  as  elsewhere.  Young  as  is  America,  she 
has  already  furnished  a  field  for  the  trial  of  a  large  number 
of  romantic  ideals  of  a  socialistic  nature,  and  promises  ere 
long  to  outstrip  all  that  has  been  accomplished  by  all  other 
nations  in  all  past  time  in  the  way  of  social  experimentation. 
Confining  ourselves  for  the  present  to  attempts  to  realize 
various  forms  of  socialism  and  communism,  the  mind  natur- 
ally reverts  to  the  "  oldest  American  charter,"  under  which 
the  first  English  settlement  was  made  on  American  soil.  One 
condition  stipulated  by  King  James  was  a  common  storehouse 
into  which  products  were  to  be  poured,  and  from  which  they 
were  to  be  distributed  according  to  the  needs  of  the  colo- 
nists, and  this  was  the  industrial  Constitution  under  which 
the  first  inhabitants  of  Jamestown  lived  for  five  years,1  dur- 
ing which  the  idlers  gave  so  much  trouble  that  the  old 
soldier,  Captain  John  Smith,  was  forced  to  declare  in  vigor- 
ous language,  and  with  threats  not  to  be  misunderstood,  that 
"  he  that  will  not  work  shall  not  eat."  "  Dream  no  longer," 
continued  Smith,  "  of  this  vain  hope  from  Powhatan,  or  that 

1  Cooke's  "Virginia,"  Chap.  III.    The  date  of  the  charter  is  1606. 


8  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

I  will  longer  forbear  to  force  you  from  your  idleness 
or  punish  you  if  you  rail.  I  protest  by  that  God  that 
made  me,  since  necessity  hath  no  power  to  force  you  to 
gather  for  yourselves,  you  shall  not  only  gather  for  your- 
selves, but  for  those  that  are  sick.  They  shall  not  starve."1 

The  first  Pilgrims  who  emigrated  to  New  England  were 
bound  by  a  somewhat  similar  arrangement  which  they  had 
entered  into  with  London  merchants,  but  the  issue  of 
the  experiment  was  not  more  successful,  and  it  was  partially 
abandoned ;  not  wholly,  for  a  great  deal  of  land  was  long 
after  held  in  common,  and,  indeed,  to-day,  there  are  small 
parcels  of  this  land  still  common  property.2  As  is  well 
known,  the  Boston  common  is  but  a  survival  of  early  com- 
munism, as  in  fact  its  very  name  indicates. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  comparatively  little  impor- 
tance attaches  to  either  of  these  experiments.  The  James- 
town communism  seems  never  to  have  been  regarded  as 
anything  more  than  a  temporary  makeshift,  and  the  similar 
arrangement  in  New  England  was  of  a  like  nature.  There 
exist  to-day  in  America  far  larger  and  more  important 
communistic  societies  living  in  peace  and  great  comfort, 
even  in  wealth.  As  far  as  the  common  lands  are  concerned, 
they  are  part  of  a  large  system  of  early  landholding  which 
still  survives  to  greater  or  less  extent  both  in  America  and 
Europe.  It  is  further  worthy  of  notice  in  this  connection 
that  before  the  white  man  invaded  America  only  common 
property  in  land  prevailed.  The  American  Indians  held 
their  hunting-grounds  in  common  ;  at  most,  there  was  a  tribal 
right  of  usufruct,  founded  on  possession  and  maintained 
by  arms.  Even  at  the  present  day  it  is  seriously  doubted 

1  Cooke,  l.c.,  p.  54- 

2  H.  B.  Adams,  "  Germanic  Origin  of  New  England  Towns,"  Studies 
I.  No.  2,  p.  33. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  9 

whether  surviving  Indians  are  ripe  for  the  institution  of  pri- 
vate property  in  land,  as  it  is  understood  by  us ;  and  some 
such  restriction  as  that  of  inalienability  is  urged  in  case  land 
is  given  to  them  in  severally. 

A  more  serious  endeavor  to  introduce  what  may  be  called 
village  communison,  was  made  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  "  Mother "  Ann  Lee,  with  a  few 
followers,  came  to  this  country  from  England,  in  1 7  74,  in 
obedience  to  heavenly  visions,  in  order  that  they  might  lead 
a  life  in  accordance  with  their  convictions.  They  were 
originally  Quakers,  but  were  called  "  Shaking  Quakers  "  on 
account  of  their  movements  of  the  body  in  their  religious 
exercises ;  finally  they  dropped  the  designation  Quaker,  as 
the  difference  between  them  and  the  society  of  Friends 
became  more  marked,  and  took  the  name  which  had  been 
conferred  in  ridicule. 

The  Shakers  settled  at  Watervliet,  near  Albany,  in  1776, 
and  taught  celibacy  and  the  doctrine  of  non-resistance. 
Their  idea  of  the  sinfulness  of  war  brought  them  into  trouble, 
as  our  War  of  the  Revolution  was  then  in  progress.  "  Some 
designing  men,"  says  one  of  their  number,  "accused  them  of 
being  unfriendly  to  the  patriotic  cause,  from  the  fact  of  their 
bearing  a  testimony  against  war  in  general."  They  were 
brought  before  the  Commissioners  of  Albany,  and  ordered  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  but  this  they  could  not  do,  for 
swearing  was  contrary  to  their  faith.  Several  of  them,  among 
whom  was  Ann  Lee,  were  cast  into  prison. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  the  charge  was  quite 
groundless.  Mother  Ann  had  prophesied  before  her  emi- 
gration that  tfre  American  colonies  would  become  free 
and  independent,  and  to  this  day  the  Shakers  retain 
a  peculiar  affection  for  America,  holding  that  in  this  republic 
alone  can  their  experiments  succeed  at  present. 


10  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Mother  Ann  Lee  taught  the  duties  of  love  and  universal 
beneficence,  as  well  as  the  obligation  to  abstain  from  oaths, 
war,  and  marriage,  but  did  not  establish  the  communistic 
order.  Her  temporal  economy  was  summed  up  in  these 
words :  "  You  must  be  prudent  and  saving  of  every  good 
thing  that  God  blesses  you  with,  that  you  may  have  to  give 
to  the  needy.  You  could  not  make  either  a  kernel  of  grain 
or  a  spear  of  grass  grow,  if  you  knew  you  must  die  for  the 
want  of  it. 

"  The  Gospel  is  the  greatest  treasure  that  souls  can  possess. 
Be  faithful ;  put  your  hands  to  work  and  your  hearts  to 
God.  Beware  of  covetousness,  which  is  as  the  sin  of  witch- 
craft. If  you  have  anything  to  spare,  give  it  to  the  poor." J 

Mother  Ann,  however,  foretold  that  her  successor,  Joseph 
Meacham,  once  a  Baptist  minister,  would  establish  the  com- 
munity of  goods  after  her  death.  She  died  in  1784,  and 
three  years  .later  the  order  of  communism  was  established 
among  this  people  and  has  been  retained  ever  since.  The 
year  1787  is  then  the  time  when  communism  of  this  kind 
was  first  established  in  America,  and  the  first  community 
was  located  at  Mt.  Lebanon,  Columbia  County,  New  York, 
which  is  still  the  home  of  the  strongest  Shaker  settlement. 

The  Shakers  live  in  groups  or  families  with  common 
production  and  equal  enjoyment  of  whatever  is  produced, 
and  their  order  of  life  might  be  called  group  communism  as 
well  as  village  communism,  to  distinguish  it  from  the 
larger  national  organization  of  communistic  life  which  is  the 
ideal  of  the  more  modern  communists.  This  communism 
is  a  part  of  their  religious  life,  and  flows  naturally  from  it. 
It  must  be  regarded  as  a  kind  of  Christian  communism,  and 
is  stated  by  them  in  these  words  :  — 

JSee  "Ann  Lee,  the  Founder  of  the  Shakers,"  etc.,  by  F.  W, 
Evans,  p.  146. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  11 

"  The  bond  of  union  which  unites  all  Shakers  is  spiritual 
and  religious,  hence  unselfish.  All  are  equal  before  God 
and  one  another ;  and,  as  in  the  institution  of  the  primitive 
Christian  Church,  all  share  one  interest  in  spiritual  and 
temporal  blessings,  according  to  individual  needs ;  no  rich, 
no  poor.  The  strong  bear  the  infirmities  of  the  weak,  and 
all  are  sustained,  promoting  each  other  in  Christian  fellow- 
ship, as  one  family  of  brethren  and  sisters  in  Christ." l 

These  simple  people  fail  to  see  how  those  who  profess  to 
be  followers  of  Christ  can  tolerate  luxury  and  poverty  side 
by  side  among  brothers  and  sisters,  for  this  does  not  seem 
to  them  compatible  with  Christian  love. 

Perhaps  their  ideas  on  this  point  cannot  be  better  pre- 
sented than  by  a  quotation  from  an  article  written  by  one  of 
the  elders  of  the  society  at  Watervliet,  New  York,  and  pub- 
lished in  the  "Shaker  and  Shakeress  "  in  November,  1874. 
The  article  is  entitled  "  Serious  Questions  of  the  Hour," 
and  in  the  form  of  a  catechism  gives  the  views  of  the 
Shakers  on  war,  property,  and  marriage.  The  part  about 
property  and  communism  is  headed  "Selfishness,"  and 
reads  as  follows  :  "  Does  Christianity  admit  of  private  prop- 
erty? It  does  not;  never  did.  Do  Christian  churches 
permit  distinctions  of  dress,  diet,  or  other  comforts,  among 
the  members  ?  Never.  Are  there  any  rich  or  poor  Chris- 
tians ?  None  whatever.  Why  are  there  so  many  rich,  and 
particularly  why  are  there  so  many  poor,  in  the  so-called 
Christian  churches  of  to-day?  Because  such  churches  are 
not  Christian.  Can  these  be  brethren  and  sisters  of  Christ 
while  faring  so  unequally  ?  Never.  Why  are  there  no  rich 
nor  poor  in  Christ's  church  ?  The  formerly  rich  '  lay  down ' 
their  plenty ;  the  formerly  poor  do  likewise  with  their  pov- 

1  Quoted  from  "  American  Communities,"  by  Win.  Alfred  Hinds, 
Oneida,N.  Y.,  1878. 


12  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

erty,  and  hence  share  equally.  Who,  then,  are  the  rich  and 
poor  ?  The  children  of  ^resurrection,  who  will  give  up 
neither  their  riches  nor  poverty  for  the  Gospel's  sake.  Who 
amass  fortunes  and  live  in  palatial  residences?  Unfeeling 
men  and  women,  erroneously  termed  Christians,  who  are 
careless  of  how  many  are  made  correspondingly  poor. 
.  .  .  What  wonderful  phenomena  accompany  conver- 
sions to  Christianity  ?  Mine  becomes  Ours  /  Riches  and 
poverty,  with  their  miseries,  disappear." 

The  number  of  the  Shakers  soon  began  to  increase,  and 
large  accessions  were  "  gathered  in  "  during  revivals  in  the 
East,  West,  and  South,  and  before  the  close  of  the  century 
societies  were  established  in  New  York,  Massachusetts, 
Ohio,  Kentucky,  and  elsewhere.  They  have  now  seventeen 
societies  and  about  seventy  communities,1  as  a  society  may 
include  several  "  families,"  or  communities.  The  largest 
society,  at  Mt.  Lebanon,  comprises  nearly  four  hundred 
souls,  and  it  is  there  that  Elder  Frederick  W.  Evans,  the 
best  known  of  the  Shakers,  resides.  Their  numbers  have 
declined  in  recent  years,  but  they  claim,  all  told,  still  some 
four  thousand  members,  while  their  property  is  of  great 
value.  They  like  to  say  little  about  property  and  numbers, 
as  they  have  small  respect  for  the  "statistical  fiend"  so 
common  among  us,  and  feel  that  a  numerical  table  cannot 
properly  measure  either  their  success  or  their  influence. 
One  who  has  been  some  time  with  them,  estimates  their 
property  at  twelve  millions  of  dollars  at  least. 

Economically,  the  Shakers  have  been  a  complete  success, 
and  it  is  said  that  there  has  never  been  a  failure  among 
them.  They  look  forward  to  the  future  with  hope,  believing 
that  their  history  has  just  begun.  Some  of  them  lament 

1  The  number  exceeded  seventy  at  one  time.  It  is  probably  con- 
siderably below  that  now. 


EARLY  AMERICAN   COMMUNISM.  13 

their  large  possessions  as  contrary  to  their  principles ;  for 
they  believe  in  land-reform,  or  the  doctrine  that  man  has  the 
right  of  usufruct  in  land  only,  the  right  of  possession  but 
not  the  right  of  property ;  in  the  second  place,  they  abhor 
the  whole  hireling  system  which  their  great  property  forces 
upon  them.  But  they  expect  large  accessions  in  the  future. 
They  hold  their  gates  open  to  the  elect  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  and  they  keep  their  property  in  trust  for  future 
Shakers. 

This  order  of  communism  is,  then,  thoroughly  alive  and  is 
seeking  converts.  It  sends  out  tracts  and  newspapers  and 
scatters  abroad  its  invitations  to  the  sons  and  daughters 
of  men  to  retire  from  the  world  and  to  lead  a  higher, 
celibate  or  virgin  life,  free  from  all  worldly  anxieties.  At 
the  same  time,  it  must  always  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
Shakers  do  not  expect  ever  to  draw  the  entire  world  into  their 
communities,  nor  do  they  regard  the  communistic  order  as 
suitable  for  the  "  generative  "  outside  world,  'it  is  the  life 
for^the  choice  spirits  among  men,  who  have  outgrown  the 
natural  tendencies  j)f  their  animal  nature~~and  desire,  an 
existence  in  which  angelic  possibilities  are  materialized  on 
earth. )  Communism  is  the  order  for  those  who  neither 
marry  nor  are  given  in  marriage.  To  such  the  Shaker 
family  is  the  single  centre  of  all  interests  and  affections, 
while  the  introduction  of  the  ordinary  family  would  bring 
in,  so  they  think,  separate  centres  of  force  and  action,  which 
would  destroy  the  unity  of  their  life.  They  hold,  however, 
that  socialism  may  be  adapted  to  the  world  at  large. 

The  Shakers  are  the  most  successful,  and  it  may  at  the 
same  time  be  said  the  most  promising,  example  of  commu- 
nism in  the  United  States,  and  as  such  deserve  special  con- 
sideration. It  is  certain  that  the  outside  world  has  much 
to  learn  from  those  pure,  simple  people,  whose  self-sacrificing 


14  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

life  exercises  such  a  charm  over  the  thoughtful  who  come  in 
contact  with  them. 

One  of  the  first  things  to  attract  attention  is  the  peaceful- 
ness  of  their  countenance,  which  reminds  one  of  Christ's 
words,  "  Peace  I  leave  with  you ;  my  peace  I  give  unto  you." 
Howells,  who  has  passed  some  time  with  them,  describes 
them  in  his  "Undiscovered  Country,"  and  speaks  of  their 
"placidity"  as  well  as  "their  truth,  charity,  and  purity  of 
life,  and  that  scarcely  less  lovable  quaintness  to  which  no 
realism  could  do  perfect  justice  "  ;  and  there  seems  to  be  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  assertion  of  one  of  Howell's  characters, 
"They're  what  they  seem ;  that's  their  great  ambition." 1 

The  writer  observed  this  same  peace  at  the  village  of 
Economy,  which  will  be  mentioned  presently.  Why,  it  may 
be  asked,  is  this  peace,  which  ought  to  characterize  all 
Christians,  found  among  these  communists  and  not  gener- 
ally among  church-members?  It  is  possible  that  freedom 
from  all  worldly  care  and  from  the  anxieties  of  riches  and 
poverty  has  something  to  do  with  this.  It  is  possible  that 
it  is  because  these  people  have  found  in  Christianity  not 
merely  a  creed  but  an  order  of  life.  They  take  up  their 
cross  and  endeavor  to  apply  their  Christian  principles  to 
all  relations  of  life.  But  it  is  well  to  say  something  about 
the  other  communistic  settlements  in  America  before  at- 
tempting to  characterize  the  Shakers  more  accurately,  as 
some  things  are  common  to  them  and  other  communists. 

Early  in  this  century  another  body  of  communists  came 
to  the  United  States  from  Germany  to  escape  religious  per- 
secution. They  are  called  Harmonists,  and  after  a  period 
of  migration,  settled  at  Economy,  near  Pittsburgh,  Pennsyl- 
vania, where  they  now  reside.  Their  first  leader,  George 

1  See  also  his  sketch  of  Shirley  in  his  "  Three  Villages."  Boston 
1884. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  15 

Rapp,  a  man  of  great  ability  and  extraordinary  force  of 
character,  commanded  their  confidence,  and  governed  the 
community  with  such  prudence  and  foresight  as  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  their  present  wealth,  which  is  estimated  at 
various  sums,  ranging  from  ten  to  forty  millions  of  dollars. 
The  former  figure  appears  to  be  a  rational  estimate.  They 
have,  then,  undoubtedly  been  successful  in  the  accumulation 
of  property,  but  their  numbers  have  declined.  At  one  time 
Economy  was  inhabited  by  a  thousand  Harmonists ;  but  at 
present  their  membership  does  not  exceed  forty.  They  re- 
ceived their  last  accessions  seven  years  ago,  and  nearly  all  of 
them  are  now  old  men  and  women.  It  is  evident  that  the 
order  will  soon  cease  to  exist,  unless  they  decide  to  add  to 
their  roll  of  members.  Originally  they  married,  but,  becom- 
ing convinced  many  years  ago  that  celibacy  was  a  higher  form 
of  life,  they  have  since  then  lived  together  as  brothers  and 
sisters.  Their  communism  is  a  part  of  their  religion,  and  to 
them,  indeed,  it  appears  like  an  essential  part  of  Christianity. 

The  Germans  have  also  established  other  communities,  as 
at  Zoar,  Tuscarawas  County,  Ohio,  and  at  Amana,  in  Iowa, 
in  both  of  which  marriage  is  allowed.  With  the  exceptions 
of  the  Shaker  communities  these  are  the  two  strongest  com- 
munistic societies  in  the  United  States. 

Zoar  was  founded  in  1817  by  Separatists,  a  religious  sect 
of  Wiirtemberg,  who  rebelled  against  the  formalities  of  the 
established  religion  because  they  did  not  seem  to  them  to 
make  people  better.  They  also  objected  to  war,  and  con- 
sequently could  not  serve  in  the  army.  Persecuted  on 
account  of  their  peculiarities,  they  fled  to  America,  and,  with 
the  assistance  of  Quakers  of  Philadelphia,  who  were  doubt- 
less drawn  to  them  by  similarity  of  belief,  they  acquired  the 
large  tract  of  land,  on  which  they  now  live.  The  commu- 
nistic order  was  an  afterthought,  and  was  established  in 


16  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

1819  in  order  to  save  the  property  of  all,  as  the  members 
did  not  seem  able  to  stand  alone,  many  of  them  not  being 
able  to  pay  for  their  separate  holdings.  They  continued  to 
thrive  many  years  under  the  leadership  of  Joseph  Baumeler, 
who  died  in  1853,  and  their  prosperity  has  continued 
unabated  since  his  day,  though  no  one  has  ever  attained  the 
same  esteem  and  the  same  position  in  leadership.  They 
now  own  several  thousand  acres  of  land,  besides  manufac- 
turing establishments,  and  all  their  property  is  valued  at  about 
a  million  and  a  half  of  dollars.  They  number  some  three 
hundred  and  ninety  souls  at  present,  so  that  the  per  capita 
wealth  is  about  $5,000,  while  in  the  whole  United  States  it  is 
estimated  to  be  under  $1,000.  They  live  in  families,  labor 
diligently,  but  do  not  overwork,  have  one  common  fund, 
and  get  whatever  they  need  without  money  and  without 
price.  They  are  religious,  but  do  not  appear  to  be  so 
devout  as  the  Harmonists  or  Shakers,  the  latter  of  whom, 
indeed,  believe  in  a  life  of  total  exemption  from  sin. 

The  membership  of  the  Amana  community,  or  communi- 
ties, for  there  are  seven  of  them,  is  much  larger.  This 
society  embraces  about  eighteen  hundred  members,  and 
owns  upwards  of  twenty-five  thousand  acres  of  land.  The 
Amana  community  originated  in  Germany  sixty-six  years 
ago,  and  established  the  order  of  communism  near  Buffalo  in 
1842,  whence  they  emigrated  to  Iowa  in  1855.  They 
furnish  the  most  remarkable  example  of  communism  in 
conjunction  with  the  institution  of  marriage  and  the  family 
to  be  found  in  this  country,  but  the  religious  life  with  them 
is  also  primary,  and  money-making  only  a  secondary  object. 

The  French  have  established  a  remarkable  community, 
called  Icaria,  in  which  they  have  attempted  to  realize  the 
pure  non-religious  communism  of  Cabet,  the  author  of 
the  charming  communistic  romance,  "Voyage  en  Icarie." 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  17 

The  Icarians  came  to  America  in  1848,  and  were  under  the 
personal  direction  of  Cabet  for  several  years,  during  which 
they  achieved  a  remarkable  degree  of  prosperity.  Their 
eventful  and  picturesque  history,  perhaps  the  most  interest- 
ing and  instructive  chapter  in  the  annals  of  this  early  Ameri- 
can communism,  is  narrated  in  Dr.  Shaw's  admirable  book, 
"  Icaria." l  The  work  "  Icaria,"  at  once  pathetic  and 
romantic,  gives  us  such  an  insight  into  the  nature  of  the 
earlier  phases  of  communism  in  America,  as  is  afforded  by 
no  other  publication,  and  to  it  the  reader  is  referred  for 
further  information  in  regard  to  this  subject. 

Not  one  of  these  communities  was  established  by  Ameri- 
cans. The  Shakers  are  now  composed,  it  is  probable, 
chiefly  of  Americans,  but  the  others  are  still  perhaps  foreign 
in  character.  But  native-born  citizens  have  also  founded 
communities,  and  of  them  the  most  prosperous  was  that  of 
the  Perfectionists,  at  Oneida,  New  York,  whose  builder  was 
John  Humphrey  Noyes,  son  of  a  member  of  Congress. 
The  family  of  Mr.  Noyes  is  one  of  the  best  in  the  country. 
The  former  minister  to  France,  who .  bore  the  same  name, 
was  a  distant  relative.  His  mother  was  a  Miss  Hayes,  and 
he  himself  was  first  cousin  to  ex-President  Hayes.  Mr. 
Noyes  was  a  well-educated  man,  having  studied  at  Dart- 
mouth and  Yale  Colleges  and  at  Andover  Theological 
Seminary.  He  was  a  man  of  fine  natural  ability,  with  great 
powers  as  a  leader.  This  community  was  remarkable  for 
the  number  of  college-bred  men  it  contained.  There  were 
several  graduates  from  Yale  among  them,  and  at  least  one 
graduate  from  Columbia  College  of  New  York. 

Several  peculiarities  of  the  Oneida  Perfectionists  are  cal- 
culated to  attract  attention.  They  believed  in  freedom  from 
sin,  though  in  this  they  did  not  differ  from  members  of 
i  New  York,  1884. 


18  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

other  communities,  in  particular  the  Shakers.  One  of  their 
most  remarkable  institutions  was  called  "  Mutual  Criticism," 
which  proved  so  useful  to  them  that  they  declared  it  im- 
possible to  establish  successful  communism  without  it.  With- 
out entering  into  a  lengthy  description  of  its  details,  it  may 
be  said  that  the  members  met  together  at  regular  intervals 
for  criticism  of  members  to  their  face.  This  was  designed 
to  take  the  place  of  gossip  and  backbiting  in  ordinary 
society  and  to  utilize  the  force  which  was  thus  wasted.  It 
is  said  that  it  was  sufficient  for  disciplinary  purposes,  that  it 
led  the  members  to  improve  themselves  in  mind,  soul,  and 
body,  and  rendered  every  member  more  agreeable  to  every 
other  member.  It  was  even  introduced  in  their  school,  and 
worked  successfully,  as  I  was  told,  by  their  schoolmaster. 
If  Master  Johnny  made  some  cruel  remark,  the  teacher 
would  perhaps  ask  one  of  his  mates  what  he  thought.  "  I 
don't  think  it  was  very  kind  of  Johnny  to  say  that."  Then 
as  the  young  man  was  under  criticism,  another  would  be 
asked,  "What  do  you  think  of  Johnny?  "  when  a  reply  like 
this  might  be  received  :  "  I  don't  think  he  is  very  polite  to 
the  girls.  He  teases  them  too  much."  And  as  one  after 
another  of  his  little  mates  expresses  an  opinion,  Master 
Johnny  blushes  and  hangs  his  head  in  shame  and  mortifica- 
tion, but  for  many  days  thereafter  he  is  a  model  boy.  The 
powers  attributed  to  mutual  criticism  were  marvellous,  and 
included  even  the  ability  to  heal  disease  when  administered 
to  the  sick. 

But  another  peculiarity  of  the  Perfectionists  was  their  free- 
love  practices  within  the  community  itself.  They  regarded 
the  community  as  one  great  family,  and  attempted  to  repress 
any  exclusive  affections  within  their  order.  They  held  that 
a  person  can  love  many  persons  at  the  same  time  as  well  as 
at  different  times,  and  regarded  exclusiveness  in  person  as 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  19 

sinful  for  them  as  in  property.  Diligent  students  of  Darwin, 
Huxley,  and  other  scientists,  they  attempted  to  apply  their 
principles  in  raising  men.1  All  this  was  so  repugnant  to  the 
moral  sense  of  the  people  of  New  York  State  that  it  brought 
upon  them  the  constant  ill  will  of  the  public,  and  finally 
threats  of  legislative  interference  and  suppression  by  law. 
Mr.  Noyes  found  it  expedient  to  fly  to  Canada,  where  he 
died,  April  13,  1886.  These  loose  practices  were  abandoned 
in  1879  ;  at  any  rate,  in  that  year  all  those  who  chose  were 
allowed  to  marry,  and  in  1881  the  society  became  an  ordi- 
nary joint- stock  concern,  and  so  terminated  this  communistic 
experiment ;  though  many  of  the  old  members  still  remain 
attached  to  their  former  principles  and  believe  in  their  ulti- 
mate triumph.  Economically,  the  Perfectionists  also  suc- 
ceeded. At  the  time  the  joint-stock  corporation  was  formed 
they  were  over  two  hundred  strong,  and  their  property  was 
valued  at  $600,000.  Their  credit  has  been,  and  as  a  corpo- 
ration is  still,  the  best.  They  pursued  a  diversified  industry, 
and  have  been  successful  as  agriculturists,  manufacturers,  and 
packers  of  fruit,  meats,  etc.  They  attribute  their  financial 
prosperity  largely  to  the  fact  of  the  variety  of  their  enter- 
prises, because  if  one  did  not  prosper,  another  would.  Their 
old  establishment — a  beautiful  place,  with  handsome  grounds 
and  fine  buildings  —  is  still  maintained,  as  well  as  a  large 
silver-plating  establishment  and  other  smaller  concerns  at 
Niagara.  They  claim  that  they  were  not  sensual,  but  exer- 
cised self-control,  and  point  to  their  success  in  business  as 
a  proof  of  their  assertions.  Odious  as  their  practices  must 

1  It  is  impossible  to  go  into  this  unpleasant  subject  further  in  a  work 
of  this  kind.  It  has  been  treated  from  a  medical  standpoint  by  Dr. 
Ely  Van  De  Warker  under  the  title  of  "  A  Gynecological  Study  of  the 
Oneida  Community,"  in  the  American  Journal  of  Obstetrics  and  Dis- 
eases of  Women  and  Children,  for  August,  1884. 


20  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

appear  to  one  who  believes  in  the  divinity  of  the  monogamic 
family,  it  seems  necessary  to  admit  that  they  lived  quietly 
and  peacefully,  and  conscientiously  discharged  all  financial 
engagements,  so  as  to  win  the  good-will  of  many  of  their  im- 
mediate neighbors.  They  did  not  design,  any  more  than  do 
the  Shakers,  to  take  the  whole  world  into  their  community 
life ;  but  evidently  intended  that  as  a  basis  for  literary  and 
other  propaganda.  Mr.  Noyes  desired  ultimately  to  estab- 
lish a  daily  newspaper  to  convert  the  world  to  his  views. 

Space  is  too  limited  to  permit  the  enumeration  of  the 
many  other  communities  established  in  America.  The  two 
great  periods  of  a  revival  of  interest  in  communism,  and  the 
foundation  of  village  communities  based  on  that  principle, 
are,  1826,  when  Robert  Owen  visited  this  country  and 
received  distinguished  attention  from  the  American  people, 
and  1842-46,  when,  under  the  lead  of  Horace  Greeley, 
Albert  Brisbane,  Charles  A.  Dana,  and  others,  Fourierism 
extended  itself  rapidly  over  the  country.  Mr.  Noyes  in  his 
work,  "  History  of  American  Socialisms,"  mentions  eleven 
communities  founded  during  the  first  period,  and  thirty-four 
which  owed  their  origin  to  the  second  revival  of  communism. 
It  is  safe  to  say  that  considerably  over  one  hundred,  possibly 
two  hundred,  communistic  villages  have  been  founded  in  the 
United  States,  although  comparatively  few  yet  live.  There 
are  perhaps  from  seventy  to  eighty  communities  at  present 
in  the  United  States,  with  a  membership  of  from  six  to  seven 
thousand,  and  property  the  value  of  which  may  be  roughly 
estimated  at  twenty-five  or  thirty  millions  of  dollars. 

The  history  of  the  Fourieristic  phalanxes  founded  in 
America  is  peculiarly  interesting  and  instructive.  They 
represent  a  compromise  between  communism  and  our 
present  industrial  system,  which  in  the  day  of  Fourierism  was 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  2i 

peculiarly  attractive  to  the  intellect  and  heart  of  our  Ameri- 
can people,  and  it  may  be  safely  said  that  no  radical  social 
movement  among  us  ever  received  such  generous  and  wide- 
spread support.  This  is  not  the  place  to  go  into  an  account 
of  Fourier's  teachings,1  but  it  may  be  said  that  the  central 
idea  was  to  effect  a  satisfactory  union  between  capital,  skill, 
and  labor  by  awarding  a  definite  fixed  share  to  each.  Albert 
Brisbane,  the  most  ardent  disciple  of  Fourierism  in  the 
United  States,  wrote  an  exposition  of  the  doctrine  entitled 
"  Social  Destiny  of  Man,  or  Association  and  Reorganization 
of  Industry."  The  work  was  published  in  Philadelphia  in 
1840  and  attracted  wide  attention  in  its  day.  The  chief 
I  organ  of  Fourier's  doctrine,  although  not  officially  called  such, 
\  was  the  New  York  Tribune,  then  edited  by  Horace  Greeley, 
whose  warm  heart  responded  eagerly  to  any  apparently 
rational  plan  for  the  amelioration  of  the  lot  of  man.  The 
three  most  celebrated  Fourieristic  phalanxes  were  the 

-  famous  Brook  Farm,  the  North  American  Phalanx,  and  the 

*  Wisconsin  Phalanx,  called  Ceresco.     Although  these  event- 
ually died  like  all  other  attempts  to  realize  the  Fourieristic 
ideal  in  the  United  States,2  they  were  not  devoid  of  a  certain 
success.     Brook  Farm  Jived  six  years  and  was  a  source  of 
gratification  and  perhaps  spiritual  and  moral  profit  to  its 
members.     Although  in  many  respects  poorly  managed,  it 
struggled  along  until  a  disastrous  fire  placed  too  heavy  a 
load  upon  its  members,  and  it  wound  up  its  affairs.     The 
Harbinger,  the  official  organ  of  Fourierism,  was  published 
at  Brook  Farm. 

The   North   American   Phalanx,  in   Monmouth   County, 

1  A  brief  resum6  may  be  found  in   Ely's  "  French   and  German 
Socialism,''  Chap.  V. 

2  M.  Godin's  successful  experiment  at  Guise,  France,  is  a  modifica- 
tion of  Fourierism. 


22  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

New  Jersey,  near  Red  Bank,  was  established  in  1843,  and 
was  wrecked  by  a  fire  in  1854,  although  it  lingered  until 
1856  before  it  drew  its  last  breath.  It  furnished  a  pleasant 
home  to  many,  and  descriptions  of  numerous  enjoyable 
occasions  at  the  North  American  may  still  be  read.  Not- 
withstanding its  losses,  it  was  able  to  pay  sixty-six  cents  on 
a  dollar  when  its  affairs  were  closed. 

The  Wisconsin  Phalanx  was  founded  in  1844,  and  finally 
became  Ripon  of  the  present  day.  It  prospered  greatly,  and 
finally  fell  apart  of  its  own  weight,  because  there  was  no  vital 
coherent  principle  to  hold  its  members  together.  It  paid 
one  hundred  and  eight  cents  on  the  dollar  in  1850.  The 
work  began  with  "unwonted  enthusiasm";  the  life  was 
agreeable ;  but  the  gold  fever  drew  off  some  of  the  young 
men  in  1848,  and  in  two  years  it  was  decided  to  return  to 
ordinary  industrial  life. 

What  appeared  to  be  the  strength  of  Fourierism  was, 
doubtless,  its  weakness.  It  was  a  compromise ;  an  attempt, 
as  it  were,  to  serve  two  masters.  The  Fourierites  always  kept 
back  something,  and  never  gave  their  entire  heart  to  this 
cause.  It  was  an  attempt  to  modify  essentially  the  principle 
of  private  property,  and  to  change  human  feeling  with  refer- 
ence to  it  while  still  retaining  it.  This  could  not  work  well ; 
at  any  rate,  did  not  work  well.  In  the  North  American 
Phalanx  the  members  invested  savings  outside  of  the  com- 
munity because  they  could  obtain  larger  returns  on  their 
capital,  and  the  capital  of  the  Phalanx  was  largely  the  prop- 
erty of  non-residents  who  became  tired  of  the  experiment, 
and  preferred  to  sell  the  property  rather  than  erect  new 
buildings  in  the  place  of  those  destroyed  by  fire,  although 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  communists  might  have 
prospered  for  some  years  to  come,  and  perchance  might 
indeed  have  become  the  one  successful  phalanx  in  America. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  23 

Again,  Fourierism  retained  sweeping  inequalities,  while  it 
condemned  the  inequalities  of  the  outside  world.  The  only 
successful  examples  of  communism  in  America  have  been 
forms  of  pure  communism  in  which  all  the  interests  of  the 
members  of  the  body  have  been  permanently  united  to  the 
body. 

Forty  years  ago  men  of  high  education  and  large  ability 
thought  that  communistic  villages  would  revolutionize  the 
economic  life  of  the  world.  The  process,  a  speedy  but 
peaceful  one,  was  viewed  in  this  way  :  The  community  where 
all  live  together  harmoniously  as  brothers  with  no  meum  et 
tuum,  but  with  all  things  in  common,  affords  the  only  escape 
from  the  warring,  competitive  world  of  the  present,  where 
some  die  of  excessive  indulgence  in  luxuries,  and  others  of 
starvation,  and  where  the  future  of  no  one  is  secure.  When 
a  few  communities  have  been  established,  the  happy  Chris- 
tian life  which  men  there  lead  will  attract  the  attention  of 
outsiders  and  win  them  to  join  the  brotherhood  of  commun- 
ism. Thus  community  will  follow  community  with  ever- 
accelerating  ratio  until  the  entire  earth  is  redeemed.  Cabet, 
for  example,  "  allowed  fifty  years  for  a  peaceful  transition  from 
our  present  economic  life  to  communism.  In  the  interval, 
various  measures  were  to  be  introduced  by  legislation  to  pave 
the  way  to  the  new  system.  Among  these  may  be  men- 
tioned communistic  training  for  children,  a  minimum  of 
wages,  exemption  of  the  poor  from  all  taxes,  and  progressive 
taxation  for  the  rich.  But  'the  system  of  absolute  equality, 
of  community  of  goods  and  of  labor,  will  not  be  obliged  to 
be  applied  completely,  perfectly,  universally,  and  definitely, 
until  the  expiration  of  fifty  years.'  Ml 

All  these  hopes  have  been  generally  abandoned  as  idle 
dreams,  and  it  is  due  largely  to  experiments  made  in 
1  Ely's  "  French  and  German  Socialism,"  p.  50. 


24  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

America  that  the  enthusiasts  of  fifty  and  sixty  years  ago 
have  been  disillusionized.  It  is  not  that  the  communistic 
life  itself  has  in  every  case  proved  a  disappointment.  On 
the  contrary,  thousands  have  clung  to  it  with  affection 
through  trial,  adversity,  and  evil  report,  and  have  felt  them- 
selves amply  repaid  for  every  sacrifice  in  their  new  life,  while 
others  who  have  abandoned  it,  have  looked  back  upon  their 
experience  with  fond  regret.  Thus  one  member  of  the 
celebrated  Brook  Farm  community  uses  these  words  with 
reference  to  their  feelings  in  regard  to  that  experiment : 
"The  life  which  we  now  lead,  though  to  a  superficial 
observer  surrounded  with  so  many  imperfections  and  em- 
barrassments, is  far  superior  to  what  we  were  ever  able  to 
attain  in  common  society.  There  is  a  freedom  from  the 
frivolities  of  fashion,  from  arbitrary  restrictions,  and  from  the 
frenzy  of  competition.  .  .  .  There  is  a  greater  variety  of 
employments,  a  more  constant  demand  for  the  exertion  of 
all  the  faculties,  and  a  more  exquisite  pleasure  in  effort, 
from  the  consciousness  that  we  are  laboring,  not  for  personal 
ends,  but  for  a  holy  principle  ;  and  even  the  external  sacri- 
fices which  the  pioneers  in  every  enterprise  are  obliged  to 
make,  are  not  without  a  certain  romantic  charm." 

But  the  communities  failed  to  win  adherents,  often  failed 
to  continue  their  own  existence.  Unthought-of  obstacles 
were  encountered  in  human  nature.  Idleness  was  an  evil 
occasionally  contended  with,  though  this  seems  rarely  to 
have  been  a  cause  of  any  serious  trouble.  Petty  jealousies 
have  proved  more  serious,  and  personal  differences,  such  as 
are  bound  to  spring  up  among  unregenerate  men  living  in 
any  close  connection,  have  been  rocks  upon  which  many  a 
community  has  made  shipwreck.  During  a  period  of 
poverty  the  struggle  for  existence  has  often  knit  the  mem- 
bers of  communities  firmly  together  into  a  compact  whole, 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  25 

which  has  become  disorganized  by  the  inability  to  endure 
the  severer  trials  of  a  period  of  prosperity  when  factions 
arise  and  party  bickerings  become  intolerable.  Then  the 
life  is  too  small  and  commonplace  to  satisfy  the  cravings 
of  many  of  larger  natures.  There  is  little  scope  for  ambi- 
tion, and  ambition  is  one  of  the  chief  traits  of  mankind. 
Zoar  furnishes  illustration.  The  young  men  of  ability  often 
long  for  a  wider  sphere  and  leave  on  that  account.  One 
of  these  seceders  was  recently  mayor  of  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Cleverly  contrived  and  fantastic  arrangements  like  those 
of  Fourieristic  phalanxes  have  never  been  found  to  exercise 
any  magic  qualities  either  on  converts  or  the  sinful  world. 
Men  have  not  been  attracted  sufficiently  to  join  the  com- 
munities in  large  numbers,  because,  either  for  good  or  for 
ill,  the  spirit  of  the  selfish  world  has  been  too  strong  to  be 
deeply  touched  by  the  spectacle  of  generous  self-renouncing 
communism.  The  flesh-pots  of  the  Egypt  of  competition 
have  proved  stronger  than  the  Canaan  of  communism, 
though  the  latter  even  now  often  flows  with  abundance  of 
milk  and  honey.  Yet  this  early  American  communism  has 
rich  lessons  to  teach  men  if  we  will  but  take  the  trouble 
to  gather  them,  and  we  have  reason  to  be  grateful  to  two 
classes  of  men  on  this  account. 

John  Stuart  Mill,  whose  writings  are  a  constant  rebuke  to 
narrow  and  petty  fears  entertained  by  those  who  dread  any 
innovation,  urged  long  ago  that  the  utmost  freedom  ought 
to  be  given  to  those  who  desire  to  conduct  social  experi- 
ments, and  that  they  should  indeed  be  encouraged  in  every 
way.  We  have  reason  to  be  grateful  that  America  has  been 
large  enough  and  brave  enough  to  afford  a  home  to  those 
who  desired  to  establish  communistic  settlements.  We 
have  reason  to  be  grateful  to  those  men  who  have  encount- 
ered the  prejudice  of  small  souls  and  have  shown  what  their 


26  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

settlements  can  do  and  also  what  they  cannot  do.  It  is 
much  to  be  desired  that  Americans  should  take  this  lesson 
to  heart ;  for  there  seems  to  be  at  present  among  us  an  un- 
American  fear  of  new  social  ideas,  whereas,  our  only  danger 
consists  in  a  dearth  of  them.  While  all  violence  either  of 
workingman  or  capitalist,  should  be  put  down  with  an  iron 
hand,  we  should  keep  our  minds  open  for  new  truth  and 
afford  every  opportunity  for  social  experiments.  We  can 
well  begin  our  consideration  of  the  lessons  we  have  to  learn 
from  our  communistic  settlements  by  a  long  quotation  from 
an  able  thinker  who  saw  much  of  them.  Horace  Greeley 
commenting  on  early  American  communism  in  his  "  Auto- 
biography," says  :  "We  stand,  then,  in  the  presence  of  this 
state  of  facts :  On  the  one  hand,  it  is  proved  difficult  to 
create  and  maintain  a  more  trustful  and  harmonious  social 
structure  out  of  such  materials  as  the  old  social  machinery 
has  formed,  —  or  rather,  we  may  say  practically,  out  of  such 
materials  as  the  old  machinery  has  expelled  and  rejected ; 
yet  we  know,  on  the  other  hand,  that  a  more  —  yes,  I  will 
say  it  —  Christian  Social  Order  is  not  impossible.  For  it  is 
more  than  half  a  century  since  the  first  associations  of  the 
gentle  ascetics  contemptuously  termed  Shakers,  were  formed  ; 
and  no  one  will  pretend  that  they  have  failed.  No ;  they 
have  steadily  and  eminently  expanded  and  increased  in 
wealth  and  every  element  of  material  prosperity,  until  they 
are  at  this  day  just  objects  of  envy  to  their  neighbors.  They 
produce  no  paupers ;  they  excrete  no  beggars ;  they 
have  no  idlers,  rich  or  poor;  no  purse-proud  nabobs, 
no  cringing  slaves.  So  far  are  they  from  pecuniary 
failure,  that  they  alone  have  known  no  such  word  as  fail, 
since,  amid  poverty  and  odium,  they  laid  the  foundations 
of  their  social  edifice,  and  inscribed  '  Holiness  to  the 
Lord'  above  their  gates.  They  may  not  have  attempted 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  27 

the  highest  nor  the  wisest  achievement;  but  what  they 
attempted  they  have  accomplished,  and,  if  there  were  no 
other  success  akin  to  theirs,  —  but  there  is,  —  it  would 
still  be  a  demonstrated  truth  that  men  and  women  can 
live  and  labor  for  general,  not  selfish,  good,  —  can  banish 
pauperism,  servitude,  and  idleness,  and  secure  general  thrift 
and  plenty,  by  moderate  co-operative  labor  and  a  complete 
identity  of  interests.  Of  this  truth,  each  year  offers  added 
demonstrations ;  but  if  they  were  all  to  cease  to-morrow,  the 
fact  that  it  had  been  proved,  would  remain.  Perhaps  no 
Plato,  no  Scipio,  no  Columbus,  no  Milton,  now  exists ;  but 
the  capacity  of  the  race  is  still  measured  and  assured  by  the 
great  men  and  great  deeds  that  have  been.  Man  can  work 
for  his  brother's  good  as  well  as  his  own ;  an  unbroken, 
triumphant  experience  of  half  a  century  has  established  the 
fact,  so  that  fifty  centuries  of  contrary  experience  would  not 
disprove  it." 

One  point  which  deserves  consideration  in  a  treatment 
of  American  communities  is  the  diversity  of  employment 
which  is  allowable  in  them.  This  gives  opportunity  for  a 
fuller  development  of  all  faculties  than  falls  to  the  lot  of  the 
ordinary  laborer,  and  also  gives  an  economic  security  to 
persons  who  follow  this  life,  which  is  something  unusual  in 
these  days.  There  have  been  many  failures  among  com- 
munities and  perhaps  more  relatively  than  in  ordinary 
business  enterprises,  but  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  any- 
thing which  could  cause  the  failure  of  the  Shakers  at  Mt. 
Lebanon,  and  very  likely  the  same  may  be  said  of  Zoar  and 
Amana. 

The  pleasure  of  co-operative  labor  is  a  noticeable  feature 
of  community  life  when  seen  at  its  best.  It  may  not  be 
greater  than  that  taken  by  the  artist  or  literary  man  in  his 
work,  but  it  far  surpasses  the  satisfaction  with  which  the 


28  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ordinary  isolated  laborer  performs  his  task.  It  is  work  of 
brothers  and  sisters  together  for  common  ends,  and  testi- 
mony in  favor  of  this  is  very  general.  A  former  member  of 
the  Icarian  community  uses  these  words  in  describing  his 
toil  while  a  resident  of  Icaria  :  "  We  all  worked  together  in 
groups  as  much  as  practicable,  first  at  one  thing,  then  at 
another,  thus  with  many  hands  making  our  work  light  and 
more  profitable  and  pleasant  at  the  same  time.  We  had 
neither  employer  or  employee,  but  we  were  all  equal 
partners,  and  by  thus  working  together  with  a  united 
interest  our  labor  was  more  like  a  game  of  pleasure  than 
the  tedious  and  tiresome  way  of  either  working  alone  or 
with  superiors  or  inferiors  in  the  shape  of  bosses  or  servants." 
The  communists  enjoy  good  health  and  live  to  great  age, 
and  I  think  it  is  true  of  them  generally  that  they  give 
much  attention  to  the  rules  of  health.  This  is  certainly  the 
case  with  the  Shakers,  with  whom  hygiene  is  a  matter  of  religion. 
"The  two  bases  of  morality,"  says  Daniel  Fraser,  a  Shaker 
with  whom  I  have  held  many  delightful  conversations,  "  are 
access  to  the  land  and  hygiene."  The  Shakers  expect  in 
the  future  to  abolish  disease  and  ill-health  from  among  them. 
Even  now  they  live  to  be  very  old.  There  had  been  three 
deaths  at  Mt.  Lebanon  during  the  year  previous  to  my  visit. 
Two  of  them  were  brothers  aged  eighty-seven  and  ninety- 
one  respectively.  The  third  was  a  sister  aged  one  hundred 
and  eight.  One  of  the  sisters  told  me  that  the  brother  aged 
eighty-seven  could  in  his  last  year  "  run  a  race  with  any  of 
the  boys."  She  said  further :  "  His  vitality  was  great  and 
his  mental  vigor  was  remarkable  to  the  last.  His  intellect 
was  wonderful.  He  could  hold  his  own  in  debate  with  any 
man  I  ever  saw."  Daniel  Fraser  is  between  eighty  and 
ninety,  and  his  intellectual  powers  seem  entirely  unimpaired, 
while  his  bodily  powers  are  still  good,  though  he  does  not 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  29 

work  so  long  and  so  steadily  as  the  younger  members.  He 
showed  me,  however,  with  justifiable  pride,  a  bed  of  onions 
which  had  been  his  special  care.  He  had  gone  over  the 
rows  several  times,  so  that  his  work  was  equivalent  to  hoeing 
one  row  three  miles  long  once.  Elder  Frederick  Evans 
is  seventy-eight,  but  does  not  look  old.  Even  animals 
seem  to  live  long  among  them.  When  I  went  with  Elder 
Frederick  to  gather  apples,  he  asked  me  how  old  I  took  the 
black  horse  before  the  wagon  to  be.  "  Twelve,"  I  replied. 
"He  is  thirty,"  said  Elder  Frederick;  abut  that  is  Shaker 
treatment,  not  the  world's."  Among  the  Economites  one 
may  see  men  and  women  of  seventy  and  eighty  who  are  still 
hale  and  hearty.  This  is  notably  the  case  with  their  leader, 
Jacob  Henrici,  who,  I  believe,  is  over  eighty. 

The  moral  is  obvious.  It  teaches  the  importance  of 
regular  habits,  simple,  wholesome  food,  attention  to  ventila- 
tion and  temperature  in  living  rooms,  and  the  benefits  of 
continued  labor. 

The  intelligence  of  the  communists  impressed  me  very 
favorably.  I  suppose  they  must  be  compared  with  people 
in  the  ordinary  walks  of  life ;  for  example,  with  the  average 
farmer's  family,  and  they  shine  by  comparison.  Among  the 
Economites  music  is  cultivated,  and  they  all  read  more  or 
less.  There  is  also  a  largeness  and  breadth  of  view  among 
them  which  is  sometimes  surprising.  With  one  of  the  aged 
Shakers  I  discussed  European  and  Oriental  politics  in  a 
most  interesting  manner ;  indeed,  I  do  not  know  that  I  ever 
listened  to  a  more  interesting  conversationalist.  The  dis- 
cussion embraced  the  Egyptian  policy  of  England  and  a 
comparison  of  the  moral  altitudes  of  Gladstone,  Parnell,  and 
Joseph  Chamberlain,  —  much  to  the  favor  of  the  latter,  it 
may  be  added. 

Reference  was  made  to  Robert  Ingersoll,  who,  it  seems 


30  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

to  me,  was  answered  effectively.  Re"nan  was  quoted,  an<! 
new  thoughts  were  given  me  about  personality  in  general, 
and  the  personality  of  God  in  particular.  The  conversa- 
tion was  full  of  quaint,  curious,  and  indeed  startling  ex- 
pressions. A  locomotive  was  described  as  "materialized 
invisibility."  In  speaking  of  English  politics,  in  which  he 
took  part  in  about  1830,  he  described  the  manner  in  which 
concessions  were  made  to  the  people  by  politicians,  who 
really  cared  nothing  for  them,  in  order  to  further  party 
interests,  and  then  added  thoughtfully,  "  It  is  rather  singular 
that  the  antagonisms  of  hell  promote  progress." 

At  another  time,  the  conversation  turned  to  the  Interna- 
tionalists, when  he  spoke  about  as  follows :  "  The  Interna- 
tionalists and  those  who  oppose  them,  and  those  who  create 
the  conditions  which  make  them  possible,  —  they  are  all  of 
them  in  hell.  Hell  is  harsh  unreasonableness,  sour  unrea- 
sonableness. Reasonableness  is  justice  —  the  recognition  of 
the  same  right  to  life  and  its  comforts  in  others  which  we 
have."  In  a  letter  since  received,  this  good  friend  writes  : 
"I  worship  God  through  the  manifestations  of  intelligent 
beneficence  and  wise  adaptations.  Were  all  equally  par- 
takers, effusions  of  gratitude  would  arise  of  themselves. 
Friend  Hughes 1  is  right  that  the  confusions  of  our  time  are 
due  because  society  is  at  strife  with  the  will  of  God  and  his 
Christ  To  destroy  Internationalism,  first  do  justice  to 
them ;  then  add  beneficence,  and  they  will  disappear  like 
snow  before  a  warm  sunshine.  In  love  ..." 

There  is  a  lesson  taught  by  these  communists  in  regard  to 
human  nature,  I  think.  Indolence  gives  them  little  trouble  ; 
among  the  Shakers,  I  have  not  heard  that  it  has  given  any 
whatever.  Alcander  Longley,  a  member  of  various  societies 

1  Reference  is  to  Thomas  Hughes,  author  of  "Tom  Brown  at 
Rugby." 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  31 

for  the  past  forty  years,  says  in  his  Communist?  under  date  of 
July  i,  1878  :  "The  testimony  of  all  communities  is  that  the 
lazy  are  easily  induced  to  work  by  a  little  friendly  criticism 
and  kind  persuasion."  It  appears  that  at  Oneida  it  was 
oftener  necessary  in  mutual  criticism  to  blame  members  for 
overwork  than  for  indolence.  In  letters  on  the  Shakers  to 
the  New  York  Tribune,  Mr.  E.  V.  Smalley  said :  "The  lack 
of  the  stimulus  of  individual  gain  seems  to  be  no  drawback. 
In  its  place  there  is  the  public  spirit  of  the  community, 
which  spurs  up  all  laggards,  and  a  strong  religious  conviction 
of  duty  that  makes  all  the  members  work  together 
harmoniously." 

To  one  who  knows  this,  the  air  of  thrift  and  the  scrupulous 
cleanliness  which  characterizes  many  communities  cannot  be 
a  matter  of  surprise.  Zoar  is,  however,  said  to  be  an  excep- 
tion. A  friend  writes  that  it  presents  an  untidy  appearance. 
I  am  unable  to  explain  what  is  the  cause  of  this  difference. 

Over  many  other  interesting  points  it  is  necessary  to  pass 
with  haste ;  for  early  American  communism,  after  all,  plays 
a  subordinate  part  in  the  American  labor  movement. 

The  spiritualism  of  the  Shakers,  so  well  described  by 
Howells  in  the  "  Undiscovered  Country,"  will  attract  the 
careful  student,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  a  strong  religious 
element  has  been  present  in  nearly  all  those  communities 
which  have  succeeded.  I  believe  this  goes  to  show  the 
necessity  of  an  ethical  tie  to  bind  together  not  merely  com- 
munistic communities  but  any  social  organization  whatever. 
Without  it  I  believe  every  society,  republican  or  monarchical, 
must  ultimately  perish. 

1  Published  in  St.  Louis.  He  has  published  it  as  he  has  had  means 
for  thirty  years  and  more.  Perhaps  it  is  the  only  existing  English 
organ  of  the  older  type  of  communism.  It  now  bears  the  name 
Altruist. 


32  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Remarkable  is  the  strength  of  character  which  community 
4fe  has  developed;  also  the  force  of  joint  enthusiasm  is 
noteworthy.  This  has  been  observed  frequently  at  Oneida. 
One  winter  all  were  ardently  pursuing  the  study  of  Greek, 
and  nearly  all  learned  the  language.  Mrs.  Noyes,  then  over 
sixty  years  of  age,  became  so  proficient  that  she  and  her  hus- 
band afterwards  were  accustomed  to  read  the  Greek  and  not 
the  English  New  Testament  together.  During  another  winter 
the  study  of  mathematics  absorbed  the  energies  of  all,  young 
and  old,  men  and  women.  It  was  decided  on  one  occasion 
that  the  use  of  tobacco  was  inexpedient;  whereupon  all 
addicted  to  it  at  once  abandoned  the  habit,  and  no  one  ever 
returned  to  it.  At  Economy  the  married  resolved  to  lead  a 
celibate  life,  and  have  ever  since  lived  together  as  brothers 
and  sisters.  These  instances  perhaps  show  a  power  in  con- 
centrated public  opinion  which  has  never  yet  been  fully 
utilized. 

It  is  a  matter  of  course  that  communists  are  temperate. 
They,  like  nearly  all  social  reformers,  place  woman  on  an 
equal  footing  with  man  in  every  relation  of  life. 

An  exquisite  consideration  for  others  is  often  shown.  At 
Mt.  Lebanon  I  was  taught  how  to  shut  a  door  so  as  not  to 
give  the  slightest  disturbance  to  any  one.  I  was  told  that 
that  was  a  lesson  in  Shakerism.  "  It  is  Shakerism,"  said 
Daniel  Fraser,  "reduced  to  the  point  of  a  phi." 

The  Shakers,  it  may  here  be  added,  expect  a  great  future. 
They  look  forward  to  six  cycles  and  believe  that  they  have 
just  emerged  from  the  first.1  One  of  them  writes:  "We 
have  but  begun  a  great  work.  It  works  against  no  reforms, 
but  co-operates  with  and  embraces  them  all." 

1  At  any  rate,  this  is  the  opinion  one  of  them,  Elder  Frederick, 
expressed.  I  believe,  however,  that  they  allow  great  latitude  of  opinion 
on  matters  which  they  do  not  regard  as  essentials. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COMMUNISM.  33 

When  my  friend,  Professor  Knight,  visited  Zoar,  he 
endeavored  to  get  a  brief  resume"  of  the  benefits  of  com- 
munism as  they  presented  themselves  to  a  communist,  by 
asking  one  of  the  trustees  to  state  the  superiorities  of  their 
life  over  "  the  industrial  and  social  system  of  the  outside 
world,"  and  he  replied  without  hesitation  about  as  follows : 
"We  all  live  comfortably,  we  don't  have  to  worry  about 
money  matters,  we  are  all  on  an  equality,  and  we  are  sure 
of  being  taken  care  of  when  we  are  too  old  to  work.  Can  ^ 
you  say  the  same  for  everybody  where  you  live?"1 

Early  American  communism  is  not  adapted  to  modern 
economic  life,  and  as  an  attempt  to  establish  a  world  system 
may  be  regarded  as  antiquated,  though  it  may  not  be  exact 
to  say,  as  I  once  did,  that  "  it  exists  only  as  a  curious  and 
interesting  survival."  I  like  to  think  that  it  has  still  a 
mission  to  perform,  though  not  that  which  its  early  advocates 
hoped.  In  particular  is  it  earnestly  to  be  desired  that  such 
vast  possessions  as  those  of  the  Harmonists  may  be  pre- 
served for  social  experimentation  in  the  future.  If  wisely 
conducted,  their  wealth  would  then  forever  be  a  blessing  to 
mankind. 

Early  American  communism  has  accomplished  much 
good  and  little  harm.  Its  leaders  have  been  actuated  by 
noble  motives,  have  many  times  been  men  far  above  their 
fellows  in  moral  stature,  even  in  intellectual  stature,  and 
have  desired  only  to  benefit  their  kind.  Its  aim  has  been 
to  elevate  man,  and  its  ways  have  been  ways  of  peace. 

1  Quoted  by  kind  permission  from  Professor  Knight's  manuscript  o* 
Zoar. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE  GROWTH   AND  PRESENT   CONDITION   OF 
LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS   IN   AMERICA. 

I.    FIRST  PERIOD,  1800-1861. 


/^^VRGANIZED  labor  is  labor  in  its  normal  condition. 

V^/  Unions  of  laborers  may  be  traced  back  in  European 
history  for  at  least  six  hundred  years  ;  and  it  is  probable  that 
in  whatever  period  and  in  whatever  country  we  are  able  to 
find  large  masses  of  free  laborers  thrown  together,  careful 
research  will  reveal  to  us  at  least  the  germs  of  labor  organ- 
izations. Association  is  so  natural  to  man,  and  its  benefits 
so  great,  that  it  is  ever  sought,  and,  indeed,  more  and  more 
sought  with  the  progress  of  civilization.  Isolation  is  weak- 
ness, but  union  is  strength. 

Nevertheless,  little  or  nothing  was  heard  of  labor  organ- 
izations in  America  one  hundred  years  ago,  and  even  in 
Europe  their  older  forms  were  passing  away,  and  the  more 
modern  trades-unions  had  not  been  developed.  It  was  a 
transition  period  between  old  and  new  institutions,  and  was 
a  point  of  rest  like  that  between  the  outgoing  and  the 
incoming  tide.  Doubtless  Adam  Smith  described  correctly 
the  causes  which  then  led  to  the  appearances  of  labor  in 
public  discussion,  when  he  said,  "In  the  public  deliberations, 
therefore,  his  (the  laborer's)  voice  is  little  heard  and  less 
regarded,  except  upon  some  particular  occasions,  when  his 
clamor  is  set  on  and  supported  by  his  employers,  not  for 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  35 

his  own,  "but  their  own  particular  purposes."  In  another 
place  Adam  Smith  explains  the  appearance  of  the  workmen 
before  the  public  in  the  assertion  that  manufacturers  "in- 
fluence their  workmen  to  attack  with  violence  and  outrage  " 
those  who  propose  the  abolition  of  restrictions  on  the 
freedom  of  trade. 

While  it  is  evident  that  the  times  have  changed  radically 
since  Adam  Smith's  "  Wealth  of  Nations "  appeared  in 
1776,  his  explanation  of  the  appearance  of  the  working 
classes  in  public  discussions  and  his  view  of  the  cause  of 
violence  on  their  part,  still  hold  true  with  regard  to  a 
minority,  though  doubtless  a  very  small  minority,  of  the 
occasions  when  laborers  figure  in  riots  and  in  legislative 
deliberations.  Thus  in  the  history  of  the  Camden  and 
Amboy  Transportation  Company  we  read  of  a  disturbance 
instigated  by  the  officers  of  that  company  and  directed 
against  an  obnoxious  rival  to  ruin  his  business.  A  riot 
ensued,  and  one  man  was  killed.  Mr.  Hudson,  in  his  able 
work  "  The  Railways  and  the  Republic,"  tells  us  that  work- 
men of  the  Standard  Oil  Company  packed  a  public  meeting 
in  Pittsburgh  and  "  howled  down  every  speaker  advocating 
commercial  freedom  in  the  oil  trade."  A  suit  is  now 
pending  against  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company  on 
account  of  violence  perpetrated  by  its  agents  in  cutting  the 
wires  of  a  rival  line.  Within  a  day's  ride  from  the  city  in 
which  I  live,  workingmen  in  a  certain  branch  of  industry  are 
occasionally  surprised  to  see  in  their  morning's  paper  that 
they  are  on  a  strike,  and  to  discover  that  one  has  been 
inaugurated  by  the  manufacturers  to  convey  the  impression 
that  their  goods  will  be  scarce,  and  thus  work  off  a  stock  on 
hand.1 

1  For  an  example  of  a  manufacturer's  incitement  to  riot  in  ancient 
iimes,  see  Acts  XJX,  vy, 


36  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

It  is  necessary  to  mention  these  cases  to  call  attention  to 
the  fact  that  sometimes  what  appears  to  be  a  movement  of 
labor  is  in  reality  a  movement  of  capital,  which,  like  labor, 
is  at  times  unscrupulous.  Instances  of  the  kind  described 
are  undoubtedly  far  more  numerous  than  is  ordinarily 
supposed ;  still  they  are  the  exception.  When  we  hear  of 
the  laborer  in  these  days,  it  is  as  a  rule  —  provided  we 
except  discussions  on  the  tariff — because  he  himself  has 
made  some  move  which  has  called  attention  to  him. 

I  find  no  traces  of  anything  like  a  modern  trades-union 
in  the  colonial  period  of  American  history,  and  it  is  evident 
on  reflection  that  there  was  little  need,  if  any,  of  organiza- 
tion on  the  part  of  labor  at  that  time.  -Unions  of  working- 
men  always  arise  where  there  is  a  large  and  distinct  laboring 
class  gathered  together  in  industrial  centres ;  but  then  there 
was  scarcely  such  a  class,  and  there  was  then  no  great  city 
in  the  country ;  for  even  in  1 790,  when  the  first  census  was 
taken,  there  was  but  one  city  in  the  United  States  with  a 
population  between  forty  thousand  and  seventy-five  thou- 
sand inhabitants,  and  it  was  not  until  1840  that  we  could 
claim  a  city  of  half  a  million  souls.  The  population  was 
chiefly  agricultural,  and  the  labor  of  the  farm  was  for  the 
most  part  performed  by  independent  farmers  who  tilled 
their  own  soil.  Doubtless  the  "  hired  man  "  could  always 
be  found  in  the  North,  but  no  thought  of  organization 
occurred  to  him,  and  if  there  had  been  any  reason  for 
organization,  his  isolation,  and  the  unsteady  character  of  his 
employment,  would  have  rendered  it  well-nigh  impossible. 
But  as  an  individual  he  could  treat  with  his  individual 
employer,  and  abundance  of  unoccupied  land  furnished 
him  a  frequent  escape  from  a  subordinate  position.  There 
were  comparatively  few  slaves  in  the  North,  and  these  were 
employed  in  households  or  in  separate  occupations,  and  did 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  37 

not  affect  greatly  the  general  condition  of  labor.  The  labor 
of  the  South,  on  the  other  hand,  was  performed  chiefly  by 
slaves  until  our  late  Civil  War,  and  this  fact  rendered  organ- 
ization impossible  in  that  section. 

Such  manufacturing,  as  was  found,  consisted  largely  in  the 
production  of  values-in-use.  Clothing,  for  example,  was 
spun  and  woven,  and  then  converted  into  garments  in  the 
household  for  its  various  members.  The  artisans  comprised 
chiefly  the  carpenter,  the  blacksmith,  and  the  shoemaker ; 
many  of  whom  worked  in  their  own  little  shops  with  no 
employees,  while  the  number  of  subordinates  in  any  one 
shop  was  almost  invariably  small,  and  it  would  probably 
have  been  difficult  to  find  a  journeyman  who  did  not  expect, 
in  a  few  years,  to  become  an  independent  producer. 

What  might  be  expected  actually  happened.  Artisans  and 
mechanics  were  a  bold  and  spirited  body  of  men  who  exerted 
an  influence  in  affairs,  though  they  do  not  appear  in  history 
as  organizations  pitted  against  their  employers.  "Below 
the  merchants,"  says  Professor  Hosmer  in  his  description  of 
the  people  of  Boston,1  "  the  class  of  workmen  formed  a  body 
most  energetic.  .  .  .  The  caulkers  were  bold  politicians. 
The  rope-walk  hands  were  energetic  to  turbulence,  courting 
the  brawls  with  the  soldiers  which  led  to  the  '  Boston  Mas- 
sacre.' "  The  "  Caulkers'  Club  "  was  a  body  formed  for 
political  purposes,  designed,  in  fact,  "  to  lay  plans  for  intro- 
ducing certain  persons  into  places  of  trust  and  power." a 
The  father  of  Samuel  Adams  was  prominent  in  it  in  1724, 
and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  term  caucus  was  derived 
from  these  workmen. 

The  first  years  of  the  nineteenth  century,  however,  wit- 
ness the  beginning  of  a  change,  although  the  urban  popula- 

1  See  his  "  Samuel  Adams  "  in  the  American  Statesmen  series. 
*  See  "Samuel  Adams,"  p.  15. 


38  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

tion  of  the  country  scarcely  exceeded  four  per  cent  of  the 
entire  population.  Something  very  like  a  modern  strike 
occurred  in  the  year  1802.  The  sailors  in  New  York  re- 
ceived ten  dollars  a  month,  but  wished  an  increase  of  four 
dollars  a  month,  and  endeavored  to  enforce  their  demands 
by  quitting  work.  It  is  said  that  they  marched  about  the 
city,  accompanied  by  a  band,  and  compelled  seamen, 
employed  at  the  old  wages,  to  leave  their  ships  and  join 
them.  But  the  iniquitous  combination  and  conspiracy  laws, 
which  viewed  concerted  action  of  laborers  as  a  crime,  were 
then  in  force  in  all  modern  lands,  and  "  the  constables  were 
soon  in  pursuit,  arrested  the  leader,  lodged  him  in  jail,  and 
so  ended  the  earliest  of  labor  strikes." l 

The  most  primitive  form  of  labor  organizations  is  the 
union  of  one  class  of  employees  in  a  single  place  with  no 
connection  with  laborers  working  in  other  localities  or  at 
other  callings.  Such  unions  are  found  here  and  there  in 
the  United  States  from  1800  to  1825,  though  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  gained  any  considerable  influence  before  the 
latter  year.  The  "  New  York  Society  of  Journeymen  Ship- 
wrights" was  incorporated  April  3,  1803,  and  a  union  of 
the  "  House  Carpenters  of  the  City  of  New  York  "  was  in- 
corporated in  1806. 

The  compositors  of  New  York  must  have  been  organized 
early  in  the  century,  for  they  seem  (jto  have  had  a  strong 
society  in  1817,  when  Thurlow  Weed  was  elected  a  member. 
It  was  called  the  "  NewYork  Typographical  Society,"  and 
Peter  Force  was  its  President. '  In  the  following  year  the 

1  See  McMaster's  "  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  Vol. 
II.,  p.  618.  . 

Police  interference  is  still  everywhere  lawful  and,  of  course,  proper, 
in  case  of  recourse  to  violence,  but  then  the  combination  of  laborers 
in  itself  was  generally  regarded  as  illegal. 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  39 

society  took  advantage  of  Mr.  Weed's  residence  in  Albany 
to  secure  its  incorporation.  "  I  remember,"  writes  Mr. 
Weed,  in  his  Autobiography,1  "  with  what  deference  I  then 
ventured  into  the  presence  of  distinguished  members  of  the 
legislature,  and  how  sharply  I  was  rebuked  by  two  gentlemen 
who  were  quite  shocked  at  the  idea  of  incorporating  jour- 
neymen mechanics.  The  application,  however,  was  success- 
ful." There  was  also  a  typographical  society  in  Albany  in 
1821 ;  for  in  that  year  a  strike  was  ordered  in  the  office  in 
which  Mr.  Weed  was  employed,  because  one  of  the  compos- 
itors was  a  "rat,"  as  those  printers  are  called  who  do  not 
belong  to  a  union.  This  shows  the  growth  of  a  strong  union 
feeling,  and  may  be  taken  as  evidence  of  some  age  on  the 
part  of  the  "Typographical  Society  "  in  that  city. 

All  these  unions,  it  will  be  noticed,  were  located  in  New 
York  State,  and  I  find  no  record  of  a  trades-union  elsewhere 
until  the  "  Columbian  Charitable  Society  of  Shipwrights  and 
Caulkers  of  Boston  and  Charlestown"  was  formed  in  1822. 
The  following  year  they  were  granted  a  charter  by  the  legis- 
lature of  Massachusetts.  Their  charter  empowered  them 
"  to  have  and  use  a  common  seal,  and  to  make  by-laws  for 
the  governing  of  the  affairs  of  said  association,  and  the 
management  and  application  of  its  funds ;  and  also  for  pro- 
moting inventions  and  improvements  in  their  art,  by  grant- 
ing premiums,  to  assist  mechanics  with  loans  of  money,  and 
to  relieve  the  distresses  of  unfortunate  mechanics  and  their 
families." 

Though  the  first  quarter  of  this  century  may  perhaps  be 
considered  as  a  germinal  period,  preceding  the  modern 
labor  movement,  and  preparing  the  way  for  it,  that  move- 
ment itself,  so  far  as  it  is  represented  by  organizations  of 
laborers  designed  to  improve  their  condition  as  laborers, 
1  Page  69. 


40  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

may  be  regarded  as  beginning  with  the  year  1825  ;  not  that 
any  important  event  divided  the  history  of  labor  before  that 
period  from  its  subsequent  history,  but  that,  roughly  speak- 
ing, at  about  that  time,  a  new  spirit  and  a  new  purpose  be- 
gan to  animate  the  laboring  classes.  They  became  more 
conscious  of  their  existence  as  a  distinct  part  of  the  commu- 
nity, and  with  interests  to  a  certain  extent  not  identical  with 
those  of  other  social  classes,  and  very  naturally  the  idea  of 
class  action  on  a  larger  scale  than  hitherto  became  more 
familiar  to  workmen ;  and  from  that  time  forward  this  idea 
has  been  cherished  among  them.  It  is  easy  then  to  charac- 
terize the  movement  of  labor  organizations  during  the  first 
period  of  their  history,  in  the  United  States,  which  may  be 
said  to  terminate  with  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  be- 
tween North  and  South. 

An  increasing  number  of  local  unions  is  formed ;  at  times 
unions  of  artisans  of  various  trades  in  a  certain  section  join 
hands  for  common  action ;  gradually  the  skilled  laborers, 
pursuing  the  same  trade,  form  the  idea  of  national  unions, 
urged  on  doubtless  by  the  increased  facilities  of  transporta- 
tion and  communication  which  rendered  national  trade  soci- 
eties at  once  possible  and  desirable,  since  the  competition 
of  artisans  and  mechanics  with  one  another  ceased  to  be 
local,  and  transcended  the  boundaries  of  several  states. 
Early  in  our  history,  when  travel  was  difficult  and  the  post- 
office  still  in  a  primitive  condition,  it  would  have  been  well- 
nigh  impossible  to  form  any  national  union  of  laborers ;  and 
the  advantages  of  such  association  would  have  been  less 
obvious  at  a  time  when  each  region  of  country  was  for  most 
purposes  a  little  world  in  itself.  During  this  first  period 
political  action  as  an  instrument  of  social  amelioration  is 
frequently  urged,  and  we  begin  to  hear  of  workingmen's 
parties. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  41 

The  two  cities  most  prominent  in  the  struggles  of  organ- 
ized labor  from  1825  to  1861  are  Boston  and  New  York, 
as  they  were  the  chief  cities  to  attract  our  attention  in  the 
earlier  history  of  labor  just  considered.  In  the  year  1820 
two  Englishmen,  George  Henry  Evans  and  Frederick  W- 
Evans,  landed  in  New  York,  and  very  soon  began  to  exercise 
a  perceptible  influence  upon  American  thought,  an  influence 
which  the  careful  student  of  our  history  may  still  discover 
working  among  us.  George  Henry,  the  elder,  was  a  land- 
reformer,  much  in  the  line  of  Henry  George's  theory, 
holding  that  man  had  a  right  to  the  usufruct  of  land  only ; 
and  the  present  agitators  for  the  abolition  of  rent  may  owe 
perhaps  more  than  they  suppose  to  their  predecessors,  who 
appeared  in  the  field  fifty  years  and  more  ago.1  The  two 
brothers  published  the  "  Workingman's  Advocate  "  during 
a  part  of  the  five  years  between  1825  and  1830  in  New 
York  City,  and  it  is  possible  that  this  was  the  first  appear- 
ance of  a  representative  of  the  labor  press  in  the  United 
States.  The  "Workingman's  Advocate"  was  succeeded 
by  the  "Daily  Sentinel,"  and  finally  by  "Young  America." 
Their  demands,  printed  at  the  head  of  "  Young  America," 
although  then  radical  in  the  extreme,  were  endorsed  by  six 
hundred  papers,  and  have  in  some  instances  been  granted. 
An  enumeration  of  them  will  show,  on  the  one  hand,  how 
advanced  was  the  economic  thought  of  the  laborers  at  that 
time ;  on  the  other,  how  great  an  influence  these  brothers, 
and  the  small  band  of  workers  gathered  about  them,  have 
exerted  upon  our  national  life.  The  twelve  demands  were 
as  follows  :  — 

"  First.  The  right  of  man  to  the  soil,  ',Vote  yourself  a  farm.' 

1  Authority  is  the  "  Autobiography  of  a  Shaker,"  by  Elder  Frederick 
W.  Evans.  It  is  now  published  in  book  form,  but  it  appeared  first  in 
the  "  Atlantic  Monthly." 


42  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

"  Second.  Down  with  monopolies,  especially  the  United 
States  Bank. 

"  Third.     Freedom  of  public  lands. 

"  Fourth.     Homesteads  made  inalienable. 

"  Fifth.     Abolition  of  all  laws  for  the  collection  of  debts 

"  Sixth.     A  general  bankrupt  law. 

"  Seventh.  A  lien  of  the  laborer  upon  his  own  work  foi 
his  wages. 

"  Eighth.    Abolition  of  imprisonment  for  debt. 

"  Ninth.     Equal  rights  for  women  with  men  in  all  respects. 

"  Tenth.     Abolition  of  chattel  slavery,  and  of  wages  slavery. 

"Eleventh.  Land  limitation  to  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres ;  no  person  after  the  passage  of  this  law  to  become 
possessed  of  more  than  that  amount  of  land.  But  when  a 
land  monopolist  died,  his  heirs  were  to  take  each  his  legal 
number  of  acres,  and  be  compelled  to  sell  the  overplus, 
using  the  proceeds  as  they  pleased. 

"Twelfth.  Mails  in  the  United  States  to  run  on  the 
Sabbath." 

A  " Workingman's  Convention"  met  at  Syracuse,  New 
York,  in  1830,  and  nominated  Ezekiel  Williams  for  governor, 
who  received,  however,  less  than  three  thousand  votes. 
Greater  success  attended  theu-  efforts  in  New  York  City  in 
the  same  year,  for  the  "  Workingmen's  party  "  joined  forces 
with  the  Whigs  and  elected  three  or  four  members  of  the 
legislature.1 

These  men  finally  formed  what  became  known  in  our  his- 
tory as  the  Loco-Foco  party,  and  cast  their  influence  on  the 
side  of  the  Democratic  party,  as  that  promised  a  larger 
number  of  concessions  to  them.  They  believed  that  it  was 
their  influence  which  made  the  election  of  Andrew  Jackson 
a  possibility ;  and  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  the 
1  See  Thurlow  Weed's  Autobiography,  pp.  367  and  404. 


LABOR   ORGAN IZA  TIONS  IN  AMERICA.  43 

Democratic  party  from  1829  to  1841  was  more  truly  a  work- 
ingman's  party  than  has  been  the  case  with  any  other  great 
political  party  in  our  country,  or  with  that  party  either 
before  or  since. 

George  Henry  Evans  became  a  friend  of  Horace  Greeley, 
and  followed  with  active  interest  the  political  movements  of 
the  country  up  to  the  time  of  his  decease,  which  occurred 
about  1870.  The  younger  brother,  Frederick  W.  Evans, 
joined  the  Shakers  at  Mount  Lebanon  in  1831,  and  now  one 
of  then-  leading  men  is  familiarly  known  among  them  as 
Elder  Frederick.  He  still  main  tains  his  radical  social  views, 
and  they  form  part  of  his  religion.  One  of  the  three  days  I 
passed  with  the  Shakers  at  Mount  Lebanon,  in  the  summer 
of  1885,  was  fortunately  a  Sunday,  and  I  had  the  pleasure 
of  listening  to  an  address  from  Elder  Frederick.  I  must 
confess  that  it  sounded  strange  to  me  to  hear  the  views  I 
had  associated  with  Henry  George  preached  as  part  of  a 
religious  system ;  and  it  was  a  surprise  to  me  to  learn  that 
the  Elder  had  been  preaching  them  for  fifty  years  and  more. 

The  next  event  to  attract  our  attention  in  New  York 
is  an  address  delivered  before  "  The  General  Trades- tTnions 
of  the  City  of  New  York,"  at  Chatham  Street  Chapel,  on 
Dec.  2,  1833,  by  Ely  Moore,  President  of  the  Union. 
This  General  Trades- Union,  as  its  name  indicates,  was  a 
combination  of  subordinate  unions  "  of  the  various  trades 
and  arts  "  in  New  York  City  and  its  vicinity,  and  is  the 
earliest  example  in  the  United  States,  so  far  as  I  know,  of 
those  Central  Labor  Unions  which  attempt  to  unite  all  the 
workingmen  in  one  locality  in  one  body,  and  which  have 
now  become  so  common  among  us.1  The  address  of  Mr. 
Moore  is  characterized  by  a  more  modem  tone  than  is 

1  They  are  also  called  Trades  and  Labor  Assemblies,  Trades  and 
Labor  Councils,  and  Federations  of  Labor  in  various  places. 


44  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

found  in  most  productions  of  the  labor  leaders  of  that 
period.  TThe  object  of  these  unions  is  stated  to  be  "  to 
guard  against  the  encroachments  of  aristocracy,  to  pre- 
serve our  natural  and  political  rights,  to  elevate  our  moral 
and  intellectual  condition,  to  promote  our  pecuniary  inter- 
ests, to  narrow  the  line  of  distinction  between  the  journey- 
man and  employer,  to  establish  the  honor  and  safety  of 
our  respective  vocations  upon  a  more  secure  and  permanent 
basis,  and  to  alleviate  the  distresses  of  those  suffering  from 
want  of  employment." 

The  right  of  laborers  to  combine  for  the  protection  of 
their  interests  is  vigorously  maintained,  and  the  position  is 
taken  that  their  General  Trades-Union  will  diminish  the 
number  of  strikes  and  lock-outs,  and  not  increase  them,  as 
their  opponents  had  claimed.  Two  extracts,  quoted  from 
their  Constitution  to  show  this,  are  as  follows  :  "  Each  trade 
or  art  may  represent  to  the  Convention,  through  their  dele- 
gate, their  grievances,  who  shall  take  cognizance  thereof, 
and  decide  upon  the  same." 

"  No  trade  or  art  shall  strike  for  higher  wages  than  they 
at  present  receive  without  the  sanction  of  the  Convention." 

Two  or  three  years  later  there  was  sufficient  class  feeling 
in  New  York  to  enable  Mr.  Moore  to  secure  an  election  to 
Congress  as  a  representative  of  the  workingmen. 

"  The  Workingman's  Manual :  a  New  Theory  of  Political 
Economy,  on  the  Principle  of  Production  the  Source  of 
Wealth,  including  an  Enquiry  into  the  Principles  of  Public 
Currency,  the  Wages  of  Labor,  the  Production  of  Wealth, 
the  Distribution  of  Wealth,  Consumption  of  Wealth,  Popular 
Education,  and  the  Elements  of  Social  Government  in  Gen- 
eral, as  they  appear  open  to  the  Scrutiny  of  Common  Sense 
and  Philosophy  of  the  Age  ;  "  —  all  this  is  the  long  and  am- 
bitious title  of  a  noteworthy  book  written  by  Stephen  Simp- 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  45 

son,  of  Philadelphia,  and  published  in  that  city  in  the  year 
1831.  It  bears  the  motto  "Governments  were  instituted 
for  the  happiness  of  the  many,  not  the  benefit  of  the  few," 
and  is  dedicated  "  to  the  shade  of  Jefferson." 

Like  the  address  of  Ely  Moore  in  New  York,  this  work 
gives  evidence  of  a  good  deal  of  previous  agitation  of  the 
labor  problem.  The  working  classes  are  told  that  the  old 
political  parties  offer  them  no  hope  of  satisfactory  reforms, 
and  they  are  urged  to  support  the  "  Party  of  the  Working- 
men,"  which,  "resisting  the  seductions  of  fanatics  on  the 
one  hand  and  demagogues  on  the  other,"  presses  forward 
in  "the  path  of  science  and  justice,  under  the  banner  of 
labor  the  source  of  wealth,  and  industry  the  arbiter  of  its 
distribution'' 

The  economic  evils  of  the  country  are  explained,  and 
remedies  for  them  are  pointed  out. 

Jefferson  is  lauded  by  Simpson  for  "  the  Declaration  of 
our  Independence ;  for  the  abolishment  of  the  laws  of  en- 
tail and  primogeniture,  and  other  sanative  and  benevolent 
schemes,  having  for  their  object,  the  equalization  of  fortunes, 
the  just  distribution  of  property,  and  the  diffusive  happi- 
ness of  the  whole  people."  But  objection  is  raised  to  the 
alleged  fact  that  the  "  Declaration  of  Independence  "  is  still 
only  a  body  of  theoretical  principles,  because  feudal  laws 
and  customs,  as  well  as  European  fashions,  sentiments,  and 
literature,  have  maintained  old-world  abuses  among  us  j  never- 
theless, forcible  equalization  of  fortunes  is  repudiated  as  a  worse 
injustice,  if  possible,  than  the  present  system.  Measures  are 
urged,  designed  to  prevent  monopoly,  and  to  apportion  the 
product  of  industry  among  the  members  of  the  community, 
more  nearly  in  proportion  to  services  rendered  to  society.  It 
is  urged,  that  although  labor  is  the  source  of  wealth, — since 
"natural  agents  are  but  the  basis  of  human  industry,"  — 


46  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

those  who  toil  not  live  in  luxury,  while  the  honest  laborer 
suffers  the  pangs  of  hunger.  Nature  has  furnished  sufficient 
means  for  the  comfort  of  all,  but  unjust  arrangements  have 
brought  such  a  state  of  things  to  pass,  that  the  lord  of  ten 
thousand  acres  is  "  tortured  on  his  sick  couch  by  the  agonies 
of  repletion,  whilst  the  laborer  famishes  at  his  gate." 

The  chief  sources  of  unjust  inequality  in  the  distribution 
of  wealth  are  found  in  the  "  funding  system,"  which  led  to 
the  monopoly  of  stock,  and  those  royal  grants  which  led  to 
the  monopoly  of  land,  and  regret  is  expressed  that  royal 
titles  to  land  were  not  forever  abolished  when  the  Federal 
Constitution  was  adopted. 

A  third  source  of  injustice  is  found  in  the  Common  Law 
of  England,  which  grew  up  in  an  aristocratical  and  monarchi- 
cal country,  and  as  not  suitable  for  a  republic,  ought  not  to 
have  been  adopted  in  this  country. 

The  remedies  proposed  are  simple.  Violence  and  blood- 
shed are  condemned,  and  the  intelligent  use  of  the  ballot  is 
commended.  Public  opinion  ought  to  be  educated  so  that 
labor  may  become  respectable ;  for  now,  the  writer  com- 
)lains,  "  the  children  of  toil  are  as  much  shunned  in  society 
as  if  they  were  leprous  convicts  just  emerged  from  loath- 
some cells." 

Corporations  and  monopolies,  continues  our  author,  ought 
to  be  discouraged,  for  "  capital,  banks,  and  monopolies,"  as 
oppressors  of  the  people,  have  taken  the  place  of  the  barons, 
lords,  and  bishops  of  Old  England.  The  condemnation  of 
the  old  combination  laws  is  rather  bitter,  though  certainly 
just.  "If  mechanics  combine  to  raise  their  wages,"  says 
Simpson,  "  the  laws  punish  them  as  conspirators  against  the 
good  of  society,  and  the  dungeon  awaits  them  as  it  does  the 
robber.  But  the  laws  have  made  it  a  just  and  meritorious 
act  that  capitalists  shall  combine  to  strip  the  man  of  labor 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  47 

of  his  earnings,  and  reduce  him  to  a  dry  crust  and  a  gourd 
of  water." 

Imprisonment  for  debt  is  condemned  as  another  grave 
abuse,  and  its  abolition  is  urged  on  economic  as  well  as  on 
humanitarian  grounds,  since  the  removal  of  power  to  im- 
prison the  debtor  would  lead  to  the  curtailment  of  dis- 
astrous grants  of  credit.  Remarks  on  paper  money  and  in- 
flation, as  evils  which  have  brought  severe  suffering  to  the 
working  classes,  deserve  the  attention  of  our  "  Greenbackers  " 
at  the  present  time. 

The  chief  remedy,  however,  is  that  which  we  find  recom- 
mended by  all  agitators  in  the  early  days  of  the  labor  move- 
ment ;  namely,  universal  education.  Public  instruction  was 
claimed  by  the  party  of  the  workingmen,  but  their  demand 
was  met  "  by  the  sneer  of  derision  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
cry  of  revolution  on  the  other." 

There  are  abundant  evidences  of  widespread  discussion 
of  labor-problems  in  New  England,  and  particularly  in 
Massachusetts,  at  this  time.  One  of  these  is  a  pamphlet 
which  lies  before  me,  entitled  "An  Address  before  the 
Workingmen's  Society,"  of  Dedham  (Mass.),  delivered  on 
the  evening  of  Sept.  7,  1831,  by  Samuel  Whitcomb,  Jr. 
Whitcomb  takes  the  same  view  of  the  injustice  of  the  pres- 
ent distribution  of  the  product  of  industry,  which  we  have 
found  presented  in  Simpson's  Manual,  and  he  rejoices  in 
the  organization  of  workingmen's  associations,  as  institutions 
designed  to  correct  abuses,  and  resist  the  "  encroachment  ol 
foreign  influence  and  evil  example  on  our  moral  and  political 
welfare."  Chiefly  noteworthy  is  the  allusion  to  workingmen's 
associations  as  something  comparatively  new,  yet  becoming 
common. 

More  remarkable  is  "  an  Address  to  the  Workingmen  of 
New  England,  on  the  State  of  Education,  and  on  the  Con- 


48  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

dition  of  the  Producing  Classes  in  Europe  and  America," 
which  was  delivered  by  Seth  Luther  in  Boston,  Charlestown, 
Cambridgeport,  Waltham,  Dorchester,  Mass. ;  Portland,  Saco, 
Me.;  and  Dover,  N.H.  The  copyright  is  dated  1832,  and 
the  third  edition  was  printed  in  Philadelphia  in  1836. 

The  protectionists  were  then  lauding  the  "  splendid  exam- 
ple "  of  England,  and  endeavoring  to  persuade  the  American 
people  that  manufactures  ought  to  be  developed  even  at  the 
expense  of  public  aid.  An  assemblage  of  manufacturers  at 
Concord,  Mass.,  had  gone  still  further,  and  adopted  a  reso- 
lution "  that  they  had  rather  have  this  union  dissolved  than 
to  have  the  protecting  policy  given  up,"  and  John  Quincy 
Adams  had  declared  in  a  report  on  manufactures,  that  the 
cotton-mills  were  "the  principalities  of  the  destitute,  the 
palaces  of  the  poor."  This  naturally  led  Mr.  Luther,  a  me- 
chanic, to  investigate  the  condition  of  the  manufacturing 
population  of  England  and  the  United  States,  in  order  to 
determine  whether  manufactures  were  after  all  so  desirable 
when  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  laboring  classes. 

His  pamphlet  is  valuable  for  the  light  it  throws  on  the 
hours  of  labor,  the  wages  of  employees  in  manufactories, 
and  the  abuses  of  power  on  the  part  of  some  unscrupulous 
manufacturers.  I  know  of  no  stronger  proof  of  an  improve- 
ment in  the  condition  of  the  manufacturing  population  of 
New  England  than  that  which  is  found  in  Seth  Luther's 
address  and  in  the  "  appendix,"  which  is  possibly  still  more 
important  on  account  of  the  reprint  it  contains  of  original 
documents,  like  the  "  General  Rules  of  the  Lowell  Manufac- 
turing Company  "  and  "  The  Conditions  on  which  Help  is 
hired  by  the  Cocheo  Manufacturing  Company,  Dover,  N.H." 

Distressing  cases  of  cruelty  to  children  are  described  in 
detail  by  Seth  Luther,  and  the  amount  of  child  labor  in  cer- 
tain districts  must  have  been  relatively  almost  as  great  as  at 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  49 

present,  though  it  does  not  seem  to  have  prevailed  so  gen- 
erally throughout  the  country. 

The  length  of  a  day's  labor  varied  from  twelve  to  fifteen 
hours.  The  New  England  Mills  generally  ran  thirteen  hours 
a  day  the  year  round,  but  one  mill  in  Connecticut  ran  four- 
teen hours,  while  the  length  of  actual  labor  in  another  mill 
in  the  same  State,  the  Eagle  Mill  at  Griswold,  was  fifteen 
hours  and  ten  minutes.  The  regulations  at  Paterson,  New 
Jersey,  required  women  and  children  to  be  at  work  at  half- 
past  four  in  the  morning. 

The  regulations  of  the  factory  were  cruel  and  oppressive 
to  a  degree,  I  think,  scarcely  known  among  us  at  present. 
Operatives  were  taxed  by  the  companies  for  the  support  of 
religion ;  habitual  absence  from  church  was  punished  by  the 
Lowell  Manufacturing  Company  with  dismissal  from  employ- 
ment, and  in  other  respects  the  life  of  the  employees  out- 
side of  the  factories  was  regulated  as  well  as  their  life  within 
them.  Windows  were  nailed  down  and  the  operatives  de- 
prived of  fresh  air,  and  a  case  of  rebellion  on  the  part  of 
one  thousand  females  on  account  of  tyrannical  and  oppressive 
treatment  is  mentioned.  Women  and  children  were  urged 
on  by  the  use  of  a  cowhide,  and  an  instance  is  given  of  a 
little  girl,  eleven  years  of  age,  whose  leg  was  broken  with  a 
"  billet  of  wood."  Still  more  harrowing  is  the  description  of 
the  merciless  whipping  of  a  deaf-and-dumb  boy  by  an  over- 
seer named  Bryant.  An  "  eye-witness  "  said  "  when  he  came 
in  (at  home),  he  lay  down  on  the  bed  like  one  without  life. 
...  He  was  mangled  in  a  shocking  manner,  from  his  neck 
to  his  feet.  He  received,  I  should  think,  one  hundred 
blows."  At  Mendon,  Mass.,  a  boy  of  twelre  drowned  him- 
self in  a  pond  to  escape  factory  labor. 

The  wages  were  small.  The  "  United  Hand- Loom  Weav- 
ers' Trade  Association  of  Baltimore,"  reported  in  1835,  that 


50  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

they  could  earn  in  twelve  hours  from  sixty-five  cents  to  sev- 
enty-one cents  a  day,  which,  they  said,  did  not  enable  them 
to  defray  the  expenses  "  of  the  schooling  "  of  their  children. 

Mr.  Luther  enlarges  on  the  evils  of  the  manufacturing 
population,  but  says  little  about  remedies.  He  recommends, 
however,  general  education  and  the  abolition  of  the  oppres- 
sive combination  laws,  so  that  laborers  might  unite  their 
forces  like  their  employers.  The  hostile  attitude  of  the  press 
is  classed  as  one  of  their  difficulties,  but  it  is  stated  that  a 
remedy  will  be  found  in  workingmen's  papers,  which  "  are 
multiplying."  Finally,  the  bitter  denunciation  which  trades- 
unions  and  combinations  of  laborers  received  at  this  time 
from  the  employing  class  is  worthy  of  attention.  A  combi- 
nation of  merchants  in  Boston  pledged  themselves  to  drive 
the  shipwrights,  caulkers,  and  gravers  of  that  city  to  sub- 
mission or  starvation,  and  subscribed  $20,000  for  that 
purpose. 

An  important  meeting  of  the  laboring  classes  was  held 
in  Boston  in  February,  1831.  Of  this  no  record  appears 
to  have  been  preserved,  but  the  first  report  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor,  issued  in  1870, 
contains  an  account  of  the  second  meeting  of  the  same 
body,  held  in  Boston,  Sept.  6,  1832.  The  organization 
was  known  as  the  "  New  England  Association  of  Farmers, 
Mechanics,  and  other  Workingmen."  Boston  was  rep- 
resented by  thirty  delegates,  and  among  them  were  men 
who  afterward  achieved  at  least  a  local  celebrity.  Ten 
points  for  consideration  were  reported,  among  which  were 
these :  the  ten-hour  working  day ;  the  effect  of  banking 
institutions  and  other  monopolies  on  the  condition  of 
the  laboring  classes ;  the  improvement  of  the  educational 
system ;  imprisonment  for  debt ;  a  national  bankrupt  law ; 
the  extension  of  the  right  of  suffrage  in  States  where  it 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  51 

was  restricted ;  a  lien  law  in  favor  of  journeyman  mechanics. 
Resolutions  were  adopted  in  favor  of  annual  meetings,  in 
favor  of  a  lien  law,  against  imprisonment  for  debt,  and 
against  the  militia  system.  A  journal  called  the  "  New  Eng- 
land Artisan"  was  recognized  as  the  official  organ  of  the  as- 
sociation. From  the  report  of  the  committee  on  an  address 
to  the  workingmen,  the  following  statement  of  grievances  and 
remedies  is  taken :  "  These  evils  .  .  .  arise  from  the  moral 
obliquity  of  the  fastidious  and  the  cupidity  of  the  avaricious. 
They  consist  in  an  illiberal  opinion  of  the  worth  and  rights 
of  the  laboring  classes ;  an  unjust  estimation  of  their  moral, 
intellectual,  and  physical  powers ;  an  unwise  misapprehen- 
sion of  the  effects  which  would  result  from  the  cultivation  of 
their  minds  and  the  improvement  of  their  condition ;  and  an 
avaricious  propensity  to  avail  of  their  laborious  services  at 
the  lowest  possible  rate  of  wages  for  which  they  can  be 
induced  to  work.  The  remedies  which  are  relied  on  to  cor- 
rect these  misapprehensions  and  reform  these  abuses  are 
the  organization  of  the  whole  laboring  population  of  this 
United  Republic  into  an  association  for  this  purpose;  the 
separation  of  questions  of  political  morality  and  economy 
from  the  mere  personal  and  party  contests  of  the  day;  a 
general  diffusion  of  light  by  the  presentation  of  facts  to  the 
consideration  of  all  good  men  and  faithful  citizens;  the 
selection  from  among  the  politicians  of  the  respective 
parties  to  which  workingmen  may  happen  to  belong,  of  those 
as  the  objects  of  our  preference  whose  moral  character,  per- 
sonal habits,  relations,  and  employments,  as  well  as  profes- 
sions, afford  us  the  best  guarantee  of  their  disposition  to 
revise  our  social  and  political  system,  and  to  introduce  those 
improvements  called  for  by  us  and  demanded  by  the  spirit 
of  the  age. 

"  To  this  we  shall  add  our  fixed  determination  to  persevere 


52  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

till  our  wrongs  are  redressed,  and  to  imbue  the  minds  of 
our  offspring  with  a  spirit  of  abhorrence  for  the  usurpations 
of  aristocracy,  and  of  resistance  to  their  oppressions,  so 
invincible,  that  they  shall  dedicate  their  lives  to  a  comple- 
tion of  the  work  which  their  ancestors  commenced  in  their 
struggle  for  national,  and  their  sires  have  continued  in  their 
contest  for  personal  independence."  During  this  meeting — 
held,  as  has  been  stated,  in  1832  —  a  letter  was  received  from 
the  workingmen  of  New  York  City,  addressed  to  the  working- 
men  of  the  United  States,  which,  like  much  that  has  been 
already  said,  shows  general  agitation  and  a  certain  concert  of 
action  in  what  are  now  called  labor  circles. 

This  earlier  stage  of  the  labor  movement  has  been  de- 
scribed with  so  much  fulness  because  it  is  peculiarly  instruc- 
tive on  several  accounts.  It  shows,  first,  that  grievances  of  the 
laboring  classes  in  the  United  States  are  no  new  thing ;  second, 
that  the  pretensions  of  the  wealthy  irritated  the  masses  in 
America  fifty  years  ago ;  third,  that  progress  has  been  made, 
many  of  the  demands  of  the  laboring  classes  at  that  time 
having  been  already  granted ;  fourth,  that  what  one  gener- 
ation considered  dangerous  and  possibly  even  revolutionary 
claims,  a  later  has  learned  to  look  upon  as  just  and  natural. 
As  has  often  happened,  concessions  on  the  part  of  those  in 
whose  hands  the  powers  of  government  and  society  reside, 
have  resulted  in  benefit  to  all  classes.  Perhaps  one  may  be 
tempted  to  conclude  that  the  social  salvation  of  society,  like 
the  religious  salvation  of  the  world,  comes  from  below.  The 
masses  move  forward ;  their  onward  motion  is  resisted  by  the 
so-called  better  classes  —  and  it  is  possible  one  ought  to  say, 
rightly  called  better  classes;  but  the  advance-march  con- 
tinues, and  what  was  thought  an  ominous  signal  of  danger 
proves  to  be  but  an  olive-branch  of  peace.  The  truths  of 
economic  and  social  science  have  frequently  been  among 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  53 

those  things  which  are  hid  from  the  wise  and  prudent  and 
revealed  unto  babes. 

It  is,  however,  more  correct  to  compare  the  legitimate 
functions  of  the  upper  classes  of  society  to  those  of  an  upper 
house  of  a  legislature.  It  is,  indeed,  very  necessary  that 
measures  initiated  by  the  masses  should  be  examined  and 
discussed  by  the  more  learned,  prudent,  and  cautious  among 
the  upper  ten  thousand,  who  should  at  times  exercise  a 
controlling  and  restraining  power  over  popular  movements 
in  the  interest  of  society  as  a  whole.  It  is  further  desirable 
that  representatives  of  wealth  and  culture  should  always  be 
found  in  the  lower  house ;  in  other  words,  thoroughly  iden- 
tified with  the  masses,  yet  bringing  into  their  movements  an 
elevated  and  refined  tone.  The  misfortune  is  that  those  who 
ought  to  play  the  part  of  prudent  advisers  are  too  often  in- 
clined to  stop  the  march  of  progress  altogether.  The  con- 
servative becomes  an  obstructionist,  and  arouses  an  angry 
cry  for  the  abolition  of  every  influence  which  tends  to  retard 
a  too  rapid  social  reconstruction.  Thus  do  revolutions 
come  ! 

The  laboring  classes  were  not  without  powerful  friends 
in  those  early  days,  for  among  those  whose  hearts  were 
with  the  masses  are  found  the  names  of  William  Ellery 
Channing,  James  G.  Carter,  Robert  Rantoul,  and  Horace 
Mann.  Greatest  stress  was  at  this  time  laid  upon  the 
diffusion  of  education  and  the  improvement  of  educational 
methods  and  systems.  That  is  the  burden  of  Channing's 
message  to  the  workingmen  in  his  celebrated  lectures  on 
"Self-Culture"  and  on  the  "Laboring  Classes."  Channing 
was  not  merely  full  of  sympathy  with  the  masses  who  bear 
the  burden  and  heat  of  the  day ;  what  is  still  more,  he  had 
faith  in  their  integrity,  in  their  wisdom,  and  in  their  capabil- 
ities for  improvement.  To  those  who  saw  danger  in  the 


54  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

extension  of  power  and  freedom  to  the  laboring  classes,  and 
feared  a  conspiracy  of  the  needy  against  the  rich,  he  uttered 
these  vigorous  words  of  remonstrance ;  "  It  ought  to  be 
understood  that  the  great  enemies  to  society  are  not  found 
in  its  poorer  ranks.  The  mass  may  indeed  be  used  as  tools  ; 
but  the  stirring  and  guiding  powers  of  insurrection  are  found 
above.  Communities  fall  by  the  vices  of  the  prosperous 
ranks.  .  .  .  The  French  Revolution  is  perpetually  sounded 
in  our  ears  as  a  warning.  .  .  .  But  whence  came  this  rev- 
olution? Who  were  the  regicides?  .  .  .  They  were  Louis 
the  Fourteenth  and  the  Regent  who  followed  him,  and  Louis 
the  Fifteenth.  These  brought  their  descendants  to  the  guil- 
lotine. The  priesthood  who  revoked  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
and  drove  from  France  the  skill  and  industry  and  virtue  and 
piety  which  were  the  sinews  of  her  strength ;  the  statesmen 
who  intoxicated  Louis  the  Fourteenth  with  the  scheme  of 
universal  empire  ;  the  profligate,  prodigal,  shameless  Orleans  ; 
and  the  still  more  brutalized  Louis  the  Fifteenth,  with  his 
court  of  panders  and  prostitutes,  —  they  made  the  nation 
bankrupt,  broke  asunder  the  bond  of  loyalty,  and  over- 
whelmed the  throne  and  altars  in  ruins." 

Horace  Mann,  while  laying  the  foundations  of  the  best 
educational  system  in  the  United  States,  attempted  at  the 
same  time  to  secure  its  advantages  for  the  humblest  mem- 
bers of  the  community,  and  with  this  in  view  he  strove  to 
introduce  measures  which  would,  effectually  protect  children 
when  their  right  to  an  opportunity  to  acquire  at  least  the 
elements  of  learning  should  be  attacked  either  by  cruel 
master  or  heartless  parent.  Carter  and  Rantoul  were 
active  in  the  same  field,  while  the  latter  vindicated  the 
right  of  laborers  to  combine,  in  the  well-known  "  Journeyman 
Bootmakers'  Case."  Their  combination  had  been  attacked 
under  the  old  conspiracy  laws  of  odious  memory,  which  the 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  55 

Common  Law  had  brought  to  America ;  but  the  case  was 
decided  for  the  journeymen  in  1842,  and  this  decision  was 
final,  as  the  legality  of  labor  organizations  has  since  then  not 
been  contested  in  Massachusetts. 

The  topic  of  liveliest  interest  among  the  working  classes 
in  the  United  States  from  the  earliest  time  up  to  the  present 
day  has  been  what  is  called  the  normal  working  day ;  that 
is,  the  number  of  hours  which  should  constitute  the  regular 
day's  labor.  When  our  ancestors  came  to  this  country,  their 
poverty  and  the  abundant  opportunity  for  the  acquisition  of 
wealth  spurred  them  to  over-exertion,  often  short-sighted ; 
for  while  it  brought  the  eagerly  coveted  riches,  it  ruined 
health,  dwarfed  the  mind,  and  stunted  the  development  of 
all  higher  faculties.  When  the  means  of  enjoyment  were 
acquired,  all  power  of  enjoyment  was  gone.  In  gaining 
life,  they  had  lost  those  things  which  made  life  worth  living ; 
or,  as  the  Bible  has  it,  they  had  lost  their  own  souls,  their 
true  selves.  This  is  familiar,  but  the  fact  has  not  received 
equal  attention  that  they  were  likewise  hard  task-masters. 
Not  content  with  overworking  themselves,  they  drove  wife, 
children,  and  employees  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  for  the  "  sun 
to  sun"  system  prevailed  generally  in  our  early  history. 
This  involved  at  times  a  normal  working  day  of  sixteen 
hours.  The  laborers  early  protested  against  this,  and  the 
agitation  for  ten  hours  is  as  old  as  the  labor  movement  in 
this  country,  and  it  is  still  continued  in  some  parts  of  the 
United  States,  though  in  most  places  it  ceased  long  ago, 
because  it  had  accomplished  its  purpose.  Just  at  the  right 
time,  when  the  conflict  of  the  laborers  for  shorter  hours  had 
already  made  considerable  headway,  one  whom  the  working- 
men  considered  a  friend,  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  President, 
threw  the  weight  of  government  into  the  trembling  balance 
and  decided  the  issue.  On  the  xoth  of  April,  1840,  Mr. 


56  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Van  Buren  signed  a  general  order  introducing  the  ten-hour 
system  thereafter  into  the  navy-yard  at  Washington,  D.C., 
and  in  "  all  public  establishments."  This  example  was  fol- 
lowed in  private  ship -yards,  and  very  soon  became  general, 
though  by  no  means  universal.  At  the  time  Gen.  Oliver 
made  his  first  report,  to  which  I  have  already  referred, 
and  to  which  I  am  indebted  for  many  data  concerning 
the  early  labor  movement,  the  time  of  labor  in  factories 
where  women  and  children  were  employed  in  New  England 
was  sixty-six  to  seventy-two  hours  a  week.  Within  this  year 
seventeen  and  eighteen  hours  have  been  a  common  length  of 
a  day's  labor  on  the  street  railways  of  the  United  States ;  and 
though  the  laborers  have  been  able  to  shorten  it  by  organi- 
zations and  strikes  in  many  cities,  it  doubtless  still  continues 
in  places.  Employees  of  steam  railways  are  often  worked 
as  long,  and  even  longer,  to  the  danger  of  the  life  and  limb 
of  the  general  public  as  well  as  their  own.  But  the  most 
overworked  men  in  the  country  in  recent  times  have  been 
the  bakers.  Once  a  week  in  Baltimore  they  have  worked 
steadily  for  twenty-five  hours,  and  in  New  York  for  twenty- 
six —  a  normal  working  day  considerably  longer  it  is  seen 
than  the  solar  day  ! 

The  ten-hour  day  was  established  in  Baltimore  a  few  years 
before  President  Van  Buren' s  general  order.  The  laborers 
of  that  city  stopped  work  and  paraded  the  streets  with 
drum  and  fife,  proclaiming  to  the  world  that  ten  hours 
should  constitute  a  day's  labor  thereafter.  The  conflict  was 
decided  in  a  week  in  favor  of  the  workingmen,  and  for  fifty 
years  men  have  as  a  rule  worked  but  ten  hours  a  day  in 
Baltimore. 

The  first  widespread  labor  agitation  in  the  United  States 
seems  to  have  reached  a  climax  about  1835,  in  which  year  I 
see  mention  made  of  a  National  Trades-Union,  although  I 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  57 

have  been  able  to  find  nothing  further  about  it  than  that 
Seth  Luther  was  one  of  its  delegates.1 

Organized  movement  of  the  masses  continued,  but  in  a 
rather  feeble  way,  until  towards  the  close  of  the  late  war. 
In  1845  an  agitation  for  the  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor 
in  the  factories  of  Massachusetts  was  begun,  and  was  carried 
on  with  some  vigor  until  1852,  when  the  employers  effected 
a  compromise  by  a  reduction  of  two  hours  a  week ;  namely, 
from  sixty-eight  to  sixty-six  hours,  which  then  became  the 
rule.2  Among  those  who  broke  a  lance  for  the  laborers  at 
this  time  was  William  Claflin,  later  governor  of  the  State, 
who  came  out  openly  in  favor  of  the  ten-hour  day. 

The  decade  preceding  the  Civil  War  is  remarkable  in  the 
American  labor  movement,  for  the  number  of  trades-unions 
which  were  then  organized  on  a  national  basis.  First  among 
these  to  attract  our  attention  is  the  International  Typo- 
graphical Union,  which  may  be  traced  back  to  1850,  when  a 
"  National  Convention  of  Journeymen  Printers "  met  in 
New  York.  The  year  following,  a  meeting  was  held  in 
Baltimore ;  but  the  formal  permanent  organization  was  not 
effected  until  1852,  when  the  printers  met  in  Cincinnati. 
The  name  then  adopted  was  National  Typographical  Union, 
which  was  changed  to  International  Typographical  Union 

1  In  1835  several  members  of  the  New  York  City  delegation  to  the 
State  Legislature  were  elected  on  the  "  Workingmen's  Ticket."  Among 
these  were  Thomas  Hertell  and  Job  Haskell,  a  carman.  See  Thurlow 
Weed's  Autobiography,  p.  406. 

8  Petitions  were  sent  to  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  in  favor  of 
the  ten-hour  day,  and  a  special  legislative  committee  made  a  report  on 
this  subject  in  1845.  ^ne  °f  tne  petitioners,  John  Quincy  Adams 
Thayer,  published  a  pamphlet  on  the  subject,  entitled  "  Review  of  the 
Report  of  the  Special  Committee  of  the  Legislature,"  etc.,  in  which  he 
controverted  the  objection  that  "  ten  hours  a  day  would  be  impracti- 
cable." 


58  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

at  the  annual  meeting  in  Albany,  N.Y.,  in  1869,  so  as  to 
include  printers  working  in  Canada.  And  it  may  be  said  in 
this  connection  that  this  is  the  usual  meaning  of  international 
as  a  part  of  the  title  of  American  trades-unions.  International 
unions  include  Americans  outside  of  the  United  States,  chiefly 
Canadians,  and  very  few  of  them  include  Europeans.  The 
International  Typographical  Union  is  the  oldest  existing 
American  trades-union ;  and  this  is  an  interesting  fact,  since 
the  American  labor  movement  in  this  respect  resembles  the 
labor  movement  elsewhere.  Very  generally  we  find  the 
printers  among  the  pioneers  in  the  organization  of  labor,  for 
which,  I  suppose,  no  other  reason  can  be  given  than  their 
superior  intelligence.  In  Italy,  France,  and  Germany  we 
find  the  printers'  unions  among  the  oldest  and  strongest  of 
existing  labor  organizations. 

The  beginnings  of  the  International  Typographical  Union 
were  humble,  and,  when  compared  with  its  present  position, 
insignificant.  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Mary- 
land, and  Kentucky  were  the  only  States  represented  at  the 
convention  in  iB^o.1  Now,  nearly,  if  not  quite,  every  State 
in  the  Union,  and  several  of  the  Territories,  are  represented 
at  the  annual  sessions.  When  the  Typographical  Union 
assumed  the  prefix  "  International,"  the  total  membership 
was  7,563 ;  at  the  close  of  the  year  1884-85  it  was  18,000, 
and  is  said  to  have  increased  10,000  since  the  Report  of 
July,  1885.  At  one  time  the  hostility  of  employers  against 
the  union  was  very  general ;  now  it  is  recognized,  with  few 
exceptions,  in  all  great  printing-offices  of  the  country,  and 
many  employers  support  and  assist  it  as  a  beneficial  organi- 
zation. This  is  notably  the  case  with  Mr.  Childs,  of  the 
"  Public  Ledger,"  who  ranks  among  the  great  employers  of 

1  The  oldest  local  union  represented  was  the  Baltimore  Typograph- 
ical Society,  established  in  November,  1831. 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  59 

M>or  in  the  country.  In  addition  to  previous  gifts,  Mr.  Childs, 
with  Mr.  Drexel,  a  banker,  sent  the  union  a  check  for 
$10,000,  at  their  meeting  in  1886,  —  an  example  well  worthy 
of  imitation  on  the  part  of  other  employers.  The  printers 
have  a  creditable  organ  in  the  Craftsman,  a  weekly  news- 
paper published  in  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  hatters  followed  the  printers  in  this  country  in  1854, 
and  again  the  resemblance  to  the  labor  movement  elsewhere 
is  maintained ;  and  this  not  merely  with  respect  to  date  of 
organization,  but  with  respect  to  general  characteristics. 
Probably  no  unions  preserve  so  many  of  the  characteristics 
of  the  associations  of  journeymen  in  the  old  guilds.  This 
similarity  is  doubtless  partly  cause,  partly  effect,  of  the 
active  correspondence  and  general  connection  maintained 
by  the  unions  in  Europe  and  America,  although  they  are  not 
organized  on  an  international  basis. 

The  National  Trade  Association  of  Hat  Finishers  of  the 
United  States  of  America  was  organized  in  1854,  but  in 
1868  was  divided  into  two  organizations;  the  one  keeping 
the  old  name,  and  the  other  changing  it  by  the  insertion  of 
"  Silk  and  Fur,"  and  becoming  the  Silk  and  Fur  Hat  Finishers' 
Trade  Association  of  the  United  States  of  America.  The 
general  purpose  is  the  protection  of  mutual  interests  of  jour- 
neymen; but  special  attention  is  given  to  the  subject  of 
apprenticeship,  in  order  that  the  supply  of  journeymen  may 
not  become  excessive.  The  number  of  members  of  the 
National  Trade  Association  of  Hat  Finishers  reported  in  1885 
was  3,015  journeymen  and  377  apprentices  —  a  total  of 
3,392.  This  shows  growth,  for  the  census  report  has  only 
2,077  m  I^79>  and  2,361  in  1880. 

The  Silk  and  Fur  Hat  Finishers  are  a  smaller  body,  num- 
bering at  the  close  of  the  year  1883,  584  journeymen  and 
59  apprentices  —  a  total  of  643. 


60  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  union  called  the  "Sons  of  Vulcan,"  one  of  three 
unions  which,  consolidated,  became  the  Amalgamated  Associ- 
ation of  Iron  and  Steel  Workers,  in  1876,  was  established 
on  April  17,  1858.  More  will  be  said  about  the  Amalga- 
mated Association  presently. 

A  more  remarkable  trades-union,  the  "Iron  Moulders' 
Union  of  North  America"  was  founded  on  July  5,  1859,  by 
William  H.  Sylvis,  a  labor  leader  who  has  left  a  deep  impress 
on  the  labor  movement  in  the  United  States.  The  story 
of  his  life,  interesting  and  instructive,  and  withal  not  devoid 
of  a  certain  pathos,  is  told  in  the  "  Life,  Speeches,  Labors, 
and  Essays  of  William  H.  Sylvis,"  by  his  brother  James  G. 
Sylvis,  ajnd  is  well  worthy  perusal ; l  for  it  shows  in  the  con- 
crete the  struggles,  the  aspirations,  the  mode  of  life,  and 
manner  of  thought  of  one  who  attained  an  elevated  position 
as  a  workingman  among  workingmen. 

A  once  strong  union,  the  Machinists'  and  Blacksmiths' 
Union  of  North  America  was  founded  in  1859,  and  was  incor- 
porated by  Congress  in  1859  ;  the  only  union  which,  so  far 
as  I  know,  ever  received  a  charter  from  the  United  States 
Government.  This  body  was  composed  of  smiths  and 
machine-makers  at  first,  but  afterwards,  boiler-makers  and 
pattern-makers  were  added,  and  in  1877  it  took  the  name  of 
Mechanical  Engineers  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Its 
membership  amounted  to  18,000  in  1872,  but  had  fallen  to 
5,000  in  1878  ;2  and  if  it  still  exists,  it  must  lead  a  very 
quiet  life. 

It  is  stated  that  twenty-six  trades  had  national  organiza- 
tions in  1860. 

1  Published  in  Philadelphia  in  1872,  by  Claxton,  Remsen,  &  Haf- 
felfinger. 

2  See   Farnam's  brochure,  "  Die  Amerikanischen  Gewerkvereine." 
Leipzig,  1879,  Seite  18. 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  61 

SECOND  PERIOD.     1861-1886. 

THE  era  of  the  Civil  War  brought  men  together,  opened 
new  avenues  of  communication  between  various  parts  of  the 
country,  stirred  the  minds  of  men  mightily,  setting  them  to 
think  deeply  on  social  and  economic  topics,  and  finally 
brought  into  prominence  a  vast  number  of  labor  problems, 
due  to  fluctuations  of  the  currency,  to  rapid  changes  from 
prosperity  to  adversity,  and  also  to  the  sudden  and  marvellous 
accumulation  of  wealth  in  hands  of  successful  business  men 
and  lucky  adventurers.  Never  before  were  there  such  sharp 
contrasts  in  the  country  between  riches  and  poverty.  If  this 
was  a  misfortune  in  itself,  a  still  greater  evil  was  found  in 
the  fact  that  no  inconsiderable  part  of  this  wealth  was 
acquired  by  devices  which  could  not  be  made  to  square  with 
the  morality  of  the  decalogue,- to  say  nothing  about  the 
higher  ethical  code  which  Christianity  has  brought  us. 
Another  cause  of  the  growth  of  trades-unions  was  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery,  which  had  operated  in  two  different  ways 
favorably  to  the  progress  of  the  labor  movement.  The  discus- 
sion concerning  slave  labor  naturally  led  to  reflection  on  the 
condition  of  free  laborers  and  their  rights,  and  some  of  those 
who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  abolitionism  passed  over 
into  the  ranks  of  those  who  were  endeavoring  to  elevate  the 
laboring  classes.  Again  the  universal  freedom  of  the  laboring 
classes  from  the  yoke  of  slavery  could  not  fail  to  have  an 
elevating  influence  on  those  engaged  in  manual  toil.  Yet 
more  important  in  its  ultimate  effect  was  the  fact  that  this 
vast  country  now  opened  an  unobstructed  field  for  the  labor 
movement.  Two  other  especially  weighty  circumstances 
must  not  fail  to  be  mentioned.  First,  the  concentration  of 
the  laboring  classes  in  large  establishments  in  great  industrial 
centres  had  continued  without  interruption ;  second,  during 


62  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  war  native  labor  had  in  many  quarters  been  replaced  by 
foreign  labor,  and  race  antagonism  added  intensity  to  the 
natural  struggle  between  employer  and  employed.  It  is  not 
then  surprising  that  during  the  closing  years  of  the  war,  and 
during  the  five  succeeding  years,  a  vast  number  of  labor  or- 
ganizations were  founded.  Before  enumerating  some  of  the 
more  important  of  them,  it  is  well  to  call  attention  to  the 
enlarged  horizon  of  labor  leaders  during  this  period  of  the 
movement  now  under  consideration.  New  unions  were 
called  International ;  old  unions  took  that  name,  and  under 
an  impulse  received  from  the  International  Working  Peo- 
ple's Association,  founded  by  f^arl  Marx,  there  began  to  be  a 
reaching  out  on  the  part  of  the  laboring  classes  for  closer 
old-world  connections.  As  improvements  in  the  means  of 
communication  and  transportation  had  aided  the  transforma- 
tion of  local  unions  into  national  unions ;  so  still  further 
improvements  in  this  direction  promoted  the  growth  of  In- 
ternationalism. These  facilities  of  communication  and  trans- 
portation were  in  each  case  both  cause  and  effect. 

One  of  the  most  successful  labor  organizations  is  the  first 
one  of  the  great  trades-unions,  founded  during  the  war 
period,  and  is  composed  of  locomotive  engineers,  or  engine- 
drivers,  as  our  English  cousins  would  say.  It  was  insti- 
tuted at  Detroit,  Aug.  17,  1863,  and  was  then  called  the 
"  Brotherhood  of  the  Foot-board."  It  was  reorganized  at 
Indianapolis,  Aug.  17,  1864,  under  the  name  and  title  of 
the  Grand  International  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engi- 
neers. 

The  year  1864  witnessed  the  birth  of  a  powerful  body  in 
the  Cigar  Makers'  National  Union,  which  in  1867  was  ex- 
tended to  Canada,  and  became  international  in  name  as  well 
as  in  fact.  There  had  been  a  previous  attempt  to  form  an 
organization,  and  the  cigar-makers  of  New  York  called  a 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  63 

convention  in  1856,  in  which  employers  took  part.  The  aim 
was  to  equalize  prices  for  labor  throughout  the  State.  The 
first  local  union  of  cigar-makers  appears  to  have  been  formed 
in  Baltimore,  in  1851. 

The  Bricklayers'  and  Masons'  International  Union  of 
America  was  formed  on  the  iyth  of  October,  1865,  and  it 
may  be  well  to  interrupt  this  enumeration  by  the  quotation 
of  the  "  Preamble  "  found  in  the  printed  copy  of  the  con- 
stitution. It  may  be  regarded  as  typical,  though  many  of 
the  "  preambles  "  to  the  constitutions  of  labor  organizations 
breathe  a  more  conservative  tone,  while  few  are  more  radi- 
cal. Others  will  be  found  reprinted  in  the  Appendix. 

The  Preamble  reads  as  follows :  "  At  no  period  of  the 
world's  history  has  the  necessity  of  combination  on  the  part 
of  labor  become  so  apparent  to  any  thinking  mind  as  at  the 
present  time ;  and  perhaps  in  no  country  have  the  working 
classes  been  so  forgetful  of  their  own  interests  as  in  this  great 
republic. 

"  All  other  questions  seem  to  attract  the  attention  of  the 
workingman  more  than  that  which  is  most  vital  to  his  exist- 
ence. 

"  Whereas,  Capital  has  assumed  to  itself  the  right  to  own 
and  control  labor  for  the  accomplishment  of  its  own  greedy 
and  selfish  ends,  regardless  of  the  laws  of  Nature  and 
Nature's  God ;  and  whereas,  experience  has  demonstrated 
the  utility  of  concentrated  efforts  in  arriving  at  specific  ends, 
and  it  is  an  evident  fact  that  if  the  dignity  of  labor  is  to  be 
preserved,  it  must  be  done  by  our  united  action;  and 
whereas,  Believing  the  truth  of  the  following  maxims,  that 
they  who  would  be  free  themselves  must  strike  the  blow, 
that  in  union  there  is  strength,  and  self-preservation  is  the 
first  law  of  nature,  we  hold  the  justice  and  truth  of  the  prin- 
ciple that  merit  makes  the  man ;  and  we  firmly  believe  that 


64  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

industry,  sobriety,  and  a  proper  regard  for  the  welfare  of  our 
fellow-men  form  the  basis  upon  which  the  principle  rests ;  we 
therefore  recognize  no  rule  of  action  or  principle  that  would 
elevate  wealth  above  industry,  or  the  professional  man  above 
the  workingman.  We  recognize  no  distinction  in  society 
except  those  based  upon  worth,  usefulness,  and  good  order ; 
and  no  superiority  except  that  granted  by  the  Great  Archi- 
tect of  our  existence  ;  and  calling  upon  God  to  witness  the 
rectitude  of  our  intentions,  we,  the  delegates,  here  assem- 
bled, ordain  and  establish  the  following  Constitution." 

The  Conductors'  Brotherhood  was  organized  in  1868,  at 
Mendota,  111. ;  but  it  changed  its  name  at  its  eleventh  annual 
meeting,  and  has  since  been  known  as  the  Order  of  Railway 
Conductors. 

The  United  States  Wool  Hat  Finishers'  Association  was 
organized  in  1869,  and  four  years  later  the  furniture-workers 
joined  hands  under  the  name  "Trades-Union  of  Furniture 
Workers"  (Gewerkschaftsunion  von  Mobelarbeiter) ,  which 
was  subsequently  changed  to  International  Furniture  Work- 
ers' Union  of  America.  Though  this  is  one  of  the  smaller 
societies  of  the  United  States,  it  is  influential  by  reason  of  its 
vigor  and  activity.  It  is  composed  chiefly  of  Germans,  and 
is  one  of  the  more  radical  unions.1  The  Brotherhood  of 
Locomotive  Firemen  was  formed  in  the  same  year,  and  was 
followed  in  1875  by  the  organization  of  the  horseshoers  in 
Philadelphia.  This  association  is  called  the  National  Union 
of  Horseshoers  of  the  United  States.  It  is  composed  chiefly 
of  Irishmen. 

The  Amalgamated  Association  of  Iron  and  Steel  Workers, 

1  At  the  present  time  it  may  be  well  to  state  that  I  do  not  mean  by 
radical,  violent  and  revolutionary,  or  anarchistic.  No  national  labor 
organization  supports  the  theory  of  anarchy,  but  several,  as  we  shall 
see,  favor  far-reaching  but  peaceful  social  and  industrial  changes. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  65 

the  strongest  trades-union1  in  the  country,  was  formed  in 
1876  by  the  consolidation  of  three  unions  :  namely,  the  Sons 
of  Vulcan,  already  mentioned,  the  Associated  Brotherhood 
of  Iron  and  Steel  Heaters,  and  the  Iron  and  Steel  Roll 
Hands'  Union,  of  which  the  two  latter  were  organized  in 

1873- 

The  Granite  Cutters'  National  Union  of  the  United  States 
of  America  was  organized  in  1877  ;  the  Brotherhood  of  Car- 
penters and  Joiners  of  America,  in  1881 ;  the  Cigar  Makers' 
Progressive  Union  of  America,  in  1882  ;  the  National  Hat 
Makers',  in  1883;  the  Railroad  Brakemen,  in  1884.  The 
coal-miners  formed  a  National  Federation  in  1885,  and  illus- 
trated a  natural  order  of  growth.  Local  societies  formed 
first  State  organizations,  but  improved  facilities  of  communi- 
cation and  transportation  have  brought  the  various  parts  of 
the  country  so  near  together  that  the  necessity  of  national 
organization  has  been  keenly  felt  for  some  time. 

The  Journeymen  Bakers'  National  Union  of  the  United 
States  was  organized  in  Pittsburg  in  January,  1886,  and  has 
probably  done  as  much  to  improve  the  condition  of  its 
members,  a  most  unfortunate  class  heretofore,  as  has  ever 
been  accomplished  by  any  American  trades-union  in  the 
same  time ;  though  the  good  done  has  unfortunately  been 
attended  with  considerable  friction  between  employers  and 
employees,  for  which  the  blame  must  undoubtedly  be  shared 
by  both  sides. 

Other  trades-unions  which  must  be  mentioned  are  the 
following :  The  Chicago  Seamen's  Union,  the  United  Order 
of  Carpenters  and  Joiners,  the  Plasterers'  National  Union, 
the  Journeymen  Tailors'  National  Union  of  the  United 

1  Several  other  stronger  organizations  which  will  be  mentioned 
are  not  trades-unions,  but  associations  of  laborers  of  various  occupa- 
tions, or  combinations  of  different  unions,  or  both. 


66  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

States,  Deutsch-Amerikanische  Typographia  (composed  of 
those  setting  type  for  German  books  or  periodicals),  Ameri- 
can Flint  Glass  Workers,  and  the  Universal  Federation  of 
Window  Glass  Workers.  Workingmen  who  have  national 
or  international  organizations  of  which  I  am  not  acquainted 
with  the  precise  names  are  the  boiler-makers,  book-keepers 
(clerks  included),  bottle-blowers,  stationary  engineers,  metal- 
workers, piano-makers,  plumbers,  railroad  switchmen,  shoe- 
lasters,  spinners,  stereotypers,  telegraphers,  silk-weavers, 
wood-carvers. 

Although  there  are  omissions  in  this  enumeration,  it  con- 
tains a  complete  list,  I  believe,  of  the  more  important 
national  and  international  American  trades-unions.  It  must 
be  remembered,  however,  in  any  estimate  of  the  strength  of 
American  trades-unions,  that  there  are  still  a  vast  number  of 
independent  local  organizations.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable 
that  there  may  be  as  many  as  one  hundred  such  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  and  they  will  be  found  in  every  large  Ameri- 
can city.  The  strongest  of  these  local  unions,  so  far  as  I 
know,  is  the  Journeymen  Bricklayers'  Protective  Association 
of  Philadelphia,  which  was  organized  in  1880,  and  now 
embraces  nearly  two  thousand  members.  On  the  igth  of 
October  this  association  dedicated  the  Bricklayers'  Hall. 
The  building  situated  at  the  corner  of  Broad  Street  and  Fair- 
mount  Avenue  in  Philadelphia,  was  constructed  at  a  cost  of 
$52,000,  and  is  probably  the  finest  building  owned  by  an 
American  trades-union.  The  national  trades-unions  may, 
roughly  speaking,  be  said  to  vary  in  strength  from  two  to 
twenty-five  thousand  members  to  each.  The  latter  number 
is  about  the  strength  of  the  Amalgamated  Association  of 
Iron  and  Steel  Workers  and  the  International  Typographical 
Union.  Several  unions  have  from  ten  to  fifteen  or  sixteen 
thousand  members,  while  five,  six,  and  seven  thousand 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  67 

members  is  a  common  number.  A  few  foreign  trade  socie- 
ties have  members  in  America.  The  two  most  prominent 
of  these  are  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers,  Ma- 
chinists, Millwrights,  Smiths,  and  Pattern  Makers,  founded 
in  1851,  in  England,  and  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Car- 
penters and  Joiners,  established  in  1860,  which  is  likewise  a 
British  Association.  These  two  unions  together  have  several 
thousand  American  members. 

Nearly  all  the  more  prominent  organizations  have  monthly 
or  weekly  organs ;  as,  for  example,  The  Carpenter,  The 
Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers'  Monthly  Journal, 
Iron  Moulders*  Monthly  Journal,  Firemen's  Magazine, 
Progress,  issued  by  the  Cigar  Makers'  Progressive  Union, 
Cigar  Makers'  Official  Journal,  issued  by  the  Cigar 
Makers'  International  Union,  The  Granite  Cutters'  Jour- 
nal, The  American  Glass  Worker,  Furniture  Workers' 
Journal,  etc.  These  are  fairly  well  edited ;  some  of  them, 
it  must  be  said,  excellently,  when  one  considers  that  their 
editors  are  workingmen  whose  educational  opportunities 
have  been  comparatively  slight.  The  fact  that  many  of 
these  journals  are  printed  in  several  languages  is  significant, 
and  is  characteristic  of  the  labor  press.  It  is  an  indication 
of  the  internationalism  of  the  labor  movement  in  the  United 
States.  The  greater  part  of  the  papers  is  generally  in  Eng- 
lish, but  next  to  English  the  German  is  the  language  most 
used.  French  and  Bohemian  articles  are  occasionally  found. 

Many  trades-unions,  and  other  labor  organizations,  estab- 
lished during  various  periods  in  our  history,  have  perished ; 
but  it  is  not  necessary  to  mention  more  than  one  or  two  of 
these  in  this  place.  Probably  the  strongest  of  all  the  defunct 
organizations  was  the  order  called  the  "  Knights  of  St.  Crispin," 
which  was  established  on  an  international  basis  in  1869,  and 
included  at  one  time  nearly  a  hundred  thousand  members. 


68  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  local  unions  were  called  lodges,  and  these  were  joined 
together  in  State  or  Provincial  grand  lodges,  which,  in  turn, 
were  represented  in  the  International  Grand  Lodge,  the 
supreme  power  of  the  order.  There  were  State  or  Provin- 
cial grand  lodges  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania,  Louisiana,  Kentucky,  California,  Ontario,  New 
Brunswick,  and  elsewhere.  A  separate  branch,  composed  of 
women,  was  called  the  "  Daughters  of  St.  Crispin." 

The  Knights  of  St.  Crispin  obtained  great  influence  in  the 
boot  and  shoe  manufacturing  establishments  of  the  country, 
and  used  it  to  advance  their  interest.  The  order  was 
recognized  by  a  large  number  of  well-disposed  manufacturers 
for  a  time,  and  many  disputes  were  settled  amicably  by  arbi- 
tration. 

Their  efforts  were  also  directed  to  legislative  reforms,  and 
the  ten-hour  law  passed  in  Massachusetts  in  1874  was  due 
largely  to  their  agitation.  But  they  looked  beyond  trades- 
unions  to  the  ultimate  establishment  of  co-operative  produc- 
tion. As  it  is  often,  though  erroneously,  supposed  that  the 
working  classes  of  America  have  not  given  much  attention  to 
co-operation,  a  quotation  from  the  report  of  the  Knights  of 
St.  Crispin  on  co-operation  in  1871,  may  well  be  inserted  at 
this  place  ;  especially  as  it  is  merely  typical.  It  is  as  follows  : 
"  We  regard  the  trades-unions  simply  as  an  agent,  a  means 
to  an  end,  that  should  be  to  secure  to  the  laborer  a  just 
reward  for  his  toil ;  and,  in  so  far  as  they  afford  the  means 
of  resistance  to  encroaching  capital  and  in  their  acknowl- 
edged educational  influence  over  the  members,  they  are 
indispensable,  but  we  cannot  help  thinking  if  they  stop  with 
simply  preserving  their  numerical  strength,  they  are  in  the 
long  run  apt  to  fail  and  become  extinct ;  so,  then,  your  com- 
mittee while  urging  the  use  of  every  honorable  means  to 
preserve  the  integrity  of  the  order,  and  extend  its  influence 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  69 

and  usefulness,  would  just  as  earnestly  urge  our  brothers  to 
use  their  utmost  endeavors  to  build  up  in  the  order  a  system 
of  co-operation  in  both  trade  and  manufactures ;  for  in  so 
doing  they  would  not  only  improve  their  own  condition,  but 
lift  the  order  into  a  position  of  the  highest  respectability 
and  influence." 

The  last  meeting  of  the  International  Grand  Lodge  was 
held  in  1873 ;  and  though  a  partially  successful  effort  was 
made  to  revive  the  order  in  1876,  and  it  received  sufficient 
strength  to  take  part  in  the  strikes  of  1877  and  1878,  it 
never  again  regained  a  firm  foothold.  The  causes  of  the 
decay  of  the  order  were  internal  dissensions,  and  attacks 
from  employers,  who  were  placed  in  a  trying  position  by  the 
crisis  of  1873,  and  the  "  hard  times  "  in  the  following  years  ; 
for  there  were  always  employers  who  did  not  accept  the  scale 
of  prices  offered  by  the  Crispins,  and  these  soon  began  to 
place  goods  on  the  market  at  lower  figures  than  was  possi- 
ble for  their  competitors  working  in  harmony  with  the  Knights. 
One  source  of  great  weakness  which  more  than  anything  else 
rendered  it  impossible  for  them  to  force  all  employers  to 
recognize  them,  was  due  to  the  wonderful  division  of  labor 
in  the  boot  and  shoe  industry,  in  which  there  are  sixty-four 
distinct  branches.1  Most  of  the  operations  of  the  em- 
ployees, it  is  manifest,  must  be  simple  in  the  extreme,  and 
on  this  account  it  was  easy  to  supply  the  place  of  strikers 
from  the  ranks  of  unskilled  labor. 

In  1866  the  delegates  of  the  various  labor  organizations' 
met  in  Baltimore,  and  formed  what  was  called  the  National 
Labor  Union,  which  rapidly  attained  great  strength,  number- 
ing, it  is  said,  six  hundred  and  forty  thousand  members  in 
1868.  But  its  growth  proved  to  be  but  of  a  mushroom 
pharacter,  for  it  expired  in  a  few  years  of  the  disease  known 

1  See  Farnam,  I.e.,  p.  20. 


70  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

as  politics.  Fatal  malady  !  how  often  has  it  destroyed  bud- 
ding but  promising  life !  However,  the  National  Labor 
Union  accomplished  two  things :  it  gave  an  impulse  to  the 
agitation  for  an  eight-hour  day,  which  is  still  felt ;  and  it 
issued  a  demand  for  a  national  bureau  of  labor  statistics, 
which  was  granted  after  a  constant  reiteration  of  the  demand 
during  the  succeeding  twenty  years.  Earlier  apparent  suc- 
cess attended  the  efforts  of  the  National  Labor  Union  to 
establish  an  eight-hour  day  for  the  employees  of  government. 
On  the  24th  of  June,  1869,  a  bill  for  an  eight-hour  day  was 
introduced  into  Congress  by  General  Banks,  whose  wife, 
by  the  way,  was  once  a  factory  girl  in  Lowell.  This  passed 
the  House  and  Senate,  promptly  received  the  signature  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  General  Grant,  and  was 
enforced  in  the  Navy  Yard  at  Charlestown,  Mass.,  July  6 
of  the  same  year.  But  the  politicians,  who  at  the  time  of 
elections  are  so  fond  of  the  laborers,  usually  care  little  for 
the  enforcement  of  laws  in  behalf  of  labor,  and  in  violation 
of  the  spirit  of  the  law,  the  employees  of  the  United  States 
were  notified  that  our  wealthy  and  powerful  government 
would  reduce  wages  one-fifth ;  but  that  those  who  so  desired 
could  work  ten  hours  at  the  old  rates.  The  workingmen 
showed  their  indignation  in  such  manner  as  apparently  to 
make  the  politicians  think  of  votes  at  future  elections,  or  to 
fear  trouble,  and  the  order  was  reversed  by  the  President. 
But  success  was  again  illusory.  The  eight-hour  law  is  still 
on  our  statute  books,  and  a  like  law  exists  in  several  States, 
but  it  is  a  dead  letter.1  Can  any  one  doubt  if  it  were  a  law 

1  It  should  be  distinctly  understood  that  all  these  eight-hour  laws 
relate  chiefly  to  public  employees;  that  is,  to  the  civil  servants  of  fed- 
eral government,  of  State,  or  of  municipality.  They  are  not  mandatory 
for  private  employers  of  labor,  though  some  of  the  State  laws  declare 
that  eight  hours  shall  be  a  day's  labor  when  nothing  to  the  contrary  is 
stipulated. 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  71 

in  favor  of  great  railway  corporations  or  banking  institutions, 
it  would  be  enforced  ?  Yet  the  political  newspapers,  who  in 
discussions  of  free  trade  and  protection  are  often  so  solici- 
tous about  the  welfare  of  the  laborer,  and  are  so  sensitively 
alive  to  his  true  interests  that  one  would  imagine  that  their 
editors  scarcely  thought  even  of  the  existence  of  the  remain- 
ing classes  of  society,  —  these  newspapers  preserve  a  most 
singular  silence  on  the  subject  of  our  eight-hour  laws.  But 
the  agitation  still  goes  on,  and  the  laborers  propose  to  settle 
the  matter  sooner  or  later,  without  help  of  government,  by 
a  general  refusal  to  work  longer  than  eight  hours. 

An  effort  was  made  to  introduce  the  eight-hour  day  by 
strikes  in  1872  and  1873,  when  eight-hour  leagues  were 
formed  in  some  of  the  States  and  cities ;  but  only  a  small  V 
measure  of  success  attended  this  endeavor.  A  still  greater 
effort  to  introduce  the  eight-hour  day  was  made  on  the  ist  of 
May,  1886;  but  the  most  powerful  labor  organization,  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  did  not  heartily  indorse  the  movement, 
as  their  chief,  Mr.  Powderly,  and  others  did  not  think  the 
time  ripe  for  it.  Nevertheless,  several  hundred  thousand 
men  struck ;  but  they  again  failed  to  accomplish  their  end, 
although  the  failure  in  this  case,  as  before,  was  not  complete. 
Many  thousand  laborers  have  attained  an  eight-hour  day, 
and  a  still  larger  number  have  received  a  reduction  from  ten 
hours.  Nine  hours  is  common  in  the  building  trades,  and 
in  some  cases  a  workday  of  nine  hours  five  days  in  the 
week,  and  eight  hours  on  Saturday,  has  been  secured.1 

1  Bradstreefs  estimated  the  number  of  strikers  for  shorter  hours  at 
200,000,  of  whom  50,000  were  granted  their  demands,  while  150,000 
secured  shorter  hours,  generally  with  full  pay,  without  a  strike.  But 
on  June  12,  the  same  paper  estimated  that  one-third  of  these  had  lost 
what  had  been  conceded  to  them,  and  predicted  that  a  still  larger 
number  would  lose  the  advantage  gained.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of 


72  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

While  the  eight-hour  movement  has  received  a  set-back 
for  the  present,  it  is  certain  to  come  into  prominence  again, 
and  there  is  reason  to  think  that  it  will  be  ultimately  suc- 
cessful.1 The  most  intelligent  men  among  the  laboring 
classes  seem  to  be  unanimously  in  favor  of  it,  and  some  of 
the  best  thinkers  on  social  topics,  outside  of  the  laboring 
classes,  favor  the  establishment  of  an  eight-hour  day. 

The  Muses  are  frequently  invoked  by  those  who  believe 
in  eight  hours  as  the  normal  working-day,  and  the  laborers 
are  inspired  by  song.  The  following  poem,  written  some 
time  ago,  is  one  of  the  many  on  this  subject,  and  may  be 
taken  as  a  specimen  of  the  poetry  which  appears  in  the  labor 
press.2 

EIGHT  HOURS. 

BY  J.  G.  BLANCHARD. 

We  mean  to  make  things  over;  we're  tired  of  toil  for  nought 
But  bare  enough  to  live  on ;  never  an  hour  for  thought. 

this;  but  the  200,000  included  only  those  who  secured  a  reduction  of 
hours  by  the  movement  of  May  I,  and  not  those,  perhaps  as  many, 
who  were  already  working  less  than  ten  hours  a  day,  as,  for  example, 
the  window-glass  workers. 

1  Manufacturers  express  themselves  as  well  pleased  with  the  eight- 
hour  day  in  Australia,  and  it  seems  to  give  general  satisfaction.     Its 
establishment  is  annually  celebrated,  and  the  most  influential  people  on 
the  island  participate  in  the  festivities.     While  this  in  itself  is  not  suffi- 
cient to  prove  the  desirability  of  the  eight-hour  day  in  the  United  States, 
the  Australian  experiment  deserves  attention.    The  question  is  too  large 
for  exhaustive  treatment  in  this  place,  and  I  will  only  call  attention  to 
this  fact :  investigations  show  that  laborers  as  a  rule  make  a  good  use 
of  the  leisure  afforded  by  shorter  hours.     At  first,  they  are  inclined  to 
spend  the  time  foolishly,  or  worse  than  foolishly,  but  soon  this  changes. 
The  reports  of  English  parliamentary  commissions  are  instructive  on 
this  topic. 

2  This  quotation  is  taken  from  Die  Amerikanischen  Arbeiterver' 
haltnisse,  by  Dr.  von  Studnitz. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  73 

We  want  to  feel  the  sunshine,  we  want  to  smell  the  flowers; 

We're  sure  that  God  has  willed  it,  and  we  mean  to  have  eight  hours. 

We're  summoning  our  forces  from  the  shipyard,  shop,  and  mill. 

Eight  hours  for  work,  eight  hours  for  rest,  eight  hours  for  what  we  will 

The  beasts  that  graze  the  hillside,  the  birds  that  wander  free 

In  the  life  that  God  has  meted,  have  a  better  lot  than  we. 

Oh !  hands  and  hearts  are  weary,  and  homes  are  heavy  with  dole; 

If  life's  to  be  filled  with  drudgery,  what  need  of  a  human  soul! 

Shout,  shout  the  lusty  rally  from  shipyard,  shop,  and  mill. 

The  very  stones  would  cry  out  if  labor's  tongue  were  still ! 

The  voice  of  God  within  us  is  calling  us  to  stand 

Erect,  as  is  becoming  the  work  of  His  right  hand. 

Should  he  to  whom  the  Maker  His  glorious  image  gave, 

Cower,  the  meanest  of  His  creatures,  a  bread-and-butter  slave ! 

Let  the  shout  ring  down  the  valleys,  and  echo  from  every  hill, 

Eight  hours  for  work,  eight  hours  for  rest,  eight  hours  for  what  we  will 

The  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  or  Grangers,  as  they  are  more 
usually  called,  must  receive  notice  in  any  account  of  the 
labor  movement  in  America,  even  if  it  be  merely  a 
sketch  like  the  present  work.  This  order,  founded  in  1866, 
although  composed  of  independent  farmers  and  not  of  em- 
ployees, has  not  been  without  influence  on  labor  movements 
in  the  United  States,  and  one  of  its  chief  officers  writes  me 
that  the  Patrons  of  Industry  desire  their  association  to  be 
called  a  labor  organization.  The  Patrons  of  Husbandry 
grew  rapidly  during  the  first  decade  of  their  existence,  and 
in  November,  1875,  their  membership  was  reported  at 
763,263 ;  but  a  decline  began  soon  after  this  which  con- 
tinued until  two  or  three  years  ago,  since  which  time  there 
has  been  a  revival  of  interest  and  an  increase  of  strength  in 
the  Grange.  It  is  a  good  sign  that  a  connection  has  recently 
been  formed  in  several  States  between  the  Patrons  of  Hus- 
bandry and  the  Knights  of  Labor,  chiefly  urban  mechanics 
and  laborers  ;  for  common  action  between  city  and  country 
cannot  fail  to  furnish  both  a  healthy  stimulus  and  a  sound 


74  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

conservatism  to  the  entire  labor  movement.  On  this  same 
account  it  is  to  be  greeted  as  a  welcome  omen  that  the 
Farmers'  Alliance  of  Illinois  has  become  "  part  and  parcel " 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  that  plans  for  common  action 
between  the  Knights  and  the  farmers  of  Texas  have  been 
formed,  while  rural  assemblies  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  are 
being  organized  in  Ohio  and  Indiana. 

The  general  aims  of  the  Grangers  are  well  set  forth  in 
their  "Declaration  of  Purposes,"  from  which  the  following 
quotation  is  an  extract :  — 

"  We  shall  endeavor  to  advance  our  cause  by  laboring  to 
accomplishing  the  following  objects :  To  develop  a  better 
and  higher  manhood  and  womanhood  among  ourselves. 
To  enhance  the  comforts  and  attractions  of  our  homes,  and 
strengthen  our  attachments  to  our  pursuits.  To  foster 
mutual  understanding  and  co-operation.  ...  To  discounte- 
nance the  credit  system,  the  mortgage  system,  the  fashion 
system,  and  every  other  system  tending  to  prodigality  and 
bankruptcy. 

"  We  propose  meeting  together,  talking  together,  working 
together,  buying  together,  selling  together,  and  in  general 
acting  together  for  our  mutual  protection  and  advancement, 
as  occasion  may  require.  We  shall  avoid  litigation  as  much 
as  possible  by  arbitration  in  the  Grange.  .  .  . 

"  We  are  not  enemies  to  capital,  but  we  oppose  the  tyranny 
of  monopolies.  We  long  to  see  the  antagonism  between 
labor  and  capital  removed  by  common  consent  and  by  an 
enlightened  statesmanship  worthy  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
It  shall  be  an  abiding  principle  with  us  to  relieve  any  of  our 
oppressed  and  suffering  brotherhood  by  any  means  at  our 
command. 

"  Last,  but  not  least,  we  proclaim  it  among  our  purposes  to 
inculcate  a  proper  appreciation  of  the  abilities  and  sphere  of 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  75 

woman,  as  is  indicated  by  admitting  her  to  membership 
and  position  in  our  order." 

The  local  units  called  Granges  are  united  in  State  Granges, 
and  over  the  State  Granges  is  the  highest  authority  among 
the  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  the  National  Grange.  The 
Grangers  were  perhaps  the  first  power  in  this  country  to 
curb  our  railways,  and  in  this  way  they  have  accomplished 
much  good,  though  part  of  the  legislation  which  they  favored 
and  actually  secured,  particularly  in  the  West  and  Northwest, 
was  unfortunately  based  on  wrong  principles,  and  could  not 
be  permanent. 

The  achievements  of  the  Patrons  in  co-operation,  and  the 
educational  value  of  their  order,  will  receive  attention  in  later 
chapters  of  this  book. 

Uriah  S.  Stevens,  a  tailor  of  Philadelphia,  called  together 
eight  friends  on  Thanksgiving  Day,  in  1869,  and  organized  a 
society  which  in  nineteen  years  has  grown  to  be  the  most 
powerful  and  the  most  remarkable  labor  organization  of 
modern  times.  Although  the  origin  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  for  to  this  society  reference  is  made,  was  thus  hum- 
ble, it  was  established  on  truly  scientific  principles,  which 
involved  either  an  intuitive  perception  of  the  nature  of  indus- 
trial progress,  or  a  wonderful  acquaintance  with  the  laws 
of  economic  society.  It  has  thus  happened  that  a  new 
phase  of  the  labor  movement  has  been  inaugurated  on 
American  soil  and  the  general  course  of  its  future  develop- 
ment indicated. 

The  older  trades-unions  were  perhaps  the  only  form  of 
organization  which  could  be  usefully  employed  in  an  earlier 
period ;  but,  although  still  useful,  they  are  not  large  enough 
to  carry  forward  the  labor  movement  of  to-day,  and  the 
reason  for  this  becomes  obvious  with  a  little  reflection  on  the 
nature  of  modern  production.  The  invention  of  new  ma- 


76  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

chinery  and  the  improvement  in  technical  processes  have 
weakened  the  position  of  unions  composed  exclusively  of 
mechanics  of  a  single  trade.  The  division  of  labor,  which 
is  one  of  the  most  marked  features  of  industrial  progress, 
renders  each  particular  step  in  manufacture  comparatively 
simple,  and  the  relative  number  of  workingmen  requiring 
special  skill  diminishes.  It  becomes  easy  to  fill  places  of 
union  men  who  will  not  accept  conditions  satisfactory  to 
their  employers  from  the  ranks  of  unskilled  labor.  This,  as 
has  already  been  remarked,  was  one  cause  of  the  fall  of  the 
Knights  of  St.  Crispin.  But  this  is  not  all ;  changes  in  manu- 
factures are  rendering  entire  classes  of  skilled  mechanics  quite 
useless,  and  these  fall  into  the  class  of  unskilled  labor,  which 
is  thus  constantly  filled  to  repletion.  Take  the  case  of  printers ; 
men  are  now  endeavoring  to  invent  a  type-setting  machine, 
which  will  place  this  skill  among  other  useless  acquirements. 
Should  they  succeed,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  of  what  use  the 
International  Typographical  Union  could  be  to  its  members, 
unless  it  should  indeed  change  its  character,  enlarge  its 
scope,  and  enter  into  closer  connection  with  other  labor 
organizations.  Now  the  order  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  was 
founded  with  a  perception  of  these  facts,  and  those  who 
originated  it,  and  have  given  to  it  its  animus,  have  sought  to 
organize  a  society  which  should  embrace  all  branches  of 
skilled  and  unskilled  labor,  for  mutual  protection,  for  the 
promotion  of  industrial  and  social  education  among  the 
masses,  and  for  the  attainment  of  beneficent  public  and  pri- 
vate reforms.  There  is  provided  room  within  the  order  for 
separate  trades-unions,  with  their  own  rules  and  regulations, 
united  by  a  federal  tie,  as  well  as  for  those  outside  of  any 
unions. 

Long  before  the  Knights  of  Labor  became  known  to  the 
world,  John  Stuart  Mill,  with  that  marvellous  insight  into 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  77 

economic  and  social  relations  which  at  times  characterized 
him,  described  one  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor  as  that  which  should  characterize  future 
labor  organizations.  "  If,"  said  he,  "  no  improvement  were 
to  be  hoped  for  in  the  general  circumstances  of  the  working 
classes,  the  success  of  a  portion  of  them,  however  small,  in 
keeping  their  wages,  by  combination,  above  the  market-rate, 
would  be  wholly  a  matter  of  satisfaction.  But  when  the 
elevation  of  the  character  and  condition  of  the  entire  body 
has  at  last  become  a  thing  not  beyond  the  reach  of  rational 
effort,  it  is  time  that  the  better-paid  classes  of  skilled  artisans 
should  seek  their  own  advantage  in  common  with,  and  not 
by  exclusion  of,  their  fellow-laborers.  While  they  continue 
to  fix  their  hopes  on  hedging  themselves  in  against  competi- 
tion, and  protecting  their  own  wages  by  shutting  out  others 
from  access  to  their  employment,  nothing  better  can  be 
expected  from  them  than  total  absence  of  any  large  and 
generous  aims.  .  .  .  Success,  even  if  attainable  in  raising  up 
a  protected  class  of  working  people,  would  now  be  a  hin- 
drance instead  of  a  help  to  the  emancipation  of  the  working 
classes  at  large." 

The  reason  for  this  judgment  is,  that  improvements  in 
means  of  production  have  now  rendered  the  elevation  of  the 
entire  body  an  object  of  rational  effort.  Consequently,  did 
we  succeed  in  the  attempt  to  elevate  skilled  artisans  and 
mechanics,  ryid  solve  the  labor  question  in  so  far  as  they  are 
concerned,  there  would  remain  still  a  great  mass  at  the 
bottom  of  society  with  pressing  and  unsatisfied  needs.  A 
"Fifth  Estate"  would  arise  and  clamor  for  emancipation. 
The  problem  of  production  is  well  on  the  way  to  solution. 
What  now  agitates  the  public  is  the  problem  of  distribution, 
and  the  Knights  of  Labor  propose  to  assist  in  its  solution  for 
the  entire  race.  They  reason  correctly  that  if  they  can 


78  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

elevate  the  lowest  social  stratum,  they  will  raise  all  other 
strata.  It  is  thus  that  they  put  themselves  in  line  with  the 
precepts  of  Christianity.  The  strong  help  to  bear  the  in- 
firmities of  the  weak,  and  no  grander  conception  of  human 
brotherhood  than  that  which  they  profess,  characterizes  any 
movement  of  our  times.1 

The  local  societies  are  called  local  assemblies,  generally 
indicated  by  the  letters  L.  A.,  and  these  may  be  composed 
entirely  of  men  of  one  trade,  or  of  men  of  various  pursuits. 
In  the  latter  case  it  is  called  mixed.  Three-fourths  of  the 
members  of  new  "  locals  "  must  be  wage-workers ;  but  men 
of  all  classes  are  admitted,  with  the  exception  of  bankers, 
stock-brokers,  professional  gamblers,  lawyers,  and  those  who 
in  any  way  derive  their  living  from  the  manufacture  or  sale 
of  intoxicating  liquors.  Above  the  local  assemblies  are  the 
district  assemblies,  which  are  sometimes  geographical  and 
sometimes  trade  distinctions.  Richmond  and  Manchester, 
Virginia,  constitute  one  district.  Locals  and  districts  are 
distinguished  by  numbers.  "District  Assembly"  41,  for 
example,  includes  the  local  assemblies  of  Baltimore  and 
vicinity,  while  "  Local  Assembly  "  300  is  composed  of  glass- 

1  Mr.  Powderly  explains  well  the  present  situation  in  these  words, 
taken  from  the  New  York  Sun  of  March  29,  1886:  "With  the  intro- 
duction of  labor-saving  machinery  the  trade  (of  machinists  and  black- 
smiths) was  all  cut  up,  so  that  a  man  who  had  served  an  apprenticeship 
of  five  years  might  be  brought  in  competition  with  a  machine  run 
by  a  boy,  and  the  boy  would  do  the  most  and  the  best.  I  saw  that 
labor-saving  machinery  was  bringing  the  machinist  down  to  the  level 
of  a  day  laborer,  and  soon  they  would  be  on  a  level.  My  aim  was  to 
dignify  the  laborer."  In  the  same  article  he  mentions  the  fact  that  his 
greatest  difficulty  in  inducing  the  machinists  and  blacksmiths  to  join 
the  Knights  of  Labor  lay  in  the  contempt  with  which  they  looked 
upon  other  workers.  This  is  characteristic  of  the  narrow  spirit  which 
formerly  separated  the  various  trades. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  79 

workers.  Some  of  the  locals  are  not  included  in  any  district, 
but  are  directly  subordinate  to  the  highest  authority  in  the 
order,  the  "  General  Assembly,"  a  delegate  body  or  congress 
representing  the  entire  order.  This  is  the  case  with  L.  A. 
300,  which  is  larger  than  some  district  assemblies;  about 
twice  as  large,  for  example,  as  D.  A.  59,  which  embraces 
locals  in  Chicago  and  vicinity.1  Some  of  the  assemblies 
have  adopted  special  names,  as  the  "  Henry  George  Assem- 
bly" ;  while  the  locals  composed  exclusively  of  women  occa- 
sionally prefer  some  more  poetical  or  mysterious  designation; 
one  in  Baltimore,  for  example,  bears  the  name,  "  The  Un- 
known"; while  another,  in  Texas,  is  called  "The  Guid- 
ing Star  Assembly." 

The  "  Noble  Order  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  "  was  at  first 
an  organization  the  very  existence  of  which  was  kept  a 
secret.  Its  name  was  never  mentioned,  but  it  was  indicated 
by  five  stars,  thus  *****,  and  for  several  years  it  grew  rapidly 
in  this  profound  secrecy.  Finally,  however,  rumors  became 
rife  about  "  The  Five  Stars,"  as  it  was  called,  and  Philadel- 
phians  noticed  with  trepidation  that  a  few  cabalistic  chalk- 
marks  in  front  of  "  Independence  Hall  "  could  bring  several 
thousand  men  together.  Alarm  spread,  newspapers  circu- 
lated absurd  fictions  in  regard  to  its  designs,  in  which  accu- 
sations of  communism  and  incendiarism  were  prominent, 
and  Catholic  and  Protestant  clergymen  hastened  to  de- 
nounce the  unknown  monster.  Finally  it  was  decided  to 
abandon  the  policy  of  extreme  secrecy2  which  had  character- 
ized the  infancy  of  the  order,  and  it  came  before  the  world 
with  a  statement  of  principles  and  repudiated  all  con- 

1  This  statement  is  based  on  the  statistics  in  the  Report  of  the  Gen- 
eral Secretary  at  the  last  General  Assembly,  which  was  held  at  Hamil- 
ton, Ontario,  October,  1885. 

2  A  special  meeting  was  held  to  consider  this  matter  in  June,  1878, 


80  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

nection  with  violent  and  revolutionary  associations.  The 
pledge1  binding  members  not  to  divulge  the  affairs  of  the 
Knights  was  declared  not  binding  with  reference  to  the  con- 
fessional, and  thus  the  hostility  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy 
was  generally  overcome,  and  many  priests  of  this  church  have 
since  then  become  warm  friends  of  the  order,  although  it  has 
met  with  denunciation  on  the  part  of  one  or  two  of  its  higher 
authorities,  particularly  in  Canada.  The  first  general  assem- 
bly was  held  in  Reading,  Pa.,  in  1878,  when  its  membership 
is  said  to  have  amounted  to  eighty  thousand.  A  meeting  of 
the  General  Assembly  has  been  held  annually  since  then, 
and  of  late  years  each  annual  report  shows  growth.  In  1883 
the  number  of  members  in  round  figures  was  52,000;  in 
1884,  71,000;  1885,  111,000.  The  reports  are  dated  July  i 

in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  call,  signed  by  the  founder,  Uriah  S. 
Stevens,  then  Grand  Master  Workman,  was  headed :  — 

"N.  ANDH.  O. 

OF  THE 
#     #     #     #     # 

OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

PEACE  AND  PROSPERITY  TO  THE  FAITHFUL! 
To  the  Fraternity  wherever  found,  Greeting:  — 

SPECIAL   CALL," 

The  reason  for  this  special  call  is  stated  to  be  "  on  account  of  what 
is  believed  by  many  of  our  most  influential  members  to  be  an 
emergency  of  vast  and  vital  importance  to  the  stability,  usefulness,  and 
influence  of  our  order."  The  business  to  come  before  the  meeting,  as 
further  stated,  "  is  to  consider  the  expediency  of  making  the  name  of 
the  Order  public  for  the  purpose  of  defending  it  from  the  fierce  assaults 
and  defamation  made  upon  it  by  press,  clergy,  and  corporate  capital, 
and  to  take  such  further  action  as  shall  effectually  meet  the  GRAVE 

EMERGENCY." 

1  It  is  now  simply  one's  word  of  honor. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  81 

in  each  case.  The  growth  during  the  past  year  has  been 
entirely  without  precedent ;  and  though  no  one  knows  the 
present  membership,1  estimates  range  from  three  to  five 
hundred  thousand.  Occasionally  one  hears  rumors  of  one 
million,  a  million  and  a  half,  and  even  two  million  members  ; 
but  there  appears  to  be  no  ground  whatever  for  such  esti- 
mates. It  is,  however,  doubtless  true  that  over  one  million 
persons  have  at  one  time  or  another  been  members  of  the 
order,  possibly  even  two  millions,  and  it  is  not  at  all  improb- 
able that  a  million  Americans  sympathize  with  its  general 
aims  and  endeavor  to  act  in  harmony  with  its  movements. 
Under  pressure  of  hard  times  members  will  drop  out  of  work- 
ingmen's  societies,  and  it  is  difficult  to  keep  alive  an  interest 
in  an  organization  among  the  less  intelligent  laborers,  who  are 
apt  to  join  to  accomplish  some  temporary  purpose,  or  out  of 
love  of  novelty.  But  these  same  men  who  have  dropped 
out  will,  under  favorable  circumstances,  again  pour  into  the 
organizations.  The  consequence  is,  that  the  number  of 
members  actually  on  the  rolls  of  labor  organizations  is  apt  to 
give  but  an  imperfect  idea  of  their  strength.  It  must  further 
be  remembered,  that  as  the  better  workmen  are,  as  a  rule, 
members  of  trades-unions  and  the  other  associations,  these 
various  societies  often  lead  even  those  who  have  always  been 
non-union  men.  The  growth  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  during 
the  past  two  years  has  been  more  remarkable  in  the  South 
and  East  of  the  United  States  than  elsewhere.  The  report 
for  July,  1884,  shows  sixty- four  members  in  Richmond ;  now 
one  hears  rumors,  apparently  well  founded,  of  six  and  seven 
thousand,  even  of  eight  thousand,  and  it  is  certain  that  the 
Knights  were  able  to  elect  a  municipal  ticket  in  the  spring 
of  1886  by  a  large  majority.  They  swept  the  city,  as  the 

1  This  was  written  in  July,  1886,  and  the  annual  reports  are  not  pub- 
lished until  later  in  the  year. 


82  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

saying  is.  Four  years  ago  there  was  not  a  local  assembly 
south  of  Baltimore;  now  local  assemblies  are  springing 
up  in  all  parts  of  the  South,  which  some  think  is  the 
most  favorable  soil  for  the  order,  as  it  is  not  occupied 
to  any  great  extent  by  trades-unions,  and  thus  offers  a 
free  field.  There  were  four  local  assemblies  in  Massa- 
chusetts in  1882;  in  October,  1885,  125.  Of  the  261 
"locals"  organized  in  December,  1885,  30  were  in  Massa- 
chusetts. There  were  seven  locals  in  the  single  city  of 
Haverhill  in  1885,  and  of  these  one,  numbering  nearly  eight 
hundred,  was  composed  exclusively  of  women,  and  another 
consisted  of  French  Canadians.  Among  the  Knights  in 
this  place  are  eight  or  ten  shoe-manufacturers,  and  several 
men  of  prominence  in  the  town. 

Two  facts  which  must  be  mentioned  here  are  among 
the  peculiarities  of  the  present  phase  of  the  labor  move- 
ment. The  first  is  the  position  taken  with  reference  to 
women  on  the  one  hand,  on  the  other  the  attitude  of  women 
towards  the  Knights  of  Labor.  It  is  clearly  recognized  that 
women  have  been,  and  are  still,  more  oppressed  than  men, 
and  the  truth  has  been  fully  perceived  that  it  is  impossible 
to  better  the  condition  of  the  masses  permanently  unless  the 
lot  of  workingwomen  is  ameliorated.  As  a  consequence, 
the  Knights  are  everywhere  endeavoring  to  help  women  to 
secure  higher  wages  and  more  favorable  conditions  of  sendee. 
This  effort  has  been  manifested  in  a  thousand  different  ways. 
When  girls  have  struck  on  account  of  indecent  treatment  in 
factories,  they  have  found  the  Knights  their  most  ardent 
champions,  and  large  contributions  have  been  made  by  them 
and  other  organized  workingmen  to  support  their  sisters. 
Another  manifestation  of  a  somewhat  different  character,  and 
also  typical,  was  recently  observed  when  an  American,  who 
had  abused  his  wife,  was  expelled  from  the  order  and  word 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  83 

was  sent  to  Canada,  whither  he  had  emigrated,  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  unworthy  scoundrel.  A  third  illus- 
tration of  this  praiseworthy  endeavor  is  seen  in  the  co 
operative  shirt  factory  in  Baltimore,  lately  started  by  the 
workingmen  of  that  city  to  help  the  poor  sewing  women. 
A  new  regard  for  women  is  thus  being  cultivated  among  the 
masses,  and  the  full  significance  of  this  can  only  be  appre- 
ciated by  him  who  takes  large  views  of  the  movements  of 
the  day,  for  the  full  fruition  of  seed  now  sown  will  not  be 
perceived  for  many  years  to  come.  The  workingwomen  of 
the  country  are,  as  would  naturally  be  expected,  learning  to 
value  the  "noble  order"  highly,  and  many  of  them  are 
becoming  members.  Women  are  among  the  most  ardent, 
self-sacrificing  supporters  of  this  labor  movement. 

The  second  fact  to  which  attention  must  be  directed  is 
the  membership  among  the  negroes  in  the  South,  who  are 
so  much  inclined  to  societies  of  various  kinds  that  one  can 
scarcely  find  a  colored  person,  male  or  female,  who  does 
not  belong  to  at  least  one.  They  are  now  everywhere  join- 
ing the  Knights  of  Labor,  who  do  not  discriminate  against 
them,  and  are  considered  among  their  most  faithful  mem- 
bers. The  following  item  in  the  news  sent  from  Richmond 
to  the  Associated  Labor  Press  in  April,  1885,  is  only  one  of 
many  indications  of  the  attitude  of  the  colored  people  which 
might  be  cited :  "  The  negroes  are  with  us  heart  and  soul, 
and  have  organized  seven  assemblies  in  this  city  and  one 
in  Manchester  with  a  large  membership." 

It  is  said  that  the  largest  accessions  have  come  of  late 
from  the  farmers,  and  the  following  States  are  reported  as 
those  in  which  farmers  have  either  joined  the  Knights  in 
large  numbers,  or  have  entered  into  friendly  relations  with 
them  through  their  own  organizations :  Virginia,  Texas, 
Nebraska,  Indiana,  Michigan,  and  Illinois.  One  begins  to 


84  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

hear  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  England  and  Belgium,  and 
if  the  order  survives  internal  dissensions,1  it  will  soon  attain 
a  position  of  influence  in  Europe.  The  order  can  scarcely 
be  called  secret  now,  as  it  conceals  none  of  its  plans.  It  is 
found  useful  to  exclude  non-members  from  its  meetings  for 
several  obvious  reasons.  One  is  the  bitter  hostility  of  certain 
employers  who  have  "victimized"  members  of  the  organi- 
zation. It  was  largely  on  this  account  that  its  profound 
secrecy  was  first  maintained;  for  the  determination  seems 
to  have  been  early  reached  to  pursue  a  more  open  course  as 
soon  as  it  could  protect  its  members.  For  the  same  reason 
it  is  deemed  desirable  in  a  few  places  to  pursue  the  early 
policy,  and  not  to  mention  the  existence  of  assemblies 
in  these  localities.  Another  reason  for  closing  meetings  to 
the  public  is,  the  greater  freedom  in  debate  and  discussion. 
The  members  are  for  the  most  part  men  whose  educational 
advantages  have  been  slight,  and  in  feeling  about  for 
theoretical  truth,  or  a  correct  course  of  action,  they  very 
properly  do  not  desire  to  incur  the  ridicule  of  the  press, 
which  could  do  little  good,  and  would  certainly  do  much 
harm. 

One  of  the  best  achievements  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  is 
the  good  opinion  they  have  won  of  many  intelligent  employ- 
ers who  really  wish  their  laborers  well.  A  forcible  example 
of  this  was  exhibited  in  Baltimore  not  long  since.  The 
employees  of  one  of  the  most  prominent  manufacturers  in 
the  city  joined  the  order  on  his  advice  to  them  to  do  so, 
and  his  testimony  in  a  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
together  with  arguments  of  other  members,  sufficed  to 
induce  that  body  to  pass  resolutions  which  were  favorable  to 

1  Those  who  imagine  attacks  from  without  can  destroy  it  are  greatly 
mistaken.  At  the  present  juncture  nothing  could  be  so  useful  to  the 
order  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  as  a  little  persecution. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  85 

labor  organizations,  and  highly  creditable  to  the  broad  intel- 
ligence and  generous  feeling  of  its  members. 

The  change  of  feelings  in  regard  to  the  Knights  of  Labor 
is  well  brought  out  in  the  following  quotation  from  the  New 
York  Sun:  — 

"Manufacturers  who  a  few  years  ago  would  have  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Executive  Board,1  and  would  have 
resented  any  interference  in  their  affairs  by  it,  now  send  for 
it  to  arbitrate  between  their  help  and  themselves.  For 
instance,  in  a  potters'  strike,  in  1882,  the  employers  in 
Trenton  refused  to  resume  work  until  their  men  quitted  the 
Knights  of  Labor.  This  year,  in  the  face  of  another  diffi- 
culty between  their  men  and  themselves,  they  agreed  to 
submit  their  difficulty  to  the  Executive  Board.  The  men 
were  out  on  strike,  and  the  Board  declined  to  do  anything 
until  the  men  were  taken  back  at  the  old  prices.  In  three 
days  they  submitted  a  new  scale  to  the  employees  and 
strikers,  and,  as  Secretary  Turner  says,  '  succeeded  in  pleas- 
ing both  sides  for  the  first  time  in  our  history.'  The  Pot- 
ters' Association  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  Board." 

"  The  capitalists  used  to  think  we  were  demons,  or  men 
with  horns  on  our  foreheads,"  said  Mr.  Turner ;  "  but  they 
find,  instead,  a  little  party  of  plain  men  who  have  only  one 
aim — that  of  making  peace  and  bringing  about  justice." 

The  Preamble  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  contains  their 
declaration  of  purposes,  and  reads  as  follows  :  — 

PREAMBLE  OF  THE  KNIGHTS  OF  LABOR. 

The  alarming  development  and  aggressiveness  of  great  capital- 
ists and  corporations,  unless  checked,  will  inevitably  lead  to  the 
pauperization  and  hopeless  degradation  of  the  toiling  masses. 

1  Officers  of  the  General  Assembly,  whose  functions  are  indicated 
by  their  name. 


86  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

It  is  imperative,  if  we  desire  to  enjoy  the  full  blessings  of  life, 
that  a  check  be  placed  upon  unjust  accumulation  and  the  power 
for  evil  of  aggregated  wealth. 

This  much-desired  object  can  be  accomplished  only  by  the 
united  efforts  of  those  who  obey  the  divine  injunction,  "  In  the 
sweat  of  thy  face  thou  shalt  eat  bread." 

Therefore  we  have  formed  the  Order  of  Knights  of  Labor,  for 
the  purpose  of  organizing  and  directing  the  power  of  the  indus- 
trial masses,  not  as  a  political  party,  for  it  is  more :  in  it  are 
crystalized  sentiments  and  measures  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole 
people;  but  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  when  exercising  the 
right  of  suffrage,  that  most  of  the  objects  herein  set  forth  can 
only  be  obtained  through  legislation,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
all  to  assist  in  nominating  and  supporting  with  their  votes  only 
such  candidates  as  will  pledge  their  support  to  these  measures, 
regardless  of  party.  But  no  one  shall,  however,  be  compelled 
to  vote  with  the  majority,  and  calling  upon  all  who  believe  in 
securing  "  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number"  to  join  and 
assist  us,  we  declare  to  the  world  that  our  aims  are :  — 

I.  To  make  industrial  and  moral  worth,  not  wealth,  the  true 
standard  of  individual  and  national  greatness. 

II.  To  secure  for  the  workers  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  wealth 
they  create;  sufficient  leisure  in  which  to   develop  their  intel- 
lectual, moral,  and  social  faculties ;  all  of  the  benefits,  recreation, 
and  pleasure  of  association ;  in  a  word,  to  enable  them  to  share 
in  the  gains  and  honors  of  advancing  civilization. 

In  order  to  secure  these  results,  we  demand  at  the  hands  of 
the  STATE  :  — 

III.  The  establishment  of  Bureaus  of  Labor  Statistics,  that 
we  may  arrive  at  a  correct  knowledge  of  the  educational,  moral, 
and  financial  condition  of  the  laboring  masses. 

IV.  That  the  public  lands,  the  heritage  of  the  people,  be 
reserved  for  actual  settlers;   not  another  acre  for  railroads  or 
speculators  ;  and  that  all  lands  now  held  for  speculative  purposes 
be  taxed  to  their  full  value. 

V.  The  abrogation  of  all  laws  that  do  not  bear  equally  upon 
capital  and  labor,  and  the  removal  of  unjust  technicalities,  delays, 
and  discriminations  in  the  administration  of  justice. 


LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  87 

VI.  The  adoption  of  measures  providing  for  the  health  and 
safety  of  those  engaged  in  mining,  manufacturing,  and  building 
industries,  and  for  indemnification  to  those  engaged  therein  for 
injuries  received  through  lack  of  necessary  safeguards. 

VII.  The    recognition,   by  incorporation,    of    trades-unions, 
orders,  and  such  other  associations  as  may  be  organized  by  the 
working  masses  to  improve  their  condition  and  protect  their 
rights. 

VIII.  The  enactment  of  laws  to  compel  corporations  to  pay 
their  employees  weekly,  in  lawful  money,  for  the  labor  of  the 
preceding  week,  and  giving  mechanics  and  laborers  a  first  lien 
upon  the  product  of  their  labor  to  the  extent  of  their  full 
wages. 

IX.  The  abolition  of  the  contract  system  on  national,  State, 
and  municipal  works. 

X.  The  enactment  of  laws  providing  for  arbitration  between 
employers  and  employed,  and  to  enforce  the  decision  of  the 
arbitrators. 

XI.  The  prohibition  by  law  of  the  employment  of  children 
under  fifteen  years  of  age  in  workshops,  mines,  and  factories. 

XII.  To  prohibit  the  hiring  out  of  convict  labor. 

XIII.  That  a  graduated  income  tax  be  levied. 
And  we  demand  at  the  hands  of  CONGRESS  :  — 

XIV.  The  establishment  of  a  national  monetary  system,  in 
which  a  circulating  medium  in  necessary  quantity  shall  issue 
direct  to  the  people,  without  the  intervention  of  banks ;  that  all 
the  national  issue  shall  be  full  legal  tender  in  payment  of  all 
debts,  public  and  private;  and  that  the  government  shall  not 
guarantee  or  recognize  any  private  banks,  or  create  any  banking 
corporations. 

XV.  That  interest-bearing  bonds,  bills  of  credit,  or  notes, 
shall  never  be  issued  by  the  government ;  but  that,  when  need 
arises,  the  emergency  shall  be  met  by  issue  of  legal  tender,  non- 
interest-bearing  money. 

XVI.  That  the  importation  of  foreign  labor  under  contract  be 
prohibited. 

XVII.  That,  in  connection  with  the  post-office,  the  govern- 


88  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ment  shall  organize  financial  exchanges,  safe  deposits,  and  facil- 
ities for  deposit  of  the  savings  of  the  people  in  small  sums. 

XVIII.  That  the  government  shall  obtain  possession,  by  pur- 
chase, under  the  right  of  eminent  domain,  of  all  telegraphs,  tele- 
phones, and  railroads ;  and  that  hereafter  no  charter  or  license 
be  issued  to  any  corporation  for  construction  or  operation  of  any 
means  of  transporting  intelligence,  passengers,  or  freight. 

And  while  making  the  foregoing  demands  upon  the  State  and 
national  government,  we  will  endeavor  to  associate  our  own 
labors :  — 

XIX.  To  establish  co-operative  institutions  such  as  will  tend 
to  supercede  the  wage  system,  by  the  introduction  of  a  co-opera- 
tive industrial  system. 

XX.  To  secure  for  both  sexes  equal  pay  for  equal  work. 

XXI.  To  shorten  the  hours  of  labor  by  a  general  refusal  to 
work  for  more  than  eight  hours. 

XXII.  To  persuade  employers  to  arbitrate    all    differences 
which  may  arise  between  them  and  their  employees,  in  order  that 
the  bonds  of  sympathy  between  them  may  be  strengthened,  and 
that  strikes  may  be  rendered  unnecessary. 

This  sketch  of  labor  organizations  cannot  be  complete 
without  a  word  about  "The  Federation  of  Organized  Trades 
and  Labor  Unions  of  the  United  States  and  Canada,"  and 
about  our  Central  Labor  Unions,  or  Trades  Assemblies,  or 
Federations  of  Labor,  as  they  are  variously  called. 

The  first  of  these  central  labor  unions  has  been  already 
mentioned  as  having  existed  in  New  York  in  1833,  under 
the  name  of  the  General  Trades  Union  of  the  City  of  New 
York.  Another  was  formed  in  Cincinnati  in  1864.  Now 
they  exist  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Brooklyn,  New  Haven, 
Boston,  Chicago,  Detroit,  San  Francisco,  Baltimore,  Wash- 
ington, and  probably  in  every  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  the 
United  States.  They  are  delegate  bodies,  to  which  each 
local  union  sends  representatives,  so  that  the  laborers  of  a 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  89 

vicinity  may  act  solidly  together.  Recently  a  movement  has 
been  set  on  foot  to  call  a  convention  of  representatives  of  all 
central  labor  unions,  to  solidify  still  further  the  interests 
of  labor  in  all  great  American  cities,  and  to  secure  harmo- 
nious action  for  common  ends. 

The  Federation  of  Organized  Trades  and  Labor  Unions, 
organized  in  Pittsburg  in  1881,  is  for  the  labor  organizations 
of  the  United  States  and  Canada  what  the  central  labor 
unions  are  to  the  local  organizations  in  the  cities,  and  is 
founded  on  the  model  of  the  Trades  Union  Congress  of 
England.  It  aims  to  promote  the  common  interest  of  all 
trades-unions  and  labor  organizations,  and  to  watch  the 
course  of  legislation  in  order  to  promote  that  which  is  con- 
sidered beneficial,  and  to  repress  that  which  is  regarded  as 
injurious.  Its  last  annual  meeting  was  held  in  Washington 
in  December,  1885,  when  it  claimed  to  represent  two  hun- 
dred and  eighty  thousand  workingmen. 

What  is  the  total  number  of  organized  laborers  at  the 
present  time  in  the  United  States?  This  is  something 
which  no  human  being  knows  or  can  know  with  any  statis- 
tics at  command.  There  are,  however,  data  which  enable 
one  to  form  a  rational  opinion ;  and  although  space  will  not 
permit  an  enumeration  of  such  facts  as  are  known,  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  say  that  I  consider  a  million  a  conservative  esti- 
mate ;  while  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  number  may  be  far 
longer.  It  is  not  improbable  that  one-fourth  of  our  indus- 
trial wage-workers  belong  to  some  kind  of  organization.1 

1  My  estimate  is  far  more  conservative  than  that  of  others.  Mr. 
Henry  Semler,  of  San  Francisco,  is  quoted  as  saying  that  in  his 
opinion  ninety-nine  out  of  every  hundred  Americans  belonged  to  some 
kind  of  an  organization,  and  that  ninety-five  out  of  a  hundred  belonged 
to  a  mutual  aid  society  of  one  description  or  another.  I  regard  this 
as  true  only  of  our  colored  population. 


90  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Nearly  all  the  laborers  engaged  in  certain  branches  of  pro- 
duction in  industrial  centres  are  organized,  and  in  other 
employments  a  very  considerable  majority.  It  is  said,  for 
example,  that  four-fifths  of  the  locomotive  engineers,  and  an 
equal  proportion  of  locomotive  firemen,  belong  to  their 
respective  unions.  The  president  of  the  Lake  Seamen's 
Union  testified  before  the  Blair  Committee  on  Labor  three 
years  since,  that  his  organization  embraced  about  seventy- 
five  per  cent  "of  the  persons  engaged  as  sailors  on  the 
lakes." 

A  reaction  appears  to  have  set  in,1  and  it  is  probable  that 
for  some  time  to  come  the  power  of  organized  labor  will 
decrease ;  but  a  change  will  again  come,  and  the  unions 
and  various  associations  will  once  more  report  an  increasing 
membership.  The  progress  of  the  labor  movement  may  be 
compared  to  the  incoming  tide.  Each  wave  advances  a 
little  further  than  the  previous  one ;  and  he  is  the  merest 
tyro  in  social  science,  and  an  ignoramus  in  the  history  of  his 
country,  who  imagines  that  a  permanent  decline  has  over- 
taken organized  labor,2  whatever  his  talents  or  acquisitions 
may  be  in  other  respects.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  before 
this  reaction  set  in,  the  organization  of  labor  progressed  with 
such  gigantic  strides  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  keep 
pace  with  it.  The  gain  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  over 
seventy-five  per  cent  from  1884  to  1885,  was  characteristic 
of  the  growth  of  the  entire  labor  movement. 

Another  measure  of  growth  is  the  progress  of  the  press, 

1  Written  in  July,  1886. 

2  A    writer    for    one    of    the    leading    journals    in    the    country 
headed  an  editorial  in  1877,  "The  Overthrow  of  Trades  Unionism." 
It  was  directed  specially  against  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engi- 
neers and  its  chief,  Mr.  Arthur.    That  brotherhood  is  now  stronger 
than  ever  before,  and  Mr.  Arthur  stands  high  in  public  opinion  in  1886. 


LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS  IN  AMERICA.  91 

which  represents  a  given  cause.  A  German  student  who 
wrote  a  book  on  American  labor  in  1876,  remarked  it  as  a 
characteristic  of  the  movement  in  this  country  that  the  labor 
press  was  small  and  insignificant.  To-day  there  may  be  five 
hundred  labor  newspapers  in  the  United  States,  and  among 
them  are  nine  or  ten  dailies.  It  is  doubtful  if  there  was  a 
single  labor  paper  in  the  South  three  years  ago,  unless  possi- 
bly in  New  Orleans.  In  1885  there  were  three  in  Rich- 
mond, a  city  of  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  inhabitants. 
The  number  of  the  labor  papers  is  increasing  every  week. 
Some  of  them  are  edited  with  considerable  ability;  many 
are  enlarging  their  size,  using  better  type  than  hitherto,  and 
are  giving  other  signs  of  a  secure  footing.1  In  short,  the  evi- 
dences of  astounding  rapidity  in  the  progress  of  the  organi- 
zation of  labor  are  so  overwhelming  that  they  appear  on 
every  hand,  and  fairly  force  themselves  upon  us.  It  is 
further  to  be  noticed,  that  these  organizations  have  taken 
deeper  root  than  ever  before ;  one  striking  proof  of  which 
is  that  they  have  continued  to  grow  in  power  during  the  last 
few  years  of  stagnation  in  business,  while  the  hard  years 
following  the  panic  of  1873  so  nearly  ruined  them  that 
many  drew  the  over-hasty  conclusion  that  they  were  alto- 
gether devoid  of  strong  vitality. 

Now  comes  the  question,  —  the  momentous  question,  — 
What  does  all  this  mean?  What  is  its  significance?  An 
attempt  will  be  made  to  give  a  satisfactory  reply  in  the  fol- 
lowing chapters. 

1  Written  before  the  reaction. 


CHAPTER  IV.1 

THE  ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS. 

TRADES-UNIONS  and  other  associations  of  laborers 
are  designed  to  protect  and  advance  the  interest  of 
the  great  mass  of  the  working  classes.  They  are  intended 
primarily  for  the  average  man,  and  not  for  those  with  extra- 
ordinary economic  capacities.  The  latter  class  may  occa- 
sionally find  them  useful,  but  usually  men  possessed  of 
economic  gifts  of  a  higher  order  wish  no  help  from  labor 
organizations.  They  desire  a  free  course,  and  ask  to  be  let 
alone.  There  can  be  no  more  useful  person  in  the  com- 
munity than  the  talented  man,  provided  he  is  at  the  same 
time  a  man  obedient  to  the  dictates  of  practical  ethics  j  and 
it  is  desirable  that  his  freedom  of  movement  should  not  be 
restrained,  so  long  as  he  does  not  intrench  upon  the  liberties 
of  his  neighbor,  or  does  not  otherwise  injure  his  fellow-men. 
It  will  at  times  happen  that  the  cheapest  man  in  a  town  is 
the  "  captain  of  industry,"  whose  unusual  abilities  yield  him 
an  annual  income  of  twenty,  thirty,  or  forty  thousand  dollars 
per  annum ;  and  by  saying  that  he  is  the  cheapest  man  in 
the  town,  I  mean  that  he  renders  greater  service  to  the 
community  for  every  dollar  received  than  any  one  else. 

1  Credit  for  much  that  is  in  this  chapter  must  be  given  to  Professor 
Bruntano,  whose  treatment  of  this  subject  in  his  "  Gewerbliche  Arbei- 
terfrage"  is  the  best  that  I  have  seen.  This  monograph  is  published 
in  the  first  volume  of  Schonberg's  "  Handbuch  der  politischen  Oekon- 
omie."  Passages  enclosed  in  quotation  marks  are  from  Professor 
Brentano  where  nothing  to  the  contrary  is  stated. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.    93 

Though  it  is  often  necessary  to  put  a  check  on  greed,  and 
to  restrain  the  activity  of  the  unscrupulous,  the  true  policy 
for  all  social  classes,  and  therefore  for  society  as  a  whole,  is 
to  encourage  the  development  of  talent. 

But  one  of  the  elementary  truths  which  we  in  this  country 
specially  need  to  grasp  is  that  the  average  man  is  not  a 
peculiarly  gifted  man.  What  do  we  mean  by  able,  talented, 
and  such  expressions?  By  them  we  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  a  man  is  superior  to  the  vast  majority.  The 
terms  are  relative,  and  as  ordinarily  used  they  can  no  more 
apply  to  all  men  than  two  and  two  can  make  five.  This  is 
simple ;  but  nothing  is  more  fraught  with  weighty  conse- 
quences, and  nothing  is  oftener  overlooked  in  discussions 
of  social  problems.  How  common  is  the  saying,  "  There  is 
always  plenty  of  room  on  the  top  shelf,"  or  "  in  the  upper 
story."  What  of  it?  All  men  can  no  more  get  there  than 
every  tree  in  the  forest  can  be  taller  than  all  the  other  trees. 
Yet  people  talk  as  if  this  were  possible.  The  extreme  of  this 
absurdity  is  seen  in  the  traditional  elderly  gentleman  who 
tells  all  the  boys  in  the  village  school  that  they  may  one  day 
become  President  of  the  United  States.  Though  doubtless 
spoken  in  ignorance,  it  is,  in  the  nature  of  things,  a  false- 
hood. Let  us,  then,  begin  any  treatment  of  the  labor  ques- 
tion, or  any  other  social  problem,  with  a  frank  recognition 
of  the  fact  that  we  have  to  deal  with  the  ninety-nine  out  of 
a  hundred  who  by  no  human  possibility  can  ascend  to  the 
"  upper  story."  One  hundred  men  may  struggle  never  so 
hard ;  but  if  they  are  to  have  only  one  leader,  only  one  can 
rise  to  that  position  of  eminence.  You  may  urge  them  on 
and  render  the  struggle  severer,  but  the  ultimate  result  is 
the  same.  Take  the  case  of  independent  producers.  The 
relative  number  of  those  who  belong  to  that  class  has  been 
steadily  diminishing  for  years,  as  production  on  a  large  scale 


94  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

has  taken  the  place  of  the  small  shop.  It  lies,  then,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  that  under  our  present  industrial  system  the 
relative  portion  of  wage-receivers  in  manufactories  must  in- 
crease. It  is  not  the  fault  of  the  laborer ;  it  is  not  the  fault 
of  their  employers.  When  one  begins  to  discuss  the  labor 
question,  one  often  hears  the  remark,  "  The  majority  of  rich 
manufacturers  began  themselves  as  poor  boys.  They  were 
once  employees."  The  statement  itself  will  not  bear  such 
close  scrutiny  as  some  might  think,  for  it  is  not  so  true  of  an 
old  country  as  of  a  new ;  not  so  true  of  the  manufacturers 
of  forty  years  of  age  as  of  those  of  seventy.  But  if  we 
accept  the  statement,  what  of  it?  What  bearing  has  that 
on  the  condition  of  those  who  remain  journeymen  all  their 
lives?  Is  not  your  self-made  man  —  who,  as  Horace 
Greeley  said,  is  sometimes  too  inclined  to  worship  his  own 
creator — often  the  most  haughty,  overbearing,  and  tyran- 
nical?1 Not  always ;  for  nobler  men  do  not  live  than  some 
of  these.  But  too  often  it  is  true,  and  the  laborer  whose 
master  was  once  aworkingman  himself  has  then  cause  to  regret 
it.  It  ought  at  the  same  time  to  be  remarked,  that  where 
one  laborer  rises  to  the  position  of  a  wealthy  man,  ten  small 
producers  have  lost  their  independent  positions  and  fallen 
into  the  rank  of  wage-receivers.  The  gradual  disappearance 
of  the  village  carpenter,  the  village  shoemaker,  and  others 
of  that  class,  is  a  fact  well  known  in  our  own  East ;  and  in 
older  countries,  the  distress  of  the  once  large  and  flourishing- 
class  of  small  masters  working  with  two  or  three  journeymen 
has  given  rise  to  a  social  problem. 

Let  us  allude  to  another  allied  fallacy.  The  news- 
papers tell  us  that  the  sons  of  rich  men  squander  their 
property  and  fall  into  the  ranks  of  poor  people;  and 

1  See  Dickens'  "  Hard  Times  "  for  a  description  of  the  worst  class 
of  self-made  men. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.    95 

this  is  repeated  again  and  again  as  if  it  ought  to  allay 
anxiety  about  the  future.  Most  happily  the  statement 
is  only  exceptionally  true;  but  if  it  were  the  unfortu- 
nate state  of  affairs,  how  could  it  solve  any  social  prob- 
lem? 

Let  us  put  away  all  these  shallow  sophistries.  What  we 
want  in  this  country  is  to  know  how  to  improve  the  laboring 
man  as  a  laboring  man  —  for  such  the  great  mass  must 
remain  for  many  years  to  come,  and  it  may  be  safe  to  say 
for  generations  to  come,  whatever  unknown .  conditions  a 
future  social  development  may  bring  us.  To  elevate  the 
farmer  as  a  farmer,  the  mechanic  as  a  mechanic,  the  artisan 
as  an  artisan,  in  short,  to  lift  the  entire  "  Fourth  Estate,"  as 
it  is  called,  should  be  the  effort  of  public  reform  and  private 
philanthropy.  It  is  not  our  public  schools  in  themselves 
which  turn  our  youth  away  from  manual  occupations,  but 
the  cry  "  rise  in  life  "  which  fills  the  air  and  which  leads  to 
false  estimates  of  human  worthiness.  Truly,  every  one 
should  attempt  to  "  rise  in  life  "  in  the  correct  meaning  of 
those  words,  but  our  schoolbooks,  our  periodicals  for  the 
young,  and,  one  might  almost  say,  our  entire  literature,  all 
are  carrying  to  our  young  people  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  land  the  conception  that  to  rise  in  life  means 
to  become  a  great  manufacturer,  a  railway  president,  or  a 
merchant  prince.  No  wonder  that  humble  toil  is  scorned. 
Wise  words  uttered  by  Charles  Kingsley,  a  man  who  has 
done  great  things  to  elevate  the  masses,  deserve  to  be 
emphasized  among  us  precisely  at  the  present  time,  even 
though  they  may  contain  a  slight  exaggeration  of  the  truth 
which  I  would  convey.  "  I  do  not  think,"  says  Kingsley, 
"  the  cry  *  get  on '  to  be  anything  but  a  devil's  cry.  The 
moral  of  my  book  [Alton  Locke]  is  that  the  workingman 
who  tries  to  get  on,  to  desert  his  class  and  rise  above  it, 


%  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

enters  into  a  lie,  and  leaves  God's  path  for  his  own  —  with 
consequences.1 

"  Second,  I  believe  that  a  man  might  be,  as  a  tailor  or  a 
costermonger,  every  inch  of  him  a  saint  and  scholar  and  a 
gentleman,  for  I  have  seen  some  few  such  already.  I 
believe  hundreds  of  thousands  more  would  be  so  if  their 
businesses  were  put  on  a  Christian  footing  and  themselves 
given  by  education,  sanitary  reforms,  etc.,  the  means  of 
developing  their  own  latent  capabilities.  I  think  the  cry 
'  rise  in  life '  has  been  excited  by  the  very  increasing  im- 
possibility of  being  anything  but  brutes  while  they  struggle 
below.  ...  I  believe  from  experience  that  when  you  put 
workmen  into  human  dwellings  and  give  them  a  Christian 
education,  so  far  from  wishing  discontentedly  to  rise  out  of 
their  class  or  to  level  others  to  it,  exactly  the  opposite  takes 
place.  They  become  sensible  of  the  dignity  of  work,  and 
they  begin  to  see  their  labor  as  a  true  calling  in  God's 
church  now  that  it  is  cleared  from  the  accidentia  which 
made  it  look  in  their  eyes  only  a  soulless  drudgery  in  a 
devil's  workshop  of  a  world." 

Trades-unions  and  labor  organizations  are,  then,  designed 
to  remove  disadvantages  under  which  the  great  mass  of 
workingmen  suffer,  and  must  continue  to  suffer  unless  they 
get  relief  either  by  voluntary  combination  or  by  combined 
political  action.  What  are  these  disadvantages  ?  Adam 
Smith  and  his  French  predecessors,  the  Physiocrats,  desired 
to  remove  from  the  laborer  all  legal  restrictions  which  im- 
peded his  freedom  of  movement,  and  to  give  him  the  right 
to  enter  into  such  agreements  with  those  who  might  desire 

1  The  hero  of  this  wonderful  novel  expresses  the  complaint  in  one 
place  —  and  that  with  a  tinge  of  bitterness  — that  the  workingman  who 
remains  true  to  his  class  and  tries  to  help  it,  is  called  a  demagogue.  Is 
this  true  only  of  England? 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.    97 

his  service  as  he  could  effect.  The  reforms  which  they 
proposed,  and  which  subsequent  legislation  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  earlier  part  of  the 
nineteenth  introduced,  were  chiefly l  negative  in  their  char- 
acter. The  watchword  was,  "  Remove  the  shackles."  The 
economic  philosophers  of  the  time  believed  that  legal 
equality  and  freedom  of  contract  were  the  sole  conditions 
needed  to  enable  the  working  classes  to  secure  a  share  of 
the  product  of  national  industry,  a  share  sufficient  to  serve 
as  a  basis  for  their  physical,  ethical,  and  spiritual  develop- 
ment. This  theory  was  based  on  two  fallacies, — the  first  was 
the  assumption  of  the  natural  equality  of  men.  "  The  differ- 
ences found  among  men  in  their  opinion  were  not  due  to 
original,  native  qualities,  but  were  the  result  of  education,2 
legislation,  and  government.  Could  the  restrictions  of  the 
State  be  removed  they  believed  that  each  member  of  society 
would  be  able  to  promote  his  own  interests  most  efficiently 
without  aid  from  others,  and  would  be  able  to  guard  his 
own  interests  in  the  economic  struggle  for  existence.  But 
the  equality  of  men  is  a  chimera,  and  only  those  of  extraor- 
dinary capacities  have  the  ability  so  to  utilize  the  resources 
at  their  command  as  to  obtain  the  highest  possible  return 
from  them."  The  inequality  of  men  in  economic  affairs,  and 
the  inability  of  those  who  occupy  a  lower  grade  in  economic 

1  The  word  chiefly  is  used  advisedly.     Important  exceptions  can  be 
found  in  Adam  Smith ;  for  example,  he  says,  that  whenever  any  legisla- 
tion favors  the  workingman,  it  is  always  just. 

2  Adam  Smith  dwells  at  length  on  the  idea  that  the  difference  be- 
tween a  superior  member  of  the  upper  classes  and  a  very  ordinary 
man,  is  due  chiefly,  if  not  wholly,  to  education  and  early  surroundings. 
Had  their  places  been  changed  in  infancy,  the  change  would  have  con- 
tinued, so  he  argues,  throughout  life.     There  is  doubtless  a  large  kernel 
of  truth  in  this,  but  its  import  is  exaggerated.    Exaggerated  still  further, 
it  became  the  doctrine  of  circumstances  advocated  by  Robert  Owen. 


98  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

development  to  obtain  a  satisfactory  share  of  the  products 
of  industrial  activity,  is  seen  most  vividly  in  the  case  of 
our  native  Indians.  It  has  taken  us  hundreds  and  perhaps 
thousands  of  years  to  arrive  at  our  present  economic  stage 
of  growth  since  we  left  the  "  hunting  and  fishing  stage,"  and 
when  the  Indians  are  immediately  transferred  to  the  con- 
ditions of  our  industrial  civilization,  they  are  apt  to  be 
economically  ruined.  This  was  demonstrated  in  the  case  of 
the  Chippewa  Indians  in  Michigan.  When  their  reserva- 
tion was  divided  and  given  to  them  in  severalty,  white 
scoundrels  soon  got  it  away  from  them,  and  it  is  said  that 
designing  men  who  have  covetous  eyes  fastened  on  the 
Indian  reservations  are  at  the  bottom  of  the  present  agita- 
tion to  have  land  granted  to  the  Indians  in  severalty.1  Now 
our  laboring  classes  are  happily  not  in  the  condition  of  the 
Indians.  The  average  man  has  advanced  beyond  that  stage, 
but  it  is  true  that  "  those  whose  economic  qualifications  are 
only  average  will  never  attain  even  a  moderate  development 
of  their  natural  capacities  without  organization." 

The  second  fallacy  was  the  assumption  that  labor  is  a 
commodity  just  like  other  commodities,  and  the  laborer  a 
man  with  a  commodity  for  sale  just  like  other  men  who 
offer  their  wares  to  the  public.  It  is  true  that  labor  is  a 
commodity,  for  it  is  bought  and  sold,  but  there  are  peculi- 
arities about  it  which  distinguish  it  from  other  commodities, 
and  that  most  radically. 

While  labor  is  a  commodity,  it  is  an  expenditure  of  human 
force  which  involves  the  welfare  of  a  personality.  It  is  a 
commodity  which  is  inseparably  bound  up  with  the  laborer, 

1  Of  course  some  sincere  men  who  desire  only  the  true  good  of  the 
Indian  favor  this  proposition.  It  is  possible  it  might  be  desirable,  if 
absolute  inalienability  were  a  condition.  At  any  rate  the  friends  of  the 
Indian  should  proceed  carefully  in  this  matter. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.    99 

and  in  this  it  differs  from  other  commodities.  The  one  who 
offers  other  commodities  for  sale  reserves  his  own  person. 
The  farmer  who  parts  with  a  thousand  bushels  of  wheat  for 
money  reserves  control  of  his  own  actions.  They  are  not 
brought  in  question  at  all.  Again,  the  man  of  property  who 
sells  other  commodities  has  an  option.  He  may  part  with 
his  wares  and  maintain  his  life  from  other  goods  received  in 
exchange,  or  he  can  have  recourse  to  his  labor-power.  The 
laborer,  however,  has,  as  a  rule,  only  the  service  residing  in 
his  own  person  with  which  to  sustain  himself  and  his  family. 
Again,  a  machine,  a  locomotive,  for  example,  and  a 
workingman  resemble  each  other  in  this :  they  both  ren- 
der services,  and  the  fate  of  both  depends  upon  the  manner 
in  which  these  services  are  extracted.  But  there  is  this 
radical  difference  :  the  machine  which  yields  its  service  to 
man  is  itself  a  commodity,  and  is  only  a  means  to  an  end, 
while  the  laborer  who  parts  with  labor  is  no  longer  a  com- 
modity in  civilized  lands,  but  is  an  end  in  himself,  for  man 
is  the  beginning  and  termination  of  all  economic  life.  The 
consequence  for  the  great  mass  of  laborers  possessed  of 
only  average  qualities  are  as  follows,  provided  there  is  no 
intervention  of  legislation,  and  provided  the  working  classes 
are  not  organized.  While  those  who  sell  other  commodities 
are  able  to  influence  the  price  by  a  suitable  regulation  of 
production,  so  as  to  bring  about  a  satisfactory  relation 
between  supply  and  demand,  the  purchaser  of  labor  has 
it  in  his  own  power  to  determine  the  price  of  this  commod- 
ity and  the  other  conditions  of  sale.  There  may  be  excep- 
tions for  a  time  in  a  new  country,  but  these  are  temporary 
and  often  more  apparent  than  real.  Even  now  in  the 
United  States  the  right  of  capital  to  rule  is  generally 
assumed  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  when  labor  would  de- 
termine pj^ce  and  conditions  of  service,  it  is  called  dicta- 


100  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

tion.  The  reason  is  that  man  comes  to  this  world  without 
reference  to  supply  and  demand,1  and  the  poverty  of  the 
laborer  compels  him  to  offer  the  use  of  his  labor-power 
unreservedly  and  continuously.  The  purchase  of  labor 
gives  control  over  the  laborer  and  a  far-reaching  influence 
over  his  physical,  intellectual,  social,  and  ethical  existence. 
The  conditions  of  the  labor- contract  determine  the  amount 
of  this  rulership.  Again,  while  illness,  inability  to  labor,  by 
reason  of  accident  or  old  age  and  death,  do  not  destroy 
other  commodities  or  their  power  to  support  life,  when  these 
misfortunes  overtake  the  person  of  the  laborer,  he  loses  his 
power  to  sell  his  only  property,  the  commodity  labor,  and 
he  can  no  longer  support  himself  and  those  dependent  on 
him.  These  consequences  of  the  peculiarity  of  labor  may 
be  summed  up  as  follows  :  — 

1.  The  absence  of  actual  equality  between  the  two  parties 
to  the  labor- contract,  and  the  one-sided  determination  of 
the  price  and  other  conditions  of  labor. 

2.  The   almost  unlimited  control  of  the  employer  over 
the  social  and  political  life,  the  physical  and  spiritual  exist- 
ence, and  the  expenditures  of  his  employees. 

3.  The  uncertainty  of  existence  which,  more  than  actual 
difference  in  possessions,  distinguishes  the  well-to-do  from 
the  poor. 

These  consequences  of  the  peculiarities  of  labor  must  be 
examined  somewhat  more  at  length,  and  this  will  be  done 
under  three  different  headings,  it  being  understood  that  the 

1  There  are  certain  qualifications  to  what  is  here  said,  which  the 
limits  of  this  book  will  not  allow  me  to  enumerate.  It  would  be  far 
too  large  a  work  for  present  purposes,  were  every  topic  to  be  treated 
exhaustively.  I  always  take  it  for  granted  that  my  reader  is  possessed 
of  common  sense,  and  will  not  raise  trivial  objections;  also  that  he  is 
to  do  some  thinking  himself. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     101 

argument  is  based  on  the  supposition  that  labor  is  unorgan- 
ized and  devoid  of  legal  protection. 

I.  The  laborer  considered  as  a  seller  of  a  commodity. 
The  laborer  must  offer  labor  in  the  labor-market  in  which 
he  resides,  and  cannot  seek  the  best  market,  or  even  a 
better  market,  like  others  who  sell  commodities.  He  is 
often  too  uneducated  to  know  the  conditions  of  the  labor- 
market  in  other  localities,  and  too  ignorant  to  be  able  to 
pass  judgment  on  such  data  as  are  at  his  command.  When 
he  does  know,  his  poverty  frequently  prevents  his  removal ; 
for  he  cannot  sell  his  commodity  in  a  remote  place  unless 
he  removes  his  own  person  thither,  nor  can  he  ship,  as 
others  do,  a  sample  of  his  commodity. 

If  the  demand  falls,  labor  cannot  be  withdrawn  from  the 
market  like  other  wares.  On  the  contrary,  as  the  demand 
decreases,  the  supply  must  increase  by  reason  of  competi- 
tion of  a  greater  number  of  laborers.  There  are  several 
causes  for  this.  Members  of  the  family  who  before  did  not 
work  outside  the  home,  chiefly  children  and  women,  will 
seek  labor  to  eke  out  the  father's  income.  A  decreased 
demand  usually  occurs  at  time  of  a  general  depression,  and 
the  ranks  of  the  workingmen  are  enlarged  by  accessions 
from  other  social  classes.  Competition  may  thus  increase 
in  severity  almost  to  an  unlimited  extent  between  laborers, 
to  secure  what  little  work  there  is.  Thus  it  happens  that 
when  demand  for  labor  diminishes,  the  fall  in  wages  is 
apt  to  be  more  than  in  proportion  to  this  diminution  in 
demand. 

The  cost  of  production  is  the  limit  below  which  the 
price  of  other  commodities  cannot  permanently  fall,  for  the 
production  is  diminished  as  the  price  falls,  and  at  times 
ceases  almost  altogether.  But  the  individual  laborer  can- 
not diminish  his  supply  of  labor  so  long  as  he  lives,  and 


102  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

misery  and  death  l  are  the  factors  which  must  bring  about  a 
decrease  in  the  supply  of  this  commodity,  and  raise  its 
price  to  the  cost  of  production ;  in  other  words,  to  what  it 
costs  the  laborer  and  his  family  to  live,  and  to  maintain  the 
customary  standard  of  life  among  the  members  of  his  class. 

Closely  connected  with  the  foregoing  is  the  fact  that  the 
price  of  labor  does  not  at  once  rise  when  the  demand  in- 
creases, as  is  usually  the  case  with  other  commodities,  for  the 
first  effect  is  that  the  unemployed  receive  work ;  and  after 
the  "  reserve-army  "  finds  employment,  competition  among 
purchasers  of  labor  raises  its  price. 

Finally,  the  only  way  to  diminish  the  supply  of  the  com- 

1  The  way  these  operate  is  so  simple  that  it  ought  to  be  better 
understood.  Few  now  starve  outright;  but  a  large  number,  especially 
of  the  young,  starve  gradually,  as  has  been  abundantly  shown  by  recent 
investigations;  but  many  more  deaths  are  occasioned  in  other  ways. 
A  carpenter  is  ill,  and  previous  hard  times  have  exhausted  his  re- 
sources. He  dies;  whereas  a  more  generous  supply  of  delicacies,  better 
nursing,  and  more  skilful  medical  attendance  would  have  saved  his 
life.  A  second  mechanic  is  so  poor  that  he  feels  that  he  cannot  afford 
an  umbrella.  In  a  severe  rain-storm  to  which  he  is  exposed,  the  seeds 
of  consumption  are  laid.  A  third  is  unable  to  afford  new  shoes,  and 
wet  feet  at  a  time  of  feebleness,  and  insufficient  nourishment,  cause  his 
death.  These  examples  may  be  multiplied  ad  libitum.  Thus  it  is  that 
every  pressure  of  hard  times  kills  thousands  upon  thousands  even  in 
America.  The  most  distinguished  statistician  of  our  day,  Dr.  Engel, 
calls  the  causes  of  most  deaths  "social."  The  difficulty  is  not  to 
prescribe  a  remedy,  but  to  apply  it.  A  physician  cannot  tell  a  man, 
working  for  a  dollar  a  day,  to  take  a  trip  to  Egypt  for  weak  lungs ! 
No  current  fiction  is  more  widely  removed  from  the  truth  than  the 
common  assertion  that  workingmen  and  their  families  enjoy  exception- 
ally good  health.  The  exact  opposite  is  the  truth,  and  statistics  have 
established  the  fact  beyond  controversy,  that  laborers  are  shorter-lived 
by  many  years  than  those  who  belong  to  the  wealthier  social  classes. 
Dr.  Lyman  Abbott  quotes  some  interesting  statistics  on  this  subject  in 
a  recent  article  in  the  Century  Magazine. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     103 

modity  labor  in  the  market  in  the  future,  is,  by  prudence 
in  marriage,  to  diminish  the  birth-rate.  But  to  accomplish 
this,  will  and  intelligence  are  necessary,  and  some  probabil- 
ity that  the  laborer  would  reap  the  fruits  of  his  self-denial. 
No  such  guarantee  exists  because  the  folly  of  his  fellows  will 
render  his  prudence  of  no  avail.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
laborer  in  America  can  hope  to  influence  the  supply  of 
labor  offered  in  the  market  of  the  future,  only  when  he 
gains  some  control  over  immigration. 

II.  Consequences  affecting  the  personal  life  of  the  laborer. 
— The  employer  is  able  to  determine  the  conditions  of  the 
labor-contract  in  such  manner  that  he  may  exercise  ruler- 
ship  over  the  laborer  in  four  ways  :  — 

i.  He  can  influence  the  expenditures  of  the  laborer  in 
such  manner  as  to  render  him  nearly  as  dependent  as  a 
serf.  One  method  is  to  pay  the  laborer  only  at  long  inter- 
vals, which  leads  almost  inevitably  to  the  use  of  credit  and 
this  means  debt.  Those  who  are  unable  to  pay  current 
expenses  at  the  time  when  incurred  are  apt  to  lead  a  less 
economical  life,  and  thus  debt  becomes  chronic  and  the 
prospect  of  escape  well-nigh  hopeless.1  Sometimes  the 
employer  lends  money — already  earned — to  his  employees, 
and  thus  keeps  them  always  in  debt  to  him.  A  more  com- 
mon method  used  in  America  to  establish  the  dependence 
of  the  employee  and  to  keep  back  part  of  his  wages,  is  the 

1  One  of  the  largest  employers  of  labor  in  this  country,  who  prac- 
tices what  he  preaches,  tells  me  that  in  his  opinion,  one  of  the  first 
steps  in  the  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  laborer  is  weekly  pay- 
ments. He  has  given  me  many  facts  which  have  come  under  his 
observation  to  show  the  importance  of  this  measure.  If  I  understand 
him,  he  is  so  thoroughly  persuaded  that  weekly  payments  are  an  indis- 
pensable condition  of  reform  that  he  would  interpose  no  objection  to 
legal  compulsion. 


104  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

truck  system,  which  is  perhaps  more  widely  prevalent  in 
this  country  than  elsewhere.  It  may  be  well  to  explain  for  the 
benefit  of  some  readers  less  familiar  with  practical  life,  that 
the  truck  system  means  the  establishment  of  stores  by  em- 
ployers, in  which  their  employees  are  practically  compelled  to 
trade.  Generally  there  is  nominal,  but  only  nominal,  liberty 
granted  the  employees  to  buy  where  they  choose.  These  are 
often  paid  in  orders  on  stores  in  which  the  employer  or  his 
agent  has  an  interest,  and  these  orders  are  accepted  else- 
where only  at  a  discount.  Sometimes  wages  are  paid  in  a 
shop  or  saloon  late  at  night,  so  as  to  encourage  expenditure 
in  the  same  place ;  occasionally  there  is  an  understanding 
with  a  shopkeeper,  who  gives  the  employer  a  percentage  on 
all  purchases  of  employees.  An  employer  has  been  known 
to  redeem  his  own  orders  at  a  discount  of  ten  per  cent 
when  handed  in  by  the  local  dealers.  Notice  is  taken  of 
those  who  do  not  purchase  at  the  company  store,  and  they 
stand  in  danger  of  discharge.  Another  form  of  payment  in 
kind,  consists  'in  the  occupation  of  houses  owned  by  the 
employer.  Those  who  live  elsewhere  are  usually  the  first 
discharged. 

So  great  is  the  injury  to  the  working  classes  that  in  several 
States  these  practices  are  forbidden  by  law ;  but  there  are 
always  unscrupulous  employers  who  do  not  hesitate  to  dis- 
obey laws  in  favor  of  labor,  and  so  great  is  their  influence 
that  the  law  is  not  generally  enforced. 

The  laborer  is  frequently  cheated  in  weight,  quality,  and 
price.  A  journal  in  Pittsburg  recently  sent  an  agent  to  a  well- 
known  industrial  region  to  investigate  the  charge  preferred 
by  workingmen  against  their  employers  that  they,  the  em- 
ployees, were  compelled  to  purchase  goods  at  the  company 
stores  at  exorbitant  prices.  The  employers  denied  the 
truth  of  this,  and  maintained  that  no  one  was  compelled  to 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     105 

buy  at  "our  store."  The  workingmen  replied  in  sub- 
stance, so  the  newspaper  stated,  "  You  lie."  The  reporter 
of  the  journal  found  the  charge  substantiated,  and  by  in- 
quiring at  various  stores  ascertained  that  the  average  excess 
of  charges  on  a  number  of  specified  articles  was  sixty 
per  cent.  The  overcharge  on  other  articles  was  smaller, 
but  he  credited  the  statement  of  a  laborer  that  he  was  com- 
pelled to  pay  fully  twenty  to  twenty-five  per  cent  more  for 
his  goods  than  the  prices  elsewhere.  "  If  we  don't  deal 
with  the  company,"  continued  he,  "we  are  quickly  told  to 
go  and  get  work  from  the  men  we  buy  our  goods  of." 
Reports  of  the  bureaus  of  labor  statistics  abound  with  com- 
plaints of  this  character,  and  I  myself  have  seen  a  miner's 
book  in  which  receipts  and  charges  exactly  balanced  at  the 
close  of  the  month,  leaving  the  poor  fellow  without  one 
cent  in  cash ;  I  noticed,  too,  that  the  company  store  did  not 
furnish  details.  The  charge  was  not  so  many  pounds  of 
sugar,  so  much;  but,  sugar,  56  cents;  pork,  70  cents,  etc.1 

1  An  Ohio  commission,  consisting  of  Professor  Orton,  of  the  State 
University,  and  one  employer  and  one  miner,  investigated  this  subject 
in  the  mining  district  of  Ohio  two  years  ago.  From  their  report  I 
quote  these  words :  — 

"  Throughout  the  counties  of  Perry,  Hocking,  Athens,  Vinton,  Jack- 
son, and  Lawrence,  stores  are  connected  with  most  of  the  principal 
coal  mines,  at  which,  as  a  rule,  the  miners  are  expected,  and  thus 
indirectly  obliged,  to  purchase  their  supplies  in  whole  or  in  part.  .  .  . 
If  their  cash  balances  are  too  large,  they  are  sometimes  reminded  of 
their  duty  to  spend  more  at  the  stores. 

"Throughout  this  same  territory,  checks,  scrip,  and  orders  are 
largely  used,  in  open  disregard  of  the  laws  passed  to  prevent  their  use. 

"The  truck  system  has  a  depressing  and  demoralizing  influence 
upon  the  laborer.  .  .  .  This  system,  however  designed  and  however 
guarded,  inflicts  upon  the  communities  where  it  is  in  force  the  evils  of 
a  depreciated  currency,  in  addition  to  the  extravagance  and  over-trading 
which  it  everywhere  encourages." 


106  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Another  form  of  oppression  better  known  in  Europe  than 
in  this  country,  in  which,  if  it  exists  at  all,  it  is  rare,  is  found 
in  the  compulsory  insurance  connected  with  certain  lines 
of  employment.  Those  who  accept  labor  in  some  estab- 
lishments, particularly  in  Germany,  are  compelled  to  take 
out  insurance  to  provide  for  cases  of  accident,  for  disease, 
old  age,  etc.  Dismissal  renders  it  impossible  to  continue 
payments,  and  the  employees  will  often  submit  to  much 
hardship  sooner  than  lose  the  provision  against  misfortune, 
and  incur  risk  for  themselves  and  for  their  families. 

2.  The  employer  exercises  an  influence  over  the  health 
of  his  employees  as  well  as  over  life  and  limb.  Where  the 
commodity  labor  is  desired,  there  the  laborer  must  abide. 
He  is  thus  compelled  to  risk  health  in  ill-ventilated  rooms, 
or  rooms  over-heated  or  under-heated,  and  his  life  is  need- 
lessly jeopardized  by  failure  to  fence  in  dangerous  machin- 
ery, or  to  employ  other  well-known  life-saving  devices.  It 
is  reported  that  there  are  yearly  fifteen  thousand  accidents 
to  railway  employees  in  the  United  States,  and  it  is  not 
improbable  that  two-thirds  of  these  are  needless.  Again, 
when  an  employer  directs  labor,  he  chooses  the  place  where 
the  laborer  must  pass  the  greater  part  of  the  time  not  con- 
sumed in  sleep,  and  in  this  manner  selects  the  laborer's 
companions  for  more  than  half  his  life.  The  order  is,  You 
must  work  here  in  this  place  by  the  side  of  this  man, 
whether  he  is  a  responsible  man  or  a  scoundrel ;  whether  a 
skilful  artisan  or  a  careless  and  inexperienced  mechanic, 
who  exposes  your  life  to  constant  danger.1  Finally,  when 

1  This  is  an  especially  important  consideration  in  mines  and  on 
railways,  considering  the  interpretation  the  courts  of  many  States  are 
putting  upon  the  doctrine  of  "  fellow-servant."  There  is  now  practically 
no  redress  when  an  employee  is  maimed  or  killed.  Vide  Christian 
Union,  July  22,  1886,  for  a  resuml  of  the  law. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     107 

the  length  of  time  of  each  day's  labor  is  fixed  by  the  em- 
ployer, he  determines  the  physical  exhaustion  of  the  laborer  \ 
he  also  decides  whether  the  pregnant  woman  in  his  service 
shall  give  birth  to  a  sound,  healthy  child,  or  one  weak  and 
feeble ;  also  whether  the  children  who  toil  for  him  shall 
become  strong  men  and  women,  or  old  before  their 
time.1 

3.  The  influence  of  the  employer  over  the  mental  and 
moral  development  of  the  laboring  classes  is  not  less  power- 
ful ;  and  when  this  has  been  said,  it  is  seen  to  how  large  an 
extent  the  future  of  the  nation  depends  upon  the  large  em- 
ployers of  labor,  whether  private  individuals  or  corporations. 
This  influence  is  exerted  through  selection  of  companions 
and  the  decision  in  regard  to  the  length  of  the  working  day ; 
further  by  action  with  reference  to  night-work,  work  beneath 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  to  regulations  concerning  the  labor 
of  women  and  children,  etc.     All  this  is  of  importance  for 
the  family  life  and  for  the  education  of  the  laboring  classes. 
Overwork,  and  work  under  unfavorable  conditions  in  regard 
to  temperature   and    the  like,   are    responsible   for   much 
intemperance   among  the  working  classes,  as   every  com- 
petent physician  who  has  had  experience  among  them  well 
knows. 

4.  Employers   are  able   to  influence   the   political  and 
religious  life  of  their  employees.     Religious  opinions  in  the 
United  States  are  generally  left  to  the  laborers  without  inter- 
ference, though  not  always ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  if  inter- 
ference with  political  rights  is  anywhere  carried  further.     I 
know  a  whole  town,  for  example,  whose  inhabitants  while 
free  in  certain  elections,  in  others  are  marched  like  sheep  to 

1  In  the  first  half  of  the  century  English  laborers  not  infrequently 
became  old  at  thirty,  and  physicians  began  to  express  the  fear  that  the 
English  race  was  about  to  enter  a  period  of  physical  degeneration. 


108  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  polls,  and  ordered  to  vote  in  a  manner  well  pleasing  to 
a  great  corporation.1 

III.  The  character  of  modern  industry  rendered  it  diffi- 
cult, and,  until  organization  or  government  came  to  his  assist- 
ance, impossible  for  the  average  laborer  to  provide  proper 
economic  security  for  himself  and  his  family  by  means  of 
insurance.  Every  loss  of  work  involved  a  loss  of  power  to 
contribute  to  relief  funds  of  any  description. 

It  is  on  account  of  these  peculiarities  of  the  commodity 
labor,  together  with  changes  in  industrial  processes  due  to 
inventions  and  discoveries,  that  the  hopes  of  Adam  Smith 
and  his  friends  have  not  been  realized.  Not  many,  only  a 
few,  have  become  independent  producers.  The  vast  majority 
of  the  industrial  classes  have  remained  employees,  and  most 
of  their  employers  have  in  older  countries,  probably  to  a  less 
extent  in  America,  used  their  power  unscrupulously;  and 
even  those  who  have  no  wish  to  do  so,  have  often  been  forced 
by  competition  to  establish  harder  and  harder  conditions  of 
toil  for  the  laborer.  Formerly  the  number  of  apprentices 
was  regulated  by  law,  or  by  custom  having  the  force  of  law. 
When  this  restriction  was  removed,  experienced  journeymen 
were  dismissed  in  large  masses,  and  their  places  supplied  by 
apprentices.  When  machinery  became  more  perfect,  women 
and  children  replaced  men ;  and  it  has  happened  in  Massa- 
chusetts, as  well  as  in  England,  that  the  father  has  remained 
at  home  and  cared  for  the  house  and  the  babies  while  his 
wife  and  children  have  worked  in  the  factory  for  the  support 
of  the  family.  Unnatural  competitors  !  Unnatural  relation  ! 

1  Once  it  was  impossible  to  hire  a  man  to  distribute  ballots  for  the 
party  not  in  favor  with  this  corporation.  A  man  was  found  with 
difficulty  who  promised  to  render  the  service  for  five  dollars,  but  before 
the  time  came,  he  begged  to  be  released  from  his  promise  because  he 
would  otherwise  lose  his  employment. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     109 

And  as  machinery  became  more  general  and  more  costly, 
the  length  of  the  working  day  was  lengthened  until  it 
became,  even  for  women  and  children,  sixteen  and  eighteen 
hours  in  cases  not  rare.  Indeed,  it  has  been  generally 
longer  where  women  and  children  have  been  the  predomi- 
nating labor  force,  because  they  are  less  powerful  to  resist 
oppression.  Then,  as  production  on  a  larger  and  ever 
larger  scale  took  the  place  of  the  small  shops,  crises  became 
more  common  and  more  disastrous.  Men  were  no  longer 
hired  for  a  long  period,  but  from  day  to  day,  and  that  un- 
certainty and  irregularity  of  income  which  is  so  disastrous 
to  society  became  general.  High  wages  were  followed  by  a 
total  absence  of  work.  Thousands  of  laborers  became 
tramps,  their  daughters  prostitutes,  and  their  sons  criminals. 
Reduction  after  reduction  of  wages  followed.  When  the 
laborers  combined  to  withdraw  a  quantity  of  their  property, 
the  commodity  labor,  from  the  market,  so  as  to  raise  its 
price  just  as  sellers  of  other  commodities  do,  they  were 
thrown  into  prison ;  for  the  old  conspiracy  and  combination 
laws  continued  long  after  the  legal  protection  afforded  labor 
by  a  previous  generation  had  been  abolished.1  Even  after 
the  abolition  of  these  laws,  the  opposition  of  employers  and 
the  excessive  control  they  had  acquired  over  the  working 
classes  long  interposed  almost  insuperable  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  trades-unions.  In  the  north  of  England  in  1844, 
forty  thousand  miners  were  discharged  to  force  them  to 

1  The  laws  against  combinations  were  abolished  in  England  in  1824, 
but  the  courts  continued  to  oppose  trades-unions  until  1869  as  being 
"in  restraint  of  trade,"  and  the  courts  did  not  protect  them  until 
authorized  by  the  legislation  of  1871.  The  laws  against  combinations, 
or  "coalitions,"  continued  in  force  in  France  until  1864.  In  Austria 
they  were  abolished  about  the  same  time;  but  not  in  all  parts  of  Ger- 
many until  1871.  They  were  not  abolished  in  Maryland  until  1884. 


110  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

abandon  their  combination,  and  in  July,  1881,  a  large  em- 
ployer in  the  Rhine  Province  in  Germany  threatened  to 
dismiss  every  laborer  who  belonged  to  a  trades-union, 
or  who  read  certain  books,  or  who  frequented  certain 
restaurants,  or  who  bought  goods  of  certain  merchants 
mentioned  by  name,  who  were  supposed  to  favor  trades- 
unions. 

In  this  country  we  have  added  two  refinements  of  cruelty, 
called  the  black  list  and  the  iron-clad  oath,  which  are 
found  in  all  parts  of  our  land,  although  strongly  con- 
demned by  the  best  public  sentiment.  The  black  list  is 
a  "boycott"  against  labor.  A  man  who  for  any  reason, 
be  it  even  whim,  caprice,  or  personal  spite,  falls  into  dis- 
favor with  one  employer,  is  placed  on  the  black  list,  and 
his  name,  at  times  accompanied  by  a  personal  description, 
is  sent  to  allied  employers  all  over  the  country.  Thirty- 
three  men  were  black-listed  in  Fall  River  a  few  years  ago 
because  they  had  asked  for  an  increase  of  wages,  and  they 
were  compelled  to  seek  work  under  assumed  names.  It  is 
reported,  on  apparently  good  authority,  that  one  railway  cor- 
poration has  a  book  containing  names  of  a  thousand  black- 
listed persons,  with  a  full  description  of  each.  The  black 
list  will  pursue  a  man  for  years,  will  drive  him  out  of  an 
honest  trade  to  rum-selling,  and  will  follow  him  across  the 
continent,  and  everywhere  defeat  his  efforts  to  gain  a  liveli- 
hood. Two  quotations  from  persons  who  have  had  oppor- 
tunity to  see  the  workings  of  the  black  list  will  help  my 
readers  to  understand  its  terrible  atrocity.  The  first  is  from 
Fred  Woodrow's  contribution  to  the  "Labor  Problem."1 
"  Black-listing  .  .  .  has  the  merit  of  being  very  effective ;  its 
edict  is  final;  it  troubles  no  jury  and  sends  for  no  sheriff; 
...  it  has  its  watch-dog  by  every  door,  and  woe  to  the  man 
1  Harper  &  Brothers,  New  York,  1886,  pp.  288-9. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.    Ill 

who,  with  its  brand  on  his  brow,  seeks  for  work.  .  .  .  He  is 
proclaimed  by  a  corporation  Czar.  ...  I  well  remember  a 
workmate  of  my  own  being  put  under  this  ban  of  ostracism. 
He  was  discharged  without  notice,  and  the  reason  refused 
him.  I  did  my  best  for  his  re-engagement ;  previous  suc- 
cesses made  me  confident,  but  this  case  baffled  me.  I 
suggested  application  to  another  department,  under  the 
management  of  a  humane  and  kindly  man.  He  refused. 
Another  was  tried  —  the  same  result.  I  completed  the 
circle,  and  in  every  case  blank  but  unwilling  refusal  —  my 
unfortunate  comrade  sent  adrift,  with  the  onus  of  some  un- 
known disgrace  staining  his  name,  for  more  than  six  hundred 
miles.  It  came  to  my  knowledge  subsequently  that  he  was 
blacklisted  at  the  request  of  one  man,  whose  personal  ill- 
will  was  gratified  in  his  discharge.  Such  cases  are  not  few, 
...  as  many  a  hungry  man  and  shoeless  child  can  testify." 
The  second  quotation  is  from  the  Cleveland  Workman,  and 
is  taken  by  that  paper  from  one  of  its  "  exchanges."  "There 
are  men  in  this  region  who  are  now  being  compelled  to  leave 
their  homes,  their  families,  and  their  friends,  and  seek  em- 
ployment elsewhere,  —  men  who  have  given  their  time  and 
influence  for  the  benefit  of  the  community  in  which  they 
reside.  .  .  .  They  have  been  exiled  from  their  pleasant 
associations  here  by  the  infamous  black  list."  A  peculiarly 
cruel  case  is  told  in  the  same  paper.  A  man  of  seventy  had 
left  his  old  wife  in  Sedalia,  Mo.  (where  he  had  been  working 
for  many  years) ,  because  he  was  discharged,  and  walked  five 
hundred  miles  to  a  place  in  Illinois  where  a  new  railway  was 
building,  but  the  black  list  followed  him  and  at  last  accounts 
he  was  penniless  and  without  work. 

The  iron-clad  oath  is  an  agreement  to  do  or  not  to  do 
certain  things  as  a  condition  of  employment ;  generally  not 
to  join  a  labor  organization.  The  following  is  the  form  of 


112  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

one  of  these  oaths.1  "  I,  A.  B.,  hereby  agree  to  work  for 
C.  D.  at  my  trade  at  the  regular  established  prices  .  .  . 
withdrawing  from  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  ignoring  all 
outside  parties,  committees,  and  trade  or  labor  associations, 
and  also  agree  not  to  connect  myself  with  the  Knights  of 
Labor  or  any  similar  organization,  or  to  join  in  any  meeting 
or  procession  of  any  such  organizations  while  in  the  employ 
of  said  C.  D." 

The  President  of  the  Congregational  Club  of  New  York, 
himself  a  man  of  wealth  and  a  large  employer  of  labor,  pub- 
licly characterized  the  iron-clad  oath  not  long  ago  as  the 
sure  and  certain  beginning  of  a  system  of  white  slavery. 

"  The  lack  of  any  education  of  those  children  employed 
in  the  factories  in  tender  years,  the  destruction  of  family 
life  caused  by  the  employment  of  women,  and  the  social 
separation  of  the  laborers  from  other  classes  destroyed  civil- 
ized habits  of  life  and  thought  among  the  laborers.  A 
strange  and  special  range  of  ideas  sprang  up  among  work- 
ing men  thrown  together  in  great  masses  in  industrial  cen- 
tres and  in  a  state  of  subjection  to  their  employers.  There 
arose  two  nations  within  the  same  nation,  the  one  the  ruling 
nation,  the  other  the  ruled;  the  one  possessing  a  high 
culture  in  which  the  other  did  not  participate;  the  one, 
the  ruling,  fearing  the  ruled,  while  the  ruled  hated  the  rul- 
ing nation ;  two  nations  whose  interests  and  ideas  were  so 
different  that  in  spite  of  the  common  language  they  no 
longer  understood  each  other." 

It  may  be  that  this  separation  has  not  gone  so  far  with 

1  I  wish  to  avoid  useless  personalities,  and  do  not  mention  any 
names.  In  other  places  I  pursue  the  same  course;  but  I  think  that 
there  is  abundance  of  testimony  to  establish  all  that  is  said  in  this 
book,  and  that  it  is  not  inaccessible  to  those  who  desire  to  know  the 
truth. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     113 

us  as  it  went  at  one  time  in  England  and  Germany  and 
France ;  but  now  it  is  proceeding  more  rapidly  here  than 
elsewhere.  In  England,  and  to  a  less  degree  in  Germany, 
brave  men  of  exalted  natures  have  thrown  themselves  into 
the  breach,  and  in  spite  of  slander,  obloquy,  and  social  per- 
secution, have  persisted  in  their  efforts  until  they  have 
brought  the  two  nations  nearer  together,  and  have  helped 
to  maintain  the  unity  of  civilization ;  with  us,  comparatively 
few  have  realized  their  duty  in  this  matter,  and  it  is  doubt- 
ful if  history  records  any  more  rapid  social  movement  than 
this  ominous  separation  of  the  American  people  into  two 
nations.  Already  they  scarcely  understand  each  other  even 
when  they  speak  the  same  language  ;  already  there  are  two 
public  opinions  supported  respectively  by  a  partisan  capital- 
istic press  and  a  partisan  labor  press ;  already  there  begins 
a  class  struggle  for  political  supremacy;  already  religious 
lines  are  becoming,  have  become  to  an  alarming  extent  in 
our  great  cities,  social  lines,  and  there  is  a  wide-spread  feel- 
ing among  the  working  classes  that  the  church  of  their  em- 
ployers cannot  be  the  church  for  them,  that  the  God  of  the 
rich  is  no  God  whom  they  can  worship. 

Nothing  of  graver  import  has  ever  befallen  this  people  of 
the  United  States.  Unless  powerful  forces  calculated  to 
keep  alive  the  unity  of  civilization  among  us  can  be 
brought  into  action,  our  future  downfall  will  be  inevitable. 
The  policeman's  club,  the  prowling  detective's  doubtful 
services,  the  soldier's  rifle,  the  careless  bullet  of  hired  mer- 
cenaries, exceptional  laws,  novel  judicial  procedure,  and 
new  and  strained  interpretations  of  the  law,  —  all  these  are 
not  the  unifying,  life-giving  forces  which  this  land  of  ours 
needs.  Our  country's  best,  the  purest  and  noblest  and 
grandest  men  and  women  of  our  time,  must  avert  the  dan- 
ger ;  and  if  it  requires  a  sacrifice  of  themselves,  a  Christian 


114  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

people  can  find  an  historical  example  in  the  person  of  their 
Lord  who  left  the  society,  not  of  the  rich  and  cultured  of 
earth,  but  of  the  angels  in  heaven,  to  live  the  life  of  a 
humble  mechanic  at  a  time  when  that  life  was  despised 
with  a  scorn  strange  and  unknown  in  our  day,  that  he  might 
supply  a  bond  of  union  not  merely  between  God  and  man, 
but  between  man  and  man ;  for  did  not  he  pray  for  all  his 
followers  in  all  time  "that  they  all  may  be  one,  as  thou 
Father,  art  in  me,  and  I  in  thee,  that  they  also  may  be  one 
in  us  ...  that  they  may  be  made  perfect  in  one." 

The  disadvantages  under  which  those  are  placed  who  live 
by  the  sale  of  the  commodity  labor  have  been  briefly  ex- 
amined. It  remains  to  show  the  manner  in  which  trades- 
unions  and  labor  organizations  may  operate  to  counteract 
these  economic  evils. 

The  labor  organizations  enable  the  laborer  to  withhold 
his  commodity  temporarily  from  the  market,  and  to  wait  for 
more  satisfactory  conditions  of  service  than  it  is  possible  for 
him  to  secure  when  he  is  obliged  to  offer  it  unconditionally. 
They  further  enable  him  to  gain  the  advantages  of  an  in- 
creased demand  for  his  commodity,  to  bring  about  a  more 
satisfactory  relation  than  would  otherwise  be  possible  be- 
tween the  supply  and  the  demand  for  labor,  and  also  to 
exercise  an  influence  upon  the  supply  in  the  future  market. 
These  organizations  are  calculated  to  do  away  with  the  inju- 
rious consequences  of  the  peculiarities  of  labor  as  a  com- 
modity to  be  sold,  and  "  through  them  labor  for  the  first 
time  becomes  really  a  commodity,  and  the  laborer  a  man." 

The  trades-unions,  and  other  agencies  of  the  labor  move- 
ment, such  as  the  labor  press,  assist  the  laborer  to  find  the 
best  market  for  his  commodity  •  and  as  the  best  market 
usually  means  the  most  productive  market  considered  from 
a  politico-economic  standpoint,  this  is  of  benefit  to  society 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     115 

as  a  whole.  There  are  several  ways  in  which  this  is  done. 
The  organs  of  the  trades-unions  and  other  labor  newspapers, 
publish  statistics  concerning  the  state  of  trade  in  various 
localities.  Laborers  are  informed,  for  example,  that  there  is 
plenty  of  work  for  printers  in  Boston,  but  little  in  New  York ; 
that  the  building  trades  are  rather  active  in  Baltimore,  but 
dull  in  Richmond.  The  Workman^  of  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
formerly  published  a  "Cleveland  Labor  Market  Report," 
giving  the  hours  of  work,  the  pay,  the  state  of  the  market, 
whether  active  or  dull,  etc.,  for  the  various  trades  in  the 
city.  It  seems  to  have  abandoned  this  excellent  plan,  but 
some  twenty  labor  papers  have  formed  an  Associated  Labor 
Press,  and  each  paper  furnishes  all  the  others  with  labor 
items  gathered  in  its  own  locality.  This  idea  of  labor-mar- 
ket reports  is  certain  to  have  a  further  and  a  beneficial 
development  in  the  future.  Employers  also  engage  em- 
ployees through  the  various  labor  organizations.  When  a 
"  boss  "  in  Baltimore  desires  bricklayers,  he  sends  a  notice 
to  the  hall  of  the  Bricklayers'  Union,  and  it  is  written  on  the 
blackboard  where  it  can  be  seen  by  those  who  want  work. 
In  the  same  way  employers  engage  men  through  the  Granite 
Cutters'  National  Union.  Before  me  lies  an  advertisement 
which  I  found  posted  up  in  the  headquarters  of  that  union 
in  Philadelphia.  It  reads  as  follows  :  — 

"  WANTED. 

FIFTY  GOOD  GRANITE  CUTTERS  WANTED  IMMEDIATELY  AT  GRANITK- 

VILLE,  Mo.    APPLY  TO   THE  GRANITEVILLE  GRANITE  Co., 

GRANITEVILLE,  IRON  COUNTY,  MISSOURI." 

1  This  newspaper,  by  the  way,  is  one  of  the  best  representatives  of 
the  labor  press.  It  is  edited  by  a  graduate  of  Aroherst  College,  who 
originally  intended  to  go  to  China  as  a  missionary,  but  was  prevented 
by  a  physical  infirmity.  He  evidently  believes  that  he  has  found  a 
good  missionary  field  in  this  country.  I  understand  he  derives  his 
livelihood  from  the  practice  of  medicine. 


116  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  labor  organizations  further  render  it  easy  for  the  artisan 
or  mechanic  in  a  new  city  to  form  useful  connections  with 
those  pursuing  the  same  trade.  But  these  associations  of 
laborers  aid  them  in  finding  a  market  for  their  commodity  in 
a  still  more  direct  manner.  They  assist  laborers  to  go  in 
search  of  work  with  gifts  and  loans  of  money.  Members  of 
the  Cigar  Makers'  International  Union,  for  example,  received 
$19,722.60  during  the  fiscal  year  ending  November,  1882, 
for  this  purpose.  This  benefit  paid,  consisted  of  railway  fare 
from  town  to  town,  and  of  fifty  cents  for  meals  in  each  place. 
When  the  demand  for  labor  falls,  it  is  the  practice  of  the 
older,  stronger  unions  not  to  allow  their  members  to  work 
below  the  usual  rate  of  wages,  and  this  is  one  of  the  chief 
means  to  maintain  the  standard  of  life  among  laborers  —  a 
matter  of  vital  importance  in  the  opinion  of  political  econ- 
omists. If  there  is  a  decreased  demand,  all  would  not  find 
employment  at  reduced  wages;  but,  as  has  already  been 
seen,  one  reduction  would  simply  give  rise  to  another.  The 
labor  organizations  prefer,  therefore,  to  support  their  mem- 
bers until  the  labor  market  improves,  or  to  work  fewer 
hours  each  day  rather  than  to  work  at  reduced  wages.1 
When  the  labor  market  improves,  it  is  not  necessary  to 
struggle  for  the  old  rates,  but  those  who  were  out  of  work 
step  into  their  former  places.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a 
tendency  —  and  a  wise  one  —  in  the  older  regions  of  trades- 
unions  where  they  have  fought  their  preliminary  battles,  have 
secured  recognition,  and  thus  opportunity  for  a  normal 
development,  not  to  ask  for  an  increase  of  wages  with  every 
temporary  improvement  in  business,  but  rather  to  use  it  to 

1  This  applies  more  particularly  to  English  trades-unions.  Ours  are 
not  yet  so  strong  in  financial  resources,  nor  have  they  so  fixed  a  policy, 
but  the  tendency  is  the  same.  All  over  the  world  —  the  modern  civil- 
ized world  —  labor  organizations  move  in  the  same  general  direction. 


ECONOMIC  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     117 

secure  other  concessions,  and  to  ask  for  higher  wages  only 
at  comparatively  rare  intervals.  Their  aim  is  to  secure  the 
conditions  of  a  slow,  sure,  and  steady  growth. 

If  there  is  a  permanent  decrease  in  demand  for  labor,  the 
tactics  of  the  trades-unions  must  be  changed.  Laborers  are 
assisted  to  move  to  new  regions ;  in  Europe  they  are  helped 
to  emigrate.  The  future  market  is  further  influenced  by  the 
regulation  of  apprenticeship.  "  The  first  object  of  the  lim- 
itation of  the  number  of  apprentices  is  to  prevent  the  dis- 
placement of  journeymen  by  apprentices  who  in  turn  would 
be  discharged  as  soon  as  they  had  learned  the  trade,  to 
make  way  for  a  new  army  of  apprentices.1  But  the  limita- 
tion of  the  labor  supply  in  the  future  is  necessarily  con- 
nected with  this,  and  that  is  a  conscious  aim  of  the  unions. 
There  can  be  no  objection  to  this  limitation  from  the 
standpoint  of  right  and  law  so  long  as  the  laborers  use  no 
other  means  to  enforce  their  regulations  than  the  refusal  to 
work  with  more  than  a  certain  number  of  apprentices.  But 
from  the  standpoint  of  political  economy,  which  demands 
that  a  man  should  proportion  the  supply  of  his  commodity 
to  the  demand,  and  holds  him  responsible  for  an  excess  of 
supply,  the  laborers  not  only  have  the  right  to  do  this,  but 
they  are  even  under  moral  obligations  to  do  it." 

Finally,  the  trades-unions  educate  the  laborers  to  pru- 
dence in  marriage.  They  accustom  their  members  to  over- 

1  As  early  as  1 350  the  guild  masters  attempted  to  injure  the  journey- 
men by  the  employment  of  an  undue  number  of  apprentices;  and  this 
has  ever  since  been  a  device  of  unscrupulous  employers  who  desire 
unemployed  men  about  them  so  as  to  get  a  tighter  grip  on  their  em- 
ployees. While  it  is  doubtless  true  that  the  majority  of  employers 
have  ever  repudiated  such  methods,  there  have  always  been  so  many 
employers  who  have  not  scorned  such  unworthy  practices,  that  the 
trades-unions  have  in  self-defence  been  forced  to  take  an  attitude 
which  is  frequently  misunderstood. 


118  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

look  the  field  of  labor,  to  pass  judgment  on  the  prospect  of 
satisfactory  remuneration  for  their  commodity  in  the  future ; 
they  help  them  to  secure  higher  wages  than  would  otherwise 
be  possible,  so  that  they  have  something  to  lose ;  they 
awaken  in  them  a  regard  for  the  welfare  of  others,  and  culti- 
vate a  feeling  of  duty  with  respect  to  their  conduct  toward 
others ;  finally,  the  limitation  of  the  number  of  apprentices 
is  a  guarantee  —  imperfect,  to  be  sure,  still  a  guarantee  of 
some  value  —  that  those  who  are  prudent  and  restrain  their 
desires  will  reap  the  benefit  of  their  sacrifices.  "Experi- 
ence teaches  that  the  trades-unionists  of  England  are  more 
prudent  in  regard  to  marriage  than  the  unskilled  laborers 
who  belong  to  no  organizations." 

Topics  which  will  find  treatment  in  the  two  following 
chapters  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  economic  value 
of  labor  organizations.  This  is  the  case  in  particular  with 
arbitration  and  the  character  of  these  various  societies  as 
mutual  aid  associations.  The  educational  value  of  labor 
organization  is  an  allied  topic ;  and  indeed  there  is  nothing 
which  affects  them  in  any  way  which  might  not  be  con- 
sidered in  the  present  chapter,  so  closely  connected  with 
one  another  are  all  the  various  phases  of  our  social  and 
industrial  life.  The  fact  has  been  frequently  remarked,  that 
the  entire  life  of  man  in  society  is  one ;  yet  for  the  sake  of 
convenience  we  divide  and  subdivide  it  by  more  or  less 
arbitrary  lines. 

John  Stuart  Mill  recognized  the  economic  value  of  labor 
organizations  at  an  early  date,  and  assigned  them  an  impor- 
tant place  in  our  industrial  organism.  This  is  the  more 
surprising  as  the  now  antiquated  theory  of  the  wages-fund, 
in  which  he  himself  believed  when  he  wrote  the  words  I  am 
about  to  quote,  blinded  most  political  economists  to  the 
true  functions  of  labor  organizations,  and  even  led  him  to 
underrate  their  power  for  good. 


ECONOMIC   VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.     119 

"I  do  not  hesitate,"  writes  Mill  in  his  'Political  Econ- 
omy,' l  "  to  say  that  associations  of  laborers,  of  a  nature 
similar  to  trades-unions,  far  from  being  a  hindrance  to  a  free 
market  for  labor,  are  the  necessary  instrumentality  of  that 
free  market,  the  indispensable  means  of  making  the  sellers 
of  labor  to  take  due  care  of  their  own  interests  under  a 
system  of  competition.  There  is  an  ulterior  consideration 
of  much  importance,  to  which  attention  was  for  the  first 
time  drawn  by  Professor  Fawcett  in  an  article  in  the  West- 
minster Review.  Experience  has  at  length  enabled  the 
more  intelligent  trades  to  take  a  tolerably  correct  measure 
of  the  circumstances  on  which  the  success  of  a  strike  for  an 
advance  of  wages  depends.  The  workmen  are  now  nearly 
as  well  informed  as  the  master,  of  the  state  of  the  market 
for  his  commodities ;  they  can  calculate  his  gains  and  his 
expenses ;  they  know  when  his  trade  is  or  is  not  prosperous, 
and  only  when  it  is,  are  they  ever  again  likely  to  strike  for 
higher  wages  ;  which  wages  their  known  readiness  to  strike 
makes  their  employers  for  the  most  part  willing  to  concede. 
The  tendency,  therefore,  of  this  state  of  things  is  to  make  a 
rise  of  wages  in  any  particular  trade,  usually  consequent 
upon  a  rise  of  profits,  which,  as  Mr.  Fawcett  observes,  is  a 
commencement  of  that  regular  participation  of  the  laborers 
in  the  profits  derived  from  their  labor,  every  tendency  to 
which,  for  the  reasons  stated  in  a  previous  chapter,  it  is  so 
important  to  encourage,  since  to  it  we  have  chiefly  to  look 
for  any  radical  improvement  in  the  social  and  economical 
relations  between  labor  and  capital.  Strikes,  therefore,  and 
the  trade  societies  which  render  strikes  possible,  are  for 
these  various  reasons  not  a  mischievous,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, a  valuable  part  of  the  existing  machinery  of  society." 

1  Book  V.,  chapter  X.,  section  5. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE  EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZA- 
TIONS. 

THE  propositions  which  I  wish  to  prove  and  to  illustrate, 
in  so  far  as  this  can  be  done  in  a  single  chapter,  may 
be  expressed  somewhat  as  follows  :  To-day  the  labor  organ- 
izations of  America  are  playing  a  role  in  the  history  of  civiliza- 
tion, the  importance  of  which  can  be  scarcely  overestimated ; 
for  they  are  among  the  foremost  of  our  educational  agencies, 
ranking  next  to  our  churches  and  public  schools  in  their  in- 
fluence upon  the  culture  of  the  masses.  They  counteract  to  a 
large  extent  the  evil  and  stupefying  influences  of  the  division 
of  labor  in  our  modern  system  of  production ;  finally  they 
reach  and  elevate  large  classes  mentally,  morally,  and  spirit- 
ually, who  can  be  moved  in  no  other  manner.  It  is  first 
necessary  for  me  to  state  what  I  understand  by  education. 
I  do  not  mean  simply  what  can  be  learned  out  of  books ; 
still  less  what  is  acquired  at  schools.  I  mean  something  far 
larger,  which  in  -ludes  both  books  and  schools,  and  much 
besides ;  I  mean  what  the  Germans  might  perhaps  express 
by  Bildung,  —  the  entire  development  of  a  man  in  all  his 
relations,  social,  individual,  religious,  ethical,  and  political. 
Whatever  in  trades-unions  or  labor  organizations  in  any  way 
makes  men  larger  men,  educates  them  in  the  truest  sense, 
and  comes  within  the  scope  of  this  chapter  on  the  educa- 
tional value  of  trades-unions  and  labor  organizations.  It  is 
certain  that  laborers  have  been  strongly  impressed  with  the 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  121 

educational  value  of  organizations,  and  have  united  with  that 
aim  directly  in  view  from  the  earliest  period  of  their  existence. 
The  ancient  guilds  show  strongly  marked  educational  char- 
acteristics, as  do  the  friendly  societies  of  one  kind  and  an- 
other which  prepared  the  way  for  the  trades-unions.  The 
Workingmen's  Institute  of  Brighton,  England,  formed  in 
1848,  serves  as  an  illustration  of  the  general  truth.  It  was 
intended  to  provide  the  workingmen  of  that  town  with  the 
means  of  mental  and  of  moral  improvement.  Mental  im- 
provement was,  in  the  publications  of  the  Institute,  sepa- 
rated into  two  divisions,  —  the  information  of  the  intellect 
and  the  elevation  of  the  taste.  It  was,  therefore,  very 
appropriate  for  Rev.  Frederick  W.  Robertson  to  choose 
"  Education  "  as  the  subject  of  the  opening  address  which 
he  was  invited  to  deliver  before  the  Institute. 

At  a  still  earlier  date,  education  was  valued  by  the  work- 
ing classes  in  the  United  States,  and  they  repudiated  with 
some  bitterness  the  idea  that  mental  cultivation  would  injure 
those  in  their  walk  of  life.  The  New  England  Association 
of  Farmers,  Mechanics,  and  other  Workingmen,  in  their 
address  to  workingmen,  issued  in  1832,  briefly  recapitulated 
the  evils  for  which  a  remedy  was  sought ;  and  among  these 
evils,  as  will  be  remembered  from  a  previous  chapter,  were 
the  following  :  "  An  illiberal  opinion  of  the  worth  and  rights 
of  the  laboring  classes  ;  an  unjust  estimation  of  their  moral, 
intellectual,  and  physical  powers;  an  unwise  misapprehen- 
sion of  the  effects  which  would  result  from  the  cultivation  of 
their  minds  and  the  improvement  of  their  condition." 

It  should  further  be  borne  in  mind  that  those  in  this  coun- 
try who  were  known  as  friends  of  the  workingmen  were  at 
the  same  time  active  in  educational  movements.  Mention 
has  already  been  made  of  Horace  Mann,  William  Ellery 
Charming,  and  Robert  Rantoul,  and  it  is  worthy  of  notice 


122  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

that  the  Swiss  educational  reformer,  Pestalozzi,  is  esteemed 
highly,  even  by  the  radicals,  among  organized  laborers.1  It 
is  instructive  to  look  through  Mr.  Channing's  writings  on  the 
labor  problem,  as  they  indicate  the  drift  of  reform  and  of 
constructive  effort  at  this  early  period,  —  and  we  may  well 
say  early  period,  for  fifty  years  ago  is  a  very  early  period  in 
the  labor  movement,  and  so  rapid  is  the  progress  of  events, 
that  even  twenty  years  ago  might  be  called  an  early  period. 
Mr.  Channing's  most  celebrated  addresses  on  social  topics 
were  entitled,  "  Self-Culture,"  and  "  On  the  Elevation  of  the 
Laboring  Classes,"  —  self-culture,  education,  you  observe. 
And  now  let  us  see  what  Mr.  Channing  had  to  say  under  the 
more  general  head  of  elevation  of  the  laboring  classes.  The 
positive  part  of  his  argument  is  summed  up  by  himself  in 
these  words,  "  I  was  obliged  by  my  narrow  limits  to  confine 
myself  chiefly  to  the  consideration  of  the  intellectual  eleva- 
tion which  the  laborer  is  to  propose ;  though  in  treating  this 
topic,  I  showed  the  moral,  religious,  social  improvements 
which  enter  into  his  true  dignity.  I  observed  that  the 
laborer  was  to  be  a  student,  a  thinker,  an  intellectual  man 
as  well  as  a  laborer." 

The  efforts  of  the  early  friends  of  labor  were  largely, 
perhaps  chiefly,  directed  to  public  schools  as  an  educa- 
tional agency,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  our  public- 
school  system  is  in  part  the  result  of  labor  agitation.  Our 
whole  educational  system  in  the  United  States  is  more 
largely  due  to  the  desire  to  benefit  the  masses  than  to  any 
other  single  cause.  At  every  period  in  our  history,  public 
school  questions  have  been  labor  questions  or  labor  meas^ 
ures.  And  when  I  say  this,  I  do  not  exclude  our  universi- 
ties. What,  then,  has  the  labor  movement  brought  us  ?  I 

1  The  New  Yorker  Volksgeitung  calls  him  "the  first  social  demo, 
crat."  See  Wochcnblatt,  7th  November,  1885. 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  123 

reply  first  of  all :  it  has  been  one  of  the  chief  causes  which 
have  brought  us  a  public-school  system, — a  public-school 
system  which  has  already  accomplished  incalculable  good, 
and  promises  greater  benefits  in  the  future,  as  it  is  further 
developed.  But  our  public-school  system  is  attacked  by 
men  whose  political  wisdom  and  sense  of  social  justice  I 
prefer  not  to  characterize  in  terms  which  would  seem  to 
me  fitting.  Where  shall  we  find  guardians  against  assaults 
on  our  public  schools  ?  Where  shall  we  find  those  who  will 
not  only  protect  what  we  have,  but  help  us  forward  in  new 
achievements  in  education,  particularly  by  means  of  public 
schools.  To  both  questions  I  reply,  in  our  labor  organi- 
zations. All  over  the  world  labor  organizations  are  sup- 
porting and  bearing  forward  every  popular  educational 
movement.  Let  me  take  an  illustration  from  our  own  South, 
where  such  a  force  as  I  have  been  describing  is  precisely 
what  is  needed.  There  is  in  Tennessee  a  State  organization 
of  trades-unions  and  labor  societies,  called  the  State  Labor 
Union,  which  adopted  the  following  resolutions  at  its  annual 
meeting,  held  in  the  fall  of  1885.  "Resolved,  That,  as 
the  question  of  education  is  of  vital  importance  to  us  and 
the  whole  people,  we  request  our  representatives  in  Con- 
gress to  use  their  influence  in  securing  national  aid  to 
education. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  demand  such  revision  of  the  public- 
school  system  of  the  State  as  will  make  possible  the  build- 
ing of  comfortable  schoolhouses  and  the  maintenance  of 
schools  in  each  district  at  least  seven  months  in  the  year. 
That  none  but  competent  teachers  be  employed,  and  that 
they  be  paid  a  salary  equal  to  the  importance  of  their  work 
as  public  educators."  It  is  my  opinion  that  those  in  Con- 
gress and  out  of  Congress  who  have  favored  the  Blair  Bill 
would  have  been  more  likely  to  succeed  in  their  endeavor  if 


124  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

they  had  ere  this  sought  the  co-operation  of  the  masses  as 
represented  in  our  labor  organizations.1 

We  have  heard  much  of  the  educational  value  of  our  free 
political  institutions,  for  it  is  a  favorite  theme  with  writers  on 
political  science,  and  it  has  been  said  that  therein  lay  their 
chief  value  rather  than  in  the  establishment  of  a  better  gov- 
ernment. Labor  organizations  are  beneficial  in  the  same 
way,  and  I  am  much  inclined  to  think  to  a  higher  degree 
among  those  who  belong  to  them.  They  are  schools  of 
political  science.  Men  meet  in  them  and  discuss  questions 
of  politics  and  economics  in  order  to  ascertain  their  bearing 
on  the  interests  of  the  masses.  They  feel  that  their  posi- 

1  Even  those  who  oppose  the  Blair  Bill  —  and  there  are  sincere 
friends  of  public  schools  among  them  —  may  rejoice  in  the  sentiments 
which  this  reveals.  I  know  that  one  occasionally  hears  sneering  re- 
marks about  high  schools  and  colleges,  uttered  by  workingmen  and 
their  leaders.  This  found  illustration  recently  when  an  editor  of  a 
labor  paper  condemned  the  authorities  of  a  Western  city  because  they 
paid  the  teachers  in  the  high  school  fifty  dollars  a  month,  which,  it  was 
urged,  was  more  than  an  honest  mechanic  could  earn ;  such  utterances, 
however,  are  rarely  heard,  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  less  frequently 
heard  than  formerly.  It  is  not  often  that  those  who  speak  thus, 
voice  the  real  sentiments  of  the  men  who  bear  forward  the  labor 
movement,  and  give  direction  and  tone  to  it.  One  hears  such  remarks 
from  demagogues,  but  they  appeal  chiefly,  so  far  as  my  observation 
goes,  to  those  who  are  above  the  laboring  class  in  economic  rank,  to 
the  little  bourgeoisie,  as  the  French  would  say,  the  class  of  small 
traders  and  producers.  Take  my  own  city  as  an  illustration :  I  believe 
those  most  inclined  to  disparage  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  are 
found  among  the  employers  on  a  small  scale,  the  men  with  corner 
groceries,  the  prosperous  retail  liquor-dealers,  the  owners  of  two  or 
three  little  houses  acquired  by  toil  so  unremitting  that  no  time  has 
been  left  for  the  cultivation  of  the  higher  faculties;  also  among  others 
possessed  of  still  larger  fortunes  who  have  recently  acquired  them, 
and  with  them  that  love  of  money  which  renders  them  impenetrable  to 
all  ideas  not  in  some  way  connected  with  the  "  almighty  dollar." 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  125 

tion  in  life  is  not  what  they  would  have  it,  and  desiring  to 
improve  themselves  they  seek  to  ascertain  what  course  they 
can  take  as  citizens  of  a  free  republic  to  advance  the  wel- 
fare of  the  people.  This  involves  a  wide  range  of  topics, 
and  leads  the  more  active  spirits  among  them  to  increase 
their  fund  of  information  and  sharpen  their  intellects  by  the 
study  of  the  works  of  economists  and  publicists.  I  know  a 
poor  mechanic  hi  Detroit  who,  unable  to  buy  new  books,  has, 
as  he  expresses  it,  "nosed  around  old  book-stores  "  aad  col- 
lected a  library  of  three  hundred  volumes.  "  Yet,"  writes  he, 
"  I  had  to  take  the  money  from  bodily  comforts  and  put  it 
into  books."  The  Journeymen  Bricklayers'  Union  of  Balti- 
more has  expended  one  thousand  dollars  on  a  library  which 
includes  such  books  as  "Shakespeare,"  "Chambers'  Ency- 
clopaedia," "Dickens"  and  "Bulwer"  complete,  the  Waver- 
ley  novels,  Scharfs  "History  of  Maryland,"  and  "Webster's 
Unabridged  Dictionary."  In  fact,  I  can  say  that  I  was 
astonished  on  inspection  to  find  the  excellent  selection 
which  these  artisans  had  made,  for  they  had  bought  all  the 
books  themselves,  having  persistently  refused  to  receive 
presents.  I  could  wish  that  the  young  ladies  in  our  best 
society  were  always  as  judicious  in  the  choice  of  books. 
With  annual  dues  of  four  dollars,  these  bricklayers  impose  a 
yearly  tax  of  one  dollar  on  each  member  for  the  support  of 
the  library.  The  desire  to  do  something  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  the  masses,  and  the  belief  that  a  way  has  been 
found  to  accomplish  this,  is  a  source  of  new  vigor  and  life  to 
many  who  are  weary  and  heavy-laden.  A  Baltimore  physi- 
cian was  in  my  office  a  short  time  ago,  who  told  me  that 
a  few  years  before  he  scarcely  felt  that  life  was  worth  living ; 
but  when  he  was  in  the  depths  he  chanced  to  read  Henry 
George's  "  Progress  and  Poverty,"  which  filled  him  with  new 
hope,  and  had  proved  a  source  of  satisfaction  ever  since. 


126  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

He  now  felt  there  was  work  in  the  world  worthy  of  a  man 
because  it  might  result  in  material  improvement  in  the  lot  of 
mankind.  Now,  one  may  object  to  Henry  George's  teach- 
ings,—  as  I  do  most  decidedly,  —  and  yet  rejoice  at  the  good 
which  his  works  are  doing  in  stimulating  the  thoughts  and 
promoting  the  generous  aspirations  of  the  people.  It  would, 
indeed,  not  be  an  easy  matter  to  over-estimate  the  educa- 
tional value  of  that  one  work  "  Progress  and  Poverty."  A 
not  inconsiderable  part  of  the  wholesome  growth  of  interest 
in  economics  is  due  to  its  publication. 

Let  me  give  you  another  illustration  of  what  the  labor 
agitation  is  doing  for  the  intellectual  training  of  many  work- 

ingmen.     When  in  C ,  in  December  last,  it  suddenly 

entered  my  mind  that  I  had  received  a  letter  of  inquiry 
about  my  "  Recent  American  Socialism  "  —  from  a  barber  of 

that  city,  and  as  I  crossed  S Street  it  came  to  me  that 

his  place  of  business  was  No.  —  S Street,  and  his  name 

Joseph  .     So  I   sought  out   the   socialistic   or  rather 

anarchistic  barber.  If  this  were  a  story,  it  would  be  ne- 
cessary to  describe  the  shop  as  low  and  dingy,  and  full  of  the 
smoke  of  vile  tobacco.  I  should  further  be  obliged  to  com- 
ment on  a  general  air  of  unthrift  emphasized  by  the  indo- 
lent appearance  and  untidy  clothing  of  the  laborer  who 
indulged  in  speculations  of  an  anarchist's  paradise.  Truth, 
however,  compels  me  to  state  that  the  general  appearance 
of  the  shop  impressed  me  with  a  sense  of  such  prosperity  as 
is  represented  by  a  snug  little  balance  at  a  banker's,  while 
I  could  find  no  fault  with  the  manner  in  which  the  barber 
kept  either  himself  or  his  shop.  The  man  is  a  German, 
but  speaks  English  pretty  well,  and  has  translated  from 
the  German  into  the  English,  and  publishes  translations  in 
the  papers  occasionally.  I  have  received  two  or  three  arti- 
cles translated  by  him  from  Lassalle.  I  learned  from  him  — 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATION'S.  127 

it  was  told  in  an  apologetic  kind  of  manner  —  that  he 
was  able  to  do  better  "in  this  line  some  time  ago,"  but 
that  of  late  his  skill  hi  translation  into  English  is  not  what 
it  was,  because  he  has  been  giving  so  much  attention  to  the 
Spanish  language. 

In  addition  to  questions  of  public  policy,  the  laborers  in 
their  organizations  are  bound  to  consider  what  they  can  do 
collectively  and  individually  as  laborers  apart  from  govern- 
ment, to  improve  their  situation.  All  this  keeps  l!>whole 
multitude  of  questions  before  every  labor  society,  and  as 
many  minds  involve  many  opinions,  there  is  abundant  oppor- 
tunity for  vigorous  debate.  It  ought  not  to  be  necessary  to 
add  that  this  is  excellent  training  in  a  practical  school  of 
politics.  Again,  the  trades-unions  and  labor  organizations 
are  popular  schools  of  oratory  in  which  workingmen  learn  to 
express  their  thoughts  and  to  address  a  public  audience,  and 
that  often  with  dignity  and  composure,  while  their  press  fur- 
nishes opportunity  for  the  development  of  any  latent  literary 
talent  among  them.  I  will  quote  the  testimony  of  several 
trades-unionists  on  this  point,  the  educational  value  of 
their  societies,  that  it  may  be  seen  how  different  laborers 
replied  to  the  question,  "  Has  your  membership  in  any 
trades-union,  or  workingmen's  or  workingwomen's  society, 
made  you  more  skilful  and  useful  in  your  work  or  profited 
you  educationally,  morally,  or  socially,  and  how  has  it  af- 
fected the  habits  of  members  in  regard  to  temperance?" 
and  I  may  say  here  that  I  am  glad  to  give  the  exact  words 
of  the  workingmen,  and  thus  let  them  tell  their  own  story.1 

1  The  testimony  is  taken  from  the  first  Report  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor.  The  replies  are  given  by  numbers,  as 
many  laborers  who  appeared  before  the  bureau  or  sent  answers  to 
questions,  feared  that  they  would  lose  their  positions  if  their  names 
should  become  known. 


128  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

No.  38  :  "  The  association  with  which  I  am  connected  has 
not  been  in  existence  long,  but  for  the  time  there  has  been 
a  marked  change  made  in  the  condition  of  the  members 
who  attend  regularly,  both  mentally  and  socially." 

No.  33  :  "I  am  a  member  of  a  Labor  Reform  Club  .  .  . 
Connection  with  such  societies  tends  to  elevate  the  mind 
in  every  particular." 

No.  20,  —  a  bootmaker :  "  The  influence  of  the  Crispin 
order  has  had  the  effect  to  benefit  the  morals,  health, 
wealth,  and  happiness  of  its  members." 

No.  1 8  :  "The  trade-union  has  profited  me  educationally 
and  socially." 

No.  72, —  sub-overseer  of  weaving :  "I  belong  to  the 
Ten-Hour  League.  It  has  been  useful  to  me  only  in  a  gen- 
eral way  thus  far,  as  aiding  my  general  culture." 

These  replies  are  typical.  The  Knights  of  Labor  and 
other  labor  organizations  are  beginning  to  turn  their  atten- 
tion more  than  heretofore  to  the  formation  of  libraries  for 
their  members.  Something  has  been  done  in  this  direction, 
and  more  will  be  done  in  the  future.  The  following  quota- 
tion from  the  Labor  Record^  of  Williamsport,  Pa.,  is  an 
indication  of  the  spirit  at  work  among  the  Knights  of  Labor. 
"At  the  present  time,  when  workingmen  are  taking  a  more 
active  part  in  public  affairs  than  ever  before  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  nation,  it  is  necessary  to  the  proper  exercise  of 
the  organized  power  they  possess  that  they  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  fundamental  principles  upon  which  all 
legislation  should  be  based.  Realizing  this,  and  with  a  view 
of  supplying  such  information,  the  Knights  of  Labor  of  this 
city  have  started  a  library  of  works  on  economical  subjects, 
and  for  which  they  respectfully  solicit  contributions  of  all 
suitable  works.  Contributions  will  be  received  at  this  office." 
1  Issue  of  April  17,  1886. 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  129 

The  strongest  of  the  organizations  which  have  come  under 
our  notice,  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  has  done  perhaps  as 
much  as  any  other  to  advance  the  cause  of  education  among 
its  members. 

A  few  quotations  will  show  how  largely  educational  in  its 
character  has  been  the  work  of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry, 
and  the  first  of  them  will  be  taken  from  an  address  by  Hon. 
D.  Wyatt,  of  Aiken,  South  Carolina,  on  "  The  Grange,  its 
Origin,  Progress,  and  Educational  Purposes."  "  Postmasters 
from  all  the  States  informed  us  that  the  Order  had  greatly 
increased  the  bulk  of  their  mails.  And  one  said  that  '  there 
are  now  thirty  newspapers  taken  at  this  office,  whilst  there 
was  but  one  taken  before  the  establishment  of  the  Grange  in 
this  vicinity.'  And  one  clergyman  wrote  that,  '  Since  the 
introduction  of  the  Grange  I  have  seen  a  remarkable  change 
in  the  walk  and  conversation  of  my  flock;  they  are  more 
careful  in  their  dress  and  general  appearance,  and  are  read- 
ing more.'  From  every  quarter  came  the  Grange  call  for 
books,  and  much  money  was  invested  for  select  libraries  for 
Granges  in  many  of  the  States." 

The  following  quotations  are  from  the  "Journal  of  Pro- 
ceedings "  for  1882  :  "We  aim  to  make  the  daily  lives  of 
men  and  women  better  and  nobler  and  truer  and  holier  and 
happier ;  to  encourage  education,  social  and  moral  culture." 

"All  Grange  meetings  should  be  enlivened  with  singing 
and  music,  and  time  given  for  social  recreation.  .  .  .  The 
greetings  of  brothers  and  sisters  should  be  so  cordial  that 
the  humblest  members,  though  poor,  and  burdened  with 
cares,  should  be  made  to  feel  and  know  that  they  are  not 
doomed  to  toil,  through  weary  life,  isolated  and  alone, 
without  friends,  sympathy,  society,  or  hope  of  advancement, 
but  that  they  are  members  of  a  great  brotherhood." 

The  following  are  from  the   "Journal"  for  1885.     The 


130  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

"  Master "  from  Pennsylvania  reports :  "  In  many  of  the 
older  Granges  libraries  have  been  started."  From  Wisconsin 
comes  the  similar  report,  "  A  majority  (of  the  granges)  own 
halls,  and  several  have  fine  libraries." 

These  quotations  might  be  multiplied  ad  libitum.  In  the 
next  place,  labor  organizations  are  perhaps  the  chief  power, 
in  this  country,  making  for  temperance.  While  not  pro- 
hibitionist organizations,1  —  this  indeed  could  hardly  be 
expected,  —  they  are  scarcely  with  exception  temperance 
societies,  nor  is  it  difficult  to  see  how  this  has  come  about. 
Meeting  together,  they  naturally  discuss  their  sources  of 
weakness  and  strength.  They  inquire  how  it  is  that  brother 
A.  has  a  cottage  all  paid  for,  while  brother  B.  is  always  out 
at  the  heels ;  how  it  is  that  C.'s  wife  has  a  deposit  at  the 
savings  bank,  and  a  beaming  countenance,  while  D.'s  wife, 
poor  thing,  is  sad,  dejected,  and  always  in  want ;  how  it  is 
that  a  certain  society  is  composed  of  manly,  independent 
fellows,  capable  of  holding  their  own  in  every  conflict  with 
their  employer,  while  another  local  union  is  composed  of 
weak  and  submissive  cravens.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the 
evils  of  intemperance  should  thus  be  frequently  brought  to 
their  notice;  and,  as  the  labor  unions  are  a  vast  army 
under  the  restraints  of  discipline,  a  great  force  is  brought  to 
bear  on  them  to  urge  them  to  temperance  in  all  things,  and 
this  is  likely  to  have  greater  weight  because  it  comes,  not 
from  professional  temperance  advocates,  but  has  sprung  up 

1  Yet  the  number  of  teetotalers  among  them  is  surprising  when  one 
remembers  that  our  laboring  classes  are  chiefly  foreigners,  or  born  of 
foreign  parents,  and  that  total  abstinence  is  scarcely  known  outside  of 
America.  It  is  not  a  very  safe  thing  for  a  man  to  draw  a  conclusion 
in  a  matter  like  this  from  his  own  limited  observations;  but  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  there  are  quite  as  many  total  abstainers  among 
the  laborers  as  among  our  higher  social  classes. 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  131 

spontaneously  in  their  own  ranks.  I  will  give  a  few  illustra- 
tions. No  one  may  be  a  member  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
who  is  in  any  way  connected  with  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors.  Section  I.  of  Article  XXIII.  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Firemen  of  North  America 
reads  as  follows  :  "  Any  member  dealing  in,  or  in  any  way 
connected  with,  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  shall,  unless 
he  withdraws,  be  expelled.  Any  member  found  guilty  of 
drunkenness  shall  be  suspended  for  the  first  offence.  A 
repetition  shall  be  punished  by  expulsion;  and  under  no 
circumstances  shall  a  member  so  expelled  be  re-instated 
before  the  lapse  of  one  year." 

Window  Glass  Workers'  Assembly,  No.  300,  has  adopted 
this  rule  :  "  Any  member  causing  this  place  to  stand  idle  on 
account  of  drink  shall  be  fined  as  follows.  First  offence, 
$5.  Each  subsequent  offence,  $10.  .  .  .  Any  member 
losing  work  through  drink  shall  for  the  first  offence  be  fined 
$1,  and  reprimanded  in  open  meeting  of  the  Preceptory; 
for  the  second  offence,  $2.50;  and  for  each  subsequent 
offence  shall  be  fined  $5." 

Among  the  fines  imposed  by  the  Journeymen  Bricklayers' 
Protective  Association  of  Philadelphia  are  the  following: 
"For  attending  a  meeting  in  an  intoxicated  condition,  $i  ; 
and  for  attending  a  funeral  in  such  a  condition,  $5."  A 
first  floor  in  their  hall  on  Market  Street  was  vacant  when  I 
visited  the  place.  A  liquor  dealer  had  offered  them  a  large 
rental  for  it,  but  they  declared  that  they  would  under  no 
circumstances  allow  intoxicating  drinks  to  be  sold  in  the 
building. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  fine  is  higher  when  the  works 
are  stopped  and  the  employer  injured  than  when  a  man 
simply  injures  himself.  The  numerous  speakers  before  labor 
audiences  frequently  emphasize  the  advantages  of  temper 


132  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT.       , 

ance,  and  strong  language  is  used  by  those  who  are  called 
in  disparagement  "  professional  agitators."  At  the  last 
annual  convention  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  the  General 
Assembly,  as  they  call  it,  Mr.  Powderly,  the  general  master- 
workman,  or  head  of  the  order,  said,  "  If  a  man  given  to  the 
use  of  strong  drink  and  a  serpent  applied  for  admission  to 
the  order,  I  would  vote  for  the  serpent  in  preference  to 
the  drunkard."  And  Mr.  Trevellick,  or  Dick  Trevellick,  as 
he  is  popularly  called,  in  an  address  to  the  laborers,  shouts, 
"  Stop  your  cursed  drinking  !  "  In  a  "  Notice,"  calling  a 
meeting  of  the  "mule-spinners  of  New  Bedford,"  occurs 
this  sentence :  "  We  are  pleased  to  see  a  large  number  of 
our  trade  embracing  sobriety ;  it  is  very  inconsistent  for  us 
to  complain  about  the  tyranny  of  corporations  and  the  hard- 
ships we  have  to  endure  while  we  submit  to  be  slaves  to  a 
bad  and  injurious  habit."  "  But,"  a  sincere  reader  may  inter- 
pose, "the  practice  of  the  working  classes  does  not  seem 
to  harmonize  with  their  principles,  for  I  have  always  sup- 
posed intemperance  to  be  their  peculiar  curse.  They  do 
not  seem  to  have  made  much  progress  in  temperance." 

Many  think  this,  but  only  those  who  are  not  acquainted 
with  the  facts  of  the  case  ;  for  when  these  are  borne  in  mind, 
the  relatively  small  amount  of  intemperance  among  American 
workingmen  becomes  a  source  of  astonishment. 

First,  we  should  never  forget  the  temptation  to  intemper- 
ance which  lies  in  the  character  of  the  toil  of  many  laborers. 
Long  hours  are  regarded  by  competent  anthorities  as  a 
cause  which  predisposes  to  the  use  of  intoxicants.  Another 
equally  strong  provocation  may  be  found  in  exposure  to  the 
sudden  and  severe  variations  of  our  climate.  Take  the 
case  of  street-car  drivers,  exposed  one  season  to  a  tempera- 
ture 100  degrees  above  zero,  and  in  another  to  one,  ten, 
fifteen,  and  even  twenty  degrees  below  zero. 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  133 

The  strain  of  work  by  the  side  of  rapidly  moving  machines 
on  the  nervous  system  is  another  predisposing  cause  to  intem- 
perance which  has  attracted  serious  attention.  Mr.  Robert 
Howard,  the  secretary  of  the  Mule  Spinners'  Organization,  and 
senator  in  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  gave  this  testi- 
mony about  the  spinners  in  Fall  River  before  the  Blair  Com- 
mittee of  the  United  States  Senate  : 1  "  It  is  dreadful  to  see 
those  girls,  stripped  almost  to  the  skin,  wearing  only  a  kind 
of  loose  wrapper,  and  running  like  a  race-horse  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  end  of  the  day ;  and  I  can  perceive  that  it  is 
bringing  about  both  a  moral  and  physical  decay  in  them.  .  .  . 
I  must  say  that  I  have  noticed  that  the  hard,  slavish,  over- 
work is  driving  these  girls  into  the  saloons  after  they  leave 
the  mills  in  the  evenings;  and  you  might  as  well  try  to 
deprive  them  of  their  suppers ;  after  they  leave  the  mills, 
you  will  see  them  going  into  the  saloons,  looking  scared  and 
ashamed,  and  trying  to  go  in  without  any  one  seeing  them, 
—  good  respectable  girls,  too ;  but  they  come  out  so  tired 
and  so  thirsty  and  so  exhausted,  especially  in  the  summer 
months,  from  working  along  steadily  from  hour  to  hour,  and 
breathing  the  noxious  effluvia  from  the  grease,  and  other 
ingredients  that  are  used  in  the  mills;  and  they  are  so 
exhausted  when  the  time  comes  to  quit,  that  you  will  find 
all  their  thoughts  are  concentrated  on  something  to  drink  to 
allay  their  thirst.  .  .  .  You  may  know,  as  well  as  I  can  tell 
you,  how  a  man  must  feel  in  this  hot  weather,  following  such 
an  occupation  as  that.  He  just  feels  no  manhood  about 
him.  He  can  only  take  a  glass  of  beer  to  stimulate  him,  to 
give  him  a  little  appetite  so  that  he  may  eat,  in  order  to  be 
able  to  go  through  his  daily  drudgery.  .  .  .  Drinking  is 
most  prevalent  among  the  working  people  where  the  hours 
pf  labor  are  long." 

1  See  Report,  Vol.  I.  pp.  647-649. 


134  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Once  more  it  must  be  remembered  that  many  of  our 
working  people  have  been  brought  up  in  Europe  to  look 
upon  the  use  of  stimulants  as  much  a  matter  of  course  as 
tea  or  coffee  in  this  country ;  and  they  do  not  realize  that 
what  is  comparatively  harmless  in  the  climate  of  Europe 
may  be  ruinous  in  ours. 

The  low  and  degraded  character  of  the  worst  class  of 
emigrants  should  not  be  forgotten.  If  Europe  sends  us 
splendid  men  and  women,  she  also  sends  us  her  scum  to 
degrade  our  working  people.  Take,  for  example,  a  large 
proportion  of  those  laborers  brought  into  our  country  under 
contract  contrary  to  the  law,  but  with  the  full  knowledge  of 
those  authorities  whose  duty  it  is  to  enforce  the  law. 

When  I  consider  all  these  circumstances,  the  temperance 
of  the  masses  in  America  is  a  marvel  to  me.  Much,  too 
much,  remains  to  be  done  in  the  field  of  temperance 
reform,  but  let  us  not  fail  to  give  credit  to  those  who  have 
already  accomplished  great  things.  Have  not  newspapers, 
by  no  means  too  friendly  to  laborers,  again  and  again  had 
occasion  to  remark  the  almost  uniform  temperance  of  labor- 
ers in  their  parades,  demonstrations,  and  appearances  before 
the  public  in  strikes  ?  There  can  be  no  doubt  about  this ; 
it  has  occurred  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

The  locomotive  engineers  furnish  another  illustration. 
Formerly  they  were  so  much  given  to  intoxication,  that  it 
was  not  unusual  to  see  in  their  cab  a  kind  of  iron  contriv- 
ance to  help  them  to  hold  on  when  "  tipsy."  Now  that  has 
disappeared ;  they  are  a  temperate  body  of  men,  and  to-day 
travel  in  the  United  States  is  safer  than  it  would  be  had  not 
the  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Engineers  been  formed. 
This  is  one  example  of  many  which  I  could  give.  I  will 
close  this  topic  with  a  characteristic  quotation  from  The 
Trades  Union,  of  Atchison,  Kansas.  "The  most  deadly 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  135 

blow  ever  given  to  King  Alcohol  is  in  that  declaration  of 
the  Knights  of  Labor  which  proscribes  any  liquor  dealer  for 
membership  in  the  Order.  It  is  doing  more  to  put  an  end 
to  drunkenness,  and  to  bring  the  rum  traffic  under  the  ban, 
than  all  the  laws  of  Kansas  or  speeches  of  St.  John  ever 
did." 

There  are  many  remaining  points  of  importance,  but  I 
shall  be  obliged  to  pass  over  them  hastily ;  while  it  will  be 
necessary  to  omit  altogether  some  noteworthy  aspects  of  our 
topic. 

The  social  culture  which  laborers  derive  from  their  orderly 
gathering  together  is  an  excellent  feature  of  the  labor  move- 
ment. From  this  point  of  view  the  trades  societies  appear 
as  schools,  in  which  true  politeness  and  even  grace  of  man- 
ner are  taught ;  and  on  an  extended  tour  in  the  summer  of 
1885,  I  must  confess  that  I  was  much  impressed  with  the 
courtesy  and  good  manners  of  the  many  labor  leaders  I  met ; 
and  it  may  be  well  to  state  that  these  labor  leaders,  ordina- 
rily considered  idle  demagogues,  were  all  mechanics, — 
mechanics  chosen  by  other  mechanics  to  represent  them. 
A  personal  experience  is  of  some  importance  in  this  con- 
nection. Last  summer  I  visited  the  Central  Labor  Union 
of  New  York,  and  was  pleased  to  observe  that  when  one 
member  allowed  himself  the  use  of  the  word  "damned," 
to  express  his  indignation,  there  instantly  arose  from  various 
parts  of  the  hall,  cries  of  "  I  object  to  that  language  ! "  The 
speaker  was  called  to  order  by  the  Chairman,  and  told  that 
profanity  was  against  their  rules.  The  bricklayers  of  Phila- 
delphia impose  a  fine  of  fifty  cents  for  using  profane  lan- 
guage.1 Great  advance  will  still  be  made  along  this  line 
of  polite  manners  in  the  future. 

1  How  many  rich  men's  clubs  exclude  the  use  of  intoxicants,  and 
impose  fines  for  profanity? 


136  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Social  gatherings  bring  laborers  and  their  families  out  of 
their  isolation,  and  furnish  them  with  agreeable  and  con- 
genial companionship.  One  of  the  laborers  in  the  Mil- 
waukee Trades  Assembly  used  these  words  in  describing  the 
social  advantages  which  that  union  had  brought  him : 
"After  working  more  than  twelve  years  in  this  city,  five 
years  ago  I  hardly  knew  any  craftsmen  except  those  work- 
ing with  me  in  the  same  shop.  To-day  I  am  personally 
acquainted  with  four-fifths  of  all  the  men  engaged  at  my 
trade,  and  everybody  seems  to  know  me.  This  fact  I 
appreciate  more  than  almost  anything  connected  with  my 
social  position." 

The  laboring  classes,  through  their  unions,  are  learning 
discipline,  self-restraint,  and  the  methods  of  united  action, 
and  are  also  discovering  whom  they  can  trust,  finding  out 
the  necessity  of  uniting  great  confidence  in  leaders  with 
strict  control  of  them,  and  with  the  aid  of  their  press  are 
building  up  a  great  market  for  the  products  of  co-operative 
enterprise. 

Thus  the  labor  movement  is  preparing  the  way  for  that 
goal  which  has  for  many  years  been  the  ideal  of  the  best 
thinkers  on  labor  problems,  —  the  union  of  capital  and  labor 
in  the  same  hands,  in  grand,  wide-reaching,  co-operative 
enterprises,  which  shall  embrace  the  masses.  Formerly  it 
was  an  argument  in  favor  of  slavery  that  in  that  way  only 
could  labor  and  capital  be  united  in  the  same  hands  and 
disastrous  conflicts  be  prevented ;  but  up  from  the  people 
there  comes  a  voice,  crying,  "We  will  show  you  a  more 
excellent  way."  The  movement  has  already  begun,  —  co- 
operative enterprises,  productive  and  distributive,  are  spring- 
ing up  in  every  part  of  the  land.  Co-operation  is  urged  by 
a  united  labor  press,  and  labor  societies  set  it  before  the 
masses  as  an  ultimate  goal.  One  of  the  objects  of  the 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS.  137 

Knights  of  Labor  is  stated  thus  in  their  official  declaration : 
"  To  establish  co-operative  institutions,  such  as  will  tend  to 
supersede  the  wage  system  by  the  introduction  of  a  co-oper- 
ative industrial  system."  One  of  the  organs  of  the  artisan 
class,  The  American  Glass  Worker,  states  one  of  its  objects 
as  follows  :  "  The  establishment  of  co-operative  funds,  with 
a  view  of  each  union  finally  engaging  in  co-operative  enter- 
prises, productive  and  distributive,  disposing  of  the  products, 
and  supplying,  at  first  cost,  every  article  consumed  by  its 
members."  In  another  issue  of  the  same  paper,  I  find  these 
words,  at  the  head  of  an  article  on  co-operation:  "Co- 
operation must  be  the  result  of  our  labor  organizations/' 

The  disastrous  termination  of  most  co-operative  enter- 
prises in  the  past  in  the  United  States  is  a  well-known 
fact,  but  the  failure  has  not  been  by  any  means  universal, 
and  a  state  of  things  is  being  built  up,  where  the  causes  of 
failure  will  disappear  after  a  time;  also,  alas,  after  many 
more  failures. 

But  our  picture  will  not  be  complete  until  we  have  shown 
the  still  wider  ethical  significance  of  the  labor-movement. 
First,  there  is  rational  ground  to  hope  that  it  will  in  the  end 
introduce  a  higher  tone  into  our  political  life,  though  it  has 
scarcely  done  so  up  to  the  present  time.  The  labor 
organizations  have  certain  practical  aims  in  politics,  often 
very  definite,  and  they  will  hereafter  attempt  to  gain  these 
by  sending  honest  men  to  our  legislatures  to  represent  them. 
Year  by  year  they  are  becoming  increasingly  restive  under 
the  attempted  control  of  the  professional  politician ;  in  many 
cases  they  have  entirely  emancipated  themselves  from  party 
prejudice,  and  have  already  learned  that  only  sharp,  vigor- 
ous, honest,  and  independent  political  action  can  ever  bring 
them  as  a  class  anything  worth  having.  There  is  said  to  be 
quite  a  strong  feeling  among  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  favor 


138 


THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 


of  civil  service  reform ;  and  it  can  never  gain  a  firm  foothold 
in  this  country  until  it  is  supported  by  a  strong  popular  sen- 
timent. Second,  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  those  in  the 
organizations  call  one  another  brother  and  sister,  and  that 
many  of  the  unions  are  called  brotherhoods ;  as,  for  exam- 
ple, The  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Firemen  of  North 
America,  The  Grand  International  Brotherhood  of  Loco- 
motive Engineers,  The  Brotherhood  of  Carpenters  and 
Joiners  of  America. 

The  labor  movement,  as  the  facts  would  indicate,  is  the 
strongest  force  outside  the  Christian  Church  making  for  the 
practical  recognition  of  human  brotherhood  ;  and  it  is  note- 
worthy that,  at  a  time  when  the  churches  have  generally  dis- 
carded brother  and  sister  as  a  customary  form  of  address, 
the  trades-unions  and  labor  organizations  have  adopted  the 
habit.  And  it  is  not  a  mere  form.  It  is  shown  in  good 
offices  and  sacrifices  for  one  another  in  a  thousand  ways 
every  day,  and  it  is  not  confined  to  those  of  one  nation.  It 
reaches  over  the  civilized  world ;  and  the  word  international 
as  a  part  of  the  title  of  many  unions,  and  the  fact  that  their 
membership  is  international,  are  quite  as  significant  as  they 
appear  to  be  at  first  sight.  Since  the  labor  movement  be- 
came powerful,  the  laborers  of  Germany,  France,  America, 
and  England,  and  of  other  countries,  too,  feel  that  they  are 
members  of  one  great  family,  and  that  they  must  work 
together  for  their  complete  emancipation.  The  most  re- 
markable illustration  of  the  internationalism  of  the  labor 
movement  was  the  meeting  of  representatives  of  the  glass- 
workers  of  six  nations,  in  Pittsburgh,  in  July,  1885,  to  form 
the  Universal  Federation  of  Glass  Workers.  In  the  pream- 
ble, it  is  stated  to  be  their  purpose  "  To  extend  their  Feder- 
ation to  all  sections  of  the  globe,  until  its  membership  shall 
embrace  every  man  engaged  in  our  trades." 


EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  LAB  OR  ORGANIZATIONS.  139 

The  laborers  are  the  most  thorough-going  peace-men  to 
be  found,  and  I  am  often  inclined  to  think  that  they  are  the 
only  large  class  who  really  and  truly  desire  peace  between 
nations,  the  abandonment  of  armies,  the  conversion  of  spears 
into  pruning-hooks,  and  swords  into  ploughshares.  At  the 
time  of  the  Franco-German  war,  German  laborers  alone  pro- 
tested against  the  slaughter  of  their  French  brothers ;  at  the 
beginning  of  our  late  war,  American  laborers  met  in  conven- 
tion, to  protest  against  hostilities  between  the  sections ;  and 
in  the  fall  of  1885  the  veterans  of  the  Union  and  Confederate 
armies  among  the  Knights  of  Labor  formed  an  organization 
called  The  Gray  and  the  Blue  of  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
and  took  the  motto,  "  Capital  divided,  labor  unites  us."  Its 
object,  says  John  Swintorfs  Paper,  "  is  to  teach  the  toilers 
who  make  up  the  armies  of  the  world,  that  in  peace,  not 
in  war,  is  the  worker's  emancipation."  I  sincerely  believe 
that  the  time  is  not  so  far  distant  as  one  might  think,  when 
organized  labor  will  force  the  governments  of  earth  to  sub- 
stitute arbitration  for  war,  will  compel  them  to  live  peaceably, 
each  with  the  other,  to  devote  their  forces  to  the  fruitful 
pursuit  of  art,  industry,  and  science,  and  in  a  vast  interna- 
tional parliament  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  federated  world 
state.  But  even  this  is  not  the  whole  of  their  high  mission 
of  peace  ;  for  they  are,  in  our  South,  bringing  about  an  am- 
icable understanding  between  black  and  white,  since  it  is 
necessary  that  they  should  unite  and  act  in  harmony  to 
accomplish  their  common  ends.  Thus  they  bring  an  elevat- 
ing influence  to  bear  upon  the  more  ignorant  blacks,  and 
help  to  solve  the  vexed  problem  of  race  in  the  United  States. 
Strange,  is  it  not?  that  the  despised  trades-union  and  labor 
organizations  should  have  been  chosen  to  perform  this  high 
duty  of  conciliation  !  But  hath  not  God  ever  called  the 
lowly  to  the  most  exalted  missions,  and  hath  he  not  eve/ 
called  the  foolish  to  confound  the  wise  ? 


140  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

When  we  consider,  then,  the  educational  value  of  trades- 
unions  and  labor  organizations,  and  remember  that  this  does 
not  exhaust  the  whole  of  their  benefit,  we  cannot  be  greatly 
surprised  that  Thorold  Rogers,  the  most  careful  student  of 
English  labor,  should  even  exaggerate  their  importance  and 
wish  to  restrict  the  right  of  suffrage  so  as  to  include  only 
those  who  belong  to  some  organization.  His  words  are  as 
follows :  — 

"Three  processes  have  been  adopted  by  the  working 
classes,  each  of  which  has  had  a  vast,  and  should  have  an 
increasing,  influence  in  bettering  the  condition  of  labor  and 
making  the  problem  of  dealing  with  individual  distress,  how- 
ever caused,  easier  and  readier.  They  should  be  viewed  by 
statesmen  with  unqualified  favor,  and  be  treated  by  working- 
men  as  the  instruments  by  which  they  can  regain  and  consol- 
idate the  best  interests  of  labor.  They  are  trades-unionism, 
or,  as  I  prefer  to  call  it,  labor  partnership  ;  co-operation,  or  the 
combination  in  the  same  individuals  of  the  function  of  labor 
and  capital ;  and  benefit  associations,  or  the  machinery  of  a 
mutual  insurance  society.  So  important  do  I  conceive 
these  aids  to  the  material,  intellectual,  and  moral  elevation 
of  the  working  classes  to  be,  that  I  would,  even  at  the  risk 
of  being  thought  reactionary,  limit  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship, the  franchise,  parliamentary  and  local,  to  those,  and 
those  only,  who  entered  into  these  three  guilds  —  the  guild 
of  labor,  the  guild  of  production  and  trade,  and  the  guild  of 
mutual  help.  Nor  do  I  think  it  extravagant  to  believe  that 
were  those  associations  rendered  general,  and  finally  uni- 
versal, the  social  problems  which  distress  all  and  alarm 
many  would  ultimately  arrive  at  a  happy  solution." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

OTHER   ASPECTS    OF    LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS. 

r  I  ""HERE  are  several  topics,  as   yet  not  treated,  which 
Ji      could  well  fill  several  chapters,  but  it  is  possible  to 
take  only  a  glance  at  them,  if  this  book  is  to  be  kept  within 
that  limit  of  size  desirable  for  present  purposes. 

The  first  of  these  subjects  which  must  receive  at  least  a 
brief  treatment,  if  we  are  to  take  anything  like  a  complete 
survey  of  the  field,  is  the  weighty  one  of  insurance.  It  is 
evident  that  insurance  of  various  kinds  is  an  indispensable 
condition  of  that  economic  security  for  the  laboring  classes 
which  is  so  desirable  for  their  own  happiness  and  for 
the  welfare  of  society,  and  which  must  form  part  of  the 
solution  of  the  labor  problem.  Savings  banks,  useful  as 
they  are  in  their  own  sphere,  cannot  provide  the  security 
which  the  laboring  classes  need  ;  for  accidents  or  death  may 
befall  the  workingman  in  the  beginning  of  his  career  before 
he  has  had  opportunity  to  save  a  large  sum,  or  he  may  die 
after  long  illness  has  exhausted  his  resources.  So  with  other 
cases  which  might  be  enumerated ;  and  it  is  certain  that  the 
possibilities  of  the  savings  bank,  great  as  they  are,  have  been 
exaggerated.  Insurance  is  still  more  important,  and  when 
sufficiently  developed  may  provide  for  nearly  every  contin- 
gency in  the  life  of  the  laborer.  The  kinds  of  insurance 
needed  are  enumerated  as  follows  by  Professor  Brentano  : l 

1  This  enumeration  is  quoted  from  my  article  on  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Employees'  Relief  Association  in  Harper's  Weekly  for  July  4, 
1885. 


142  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

i.  insurance  to  defray  expenses  of  education  of  children 
in  case  of  death ;  2.  insurance  to  defray  expenses  of  sup- 
port during  old  age ;  3.  insurance  to  provide  for  burial ;  4. 
for  a  period  of  inability  to  labor  on  account  of  accident  or 
injury;  5.  for  a  time  of  illness;  and  6.  for  periods  of  en- 
forced idleness,  due  to  lack  of  demand  for  labor.  Some  of 
these  can  be  provided  satisfactorily  only  through  labor 
organizations;  notably  is  this  the  case  with  the  last  three 
kinds,  for  laborers  alone  are  able  to  exercise  the  requisite 
control  and  prevent  deception  and  fraud. 

English  trades-unions  have  done  most  in  the  direction  of 
insurance  for  laborers,  but  American  labor  organizations  are 
improving  in  this  respect,  and  are  already  accomplishing  an 
amount  of  good  thereby,  of  which  the  general  public  knows 
almost  nothing.  The  reason  why  the  relief  and  benefit 
features  of  our  labor  organizations  have  not  been  still  fur- 
ther developed  is  due  to  the  character  of  our  economic  life. 
First,  the  migration  of  population  has  prevented  their 
growth,  for  they  nourish  best  where  people  are  well  ac- 
quainted with  one  another,  have  acquired  mutual  confi- 
dence, and  have  a  strong  feeling  of  "  solidarity  " ;  second, 
the  rapid  change  in  economic  rank  and  in  occupation  have 
worked  adversely.  Few  have  been  willing  to  look  forward 
to  the  position  of  laborer  as  permanent,  and  the  general 
desire  has  been  rather  to  escape  from  it  than  to  improve 
that  position.  People  have  been  willing  to  provide  for 
immediate  want,  for  present  contingencies,  but  not  for  more 
remote  ones  like  disability  due  to  old  age.  Trades-unions 
have  not  been  old  and  stable  enough  to  give  the  laborer 
a  feeling  of  reasonable  probability  that  he  would  receive 
return  in  a  distant  period  for  present  contributions.  Again, 
the  trades-union  has  not  been  sufficiently  extended  so  that 
a  laborer  could  always  continue  his  connection  in  every  part 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     143 

of  the  country.  Finally,  trades-unions  are  becoming  less 
suitable  insurance  societies  than  formerly.  With  the  con- 
tinual danger  facing  artisans  of  degradation  to  the  ranks  of 
unskilled  labor  or  a  change  of  occupation,  the  need  of  the 
times  is  for  something  larger  which  will  provide  for  all  these 
contingencies ;  also  for  a  great  society  which  can  transact 
business  on  a  larger  scale  and  thus  at  a  smaller  cost.  Here 
as  elsewhere  the  Knights  of  Labor,  or  if  that  should  fail, 
some  similar  organization  which  would  inevitably  take  its 
place,  can  well  supplement  the  work  of  the  trades-unions. 

While  we  have  not  yet  reached  the  point  of  annual  con- 
gresses of  all  trades-unions  and  complete  statistics  which 
would  enable  us  in  America  as  in  England  to  tell  exactly 
what  our  labor  organizations  are  doing  for  insurance,  there 
are  many  data  at  hand  which  are  valuable,  and  it  can  safely 
be  said  that  the  expenditures  for  the  relief  of  suffering 
amount  to  millions  of  dollars  annually,  preventing  thou- 
sands from  the  degradation  which  attends  the  receipt  of 
public  charity,  and  lightening  effectually  the  burdens  of  the 
tax-payer.  The  Grand  International  Brotherhood  of  Loco- 
motive Engineers  provides  for  the  permanent  disability  or 
death  of  members  by  a  Locomotive  Engineers'  Mutual  Life 
Insurance  Association.  This,  a  special  department  of  the 
Brotherhood  and  membership,  is  voluntary.  The  total  mem- 
bership on  Sept.  30,  1885,  was  4,252,  and  some  time  since, 
the  sum  paid  out  was  nearly  $12,000,000.  The  amount  paid 
on  one  claim  is  now  limited  to  $3,000.  In  addition  to  this, 
subordinate  divisions  extend  relief  to  members  and  their 
families.  When  any  brother  dies,  a  committee  is  appointed 
"  to  inquire  as  to  the  pecuniary  situation  of  the  deceased," 
and  in  case  of  want  it  is  the  duty  of  the  division  to  assist 
the  family  "  by  all  honorable  and  reasonable  means,"  and  in 
particular  the  children  must  not  be  allowed  to  suffer  or  be 


144  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

neglected.  The  care  and  protection  are  to  be  extended  so 
long  as  needed.  "  Widows  are  to  be  assisted  in  like  man- 
ner, also  a  sick  or  disabled  brother." 

Every  one  of  the  fifteen  thousand  members  of  the  Brother- 
hood of  Locomotive  Firemen  is  insured  for  $1,500,  paid  to 
his  heirs  in  case  of  death,  to  himself  in  case  of  permanent 
disability.  Since  the  organization  of  the  order  in  Decem- 
ber, 1873,  it  had  in  October,  1885,  paid  out  $315,764. 
This  sum  is  far  from  presenting  an  adequate  idea  of  what 
the  Brotherhood  is  doing  now,  for  its  membership  was  small 
and  the  relief  afforded  comparatively  insignificant  in  its  early 
years.  During  the  month  of  August,  1885,  it  paid  claims  to 
the  amount  of  $18,000,  and  in  the  following  month  to  the 
amount  of  $22,500. 

Since  Jan.  i,  1883,  the  Brotherhood  of  Carpenters  and 
Joiners  of  America  has  paid  benefits.  These  are  now 
$250  in  case  of  death  or  disability,  and  $50  in  case  of  the 
death  of  a  wife.  The  benefits  paid  during  the  year  ending 
Aug.  i,  1885,  amounted  to  $7,500.  The  assistance  given 
by  local  unions  must  be  added,  to  get  a  complete  idea 
of  the  aid  rendered,  and  this  holds  true  with  regard  to 
other  organizations.  It  is  not  improbable  that  local  and 
voluntary  assistance  in  the  case  of  all  the  unions  amounts  to 
a  greater  sum  than  that  which  appears  in  the  annual  reports 
of  the  national  bodies.  The  Philadelphia  Journeymen  Brick- 
layers' Protective  Association  pays  a  benefit  of  $125  on  the 
death  of  a  member,  and  $75  on  the  death  of  a  wife.  The 
accident  benefit  is  $25.  This  does  not  seem  like  much  to 
a  person  of  means,  but  it  saves  many  from  a  potter's  grave. 

The  Deutsch  Amerikanische  Typographia  pays  a  weekly 
sick-benefit  of  $5,  which  is  reduced  to  $3  after  the  receipt 
of  $300,  and  ceases  after  the  receipt  of  $500.  The  death- 
benefit  is  $200  for  a  member,  $25  for  a  wife ;  for  enforced 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     145 

idleness  the  benefit  is  $5  a  week,  but  it  must  not  exceed 
$60  a  year.  Members  receive  railway  fare  when  in  search 
of  work. 

The  Cigar  Makers'  International  Union  pays  a  sick  benefit 
of  $5  a  week,  provided  such  sickness  is  not  caused  by  "  in- 
temperance, debauchery,  or  other  immoral  conduct"  —  a 
condition  common  to  nearly  all  the  unions.  The  amount  in 
sick  benefits  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  in  November,  1882, 
was  $16,643.73.  It  pays  a  death  benefit  of  $40,  and  as 
already  stated,  pays  from  $15,000  to  $20,000  a  year  to  aid 
members  to  secure  work. 

The  Knights  of  Labor  have  an  insurance  department,  and 
the  heirs  of  a  member  of  this  department  receive  from  $500 
to  $1,000,  according  to  contribution.  This  feature  of  the 
order  is  new  and  the  membership  is  comparatively  small  at 
present.  The  local  assemblies  aid  needy  members  and  dis- 
burse in  this  way  from  $100,000  to  $200,000  annually. 

The  International  Furniture  Workers'  Union  insures 
tools,  and  has,  besides,  the  usual  relief  and  benefit  features. 
These  are  typical  facts,  and  it  is  needless  to  continue  their 
enumeration  in  this  place.  There  ought  to  be  in  every 
State  a  properly  qualified  official  to  examine  accounts  of  all 
insurance  associations  of  every  kind  or  description,  because 
only  in  this  way  can  the  insured  be  protected,  and  also 
because  the  officers  themselves  are  rarely  able  to  make  the 
complicated  calculations  necessary  to  enable  them  to  ascer- 
tain the  real  standing  of  an  insurance  society.  A  great  deal 
has  been  done  in  England  to  extend  the  usefulness  of  such 
associations  by  the  appointment  of  a  Registrar  of  Friendly 
Societies  to  give  them  aid  of  this  kind.1 

1  "These  orders,  to  their  great  credit  .  .  .  have  submitted  the 
whole  of  their  rates  of  contributions  —  their  incomings  and  outgoings 
—  to  actuaries  named  or  approved  by  the  Registrar,  and  have  adopted 


146  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Arbitration  and  strikes  are  important  topics  in  any  treat- 
ment of  labor  organizations.  First,  it  should  be  known, 
that  arbitration  is  impossible  without  labor  organizations. 
Capital  is  combined  and  is  managed  by  a  few  persons  even 
in  the  largest  establishments.  Take  the  case  of  a  railway 
corporation.  The  capital  may  be  owned  by  one  thousand 
different  persons,  but  it  is  massed  together  and  all  its  owners, 
as  a  rule,  treat  with  the  railway  employers  through  a  single 
person.  Capital  is  one  of  the  factors  of  production ;  labor 
is  another,  and  it  also  must  be  massed  together  to  stand  on 
an  equal  footing,  and  this  can  be  effected  only  by  organiza- 
tion. As  the  thousand  capitalists  choose  one  representative, 
the  ten  thousand  laborers  must  choose  a  representative  of 
labor.  To  ask  a  single  laborer,  representing  a  ten  thou- 
sandth part  of  the  labor  factor,  to  place  himself  against  a 
man  who  represents  all  the  combined  capital,  is  as  absurd 
as  to  place  a  boy  before  an  express  train,  and  expect  him 
to  stop  its  progress.  As  Hon.  Abram  S.  Hewett,  as  every 
one  knows,  a  wealthy  employer,  has  so  well  said,  it  is  only 
after  labor  is  organized  that  the  contending  parties  are  in 
a  condition  to  treat.  "  The  great  result  is,  that  capital  is 
ready  to  discuss.  It  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that,  until  labor 
presented  itself  in  such  an  attitude  as  to  compel  a  hearing, 
capital  was  not  willing  to  listen,  but  now  it  does  listen. 
The  results  already  attained  are  full  of  encouragement." l 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  arbitration  have  come  chiefly 
from  the  side  of  employers,  for  it  is  a  rare  thing  when 
laborers  refuse  to  arbitrate  their  difficulties  with  their  em- 
ployers. Few  cases  of  such  refusal  have  ever  come  under 

the  table  thus  certified  as  sufficient  to  secure  the  payment  of  all  sums 
insured."  Trades-Unionism  in  England,  by  Thomas  Hughes,  Century 
Magazine,  May,  1884. 

1  Paper  read  before  the  Church  Congress  in  Cincinnati,  Oct.  18,  1878. 


OTHER  ASPECTS  OF  LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS.     147 

my  notice.  The  pride  and  arrogance  of  men  who  do  not 
like  to  meet  their  employees  on  an  equal  footing  have  been 
the  chief  obstacles  to  peaceful  settlement  of  disputes  be- 
tween capital  and  labor.  But  when  this  is  said,  two  things 
must  be  borne  in  mind.  There  have  always  been  excep- 
tions to  the  rule.  Laborers  have  had  no  more  sincere,  de- 
voted, self-sacrificing  friends  than  some  of  their  employers, 
and  they  frequently  make  a  serious  mistake  in  under-estimat- 
ing the  number  of  their  industrial  masters,  who  really  wish 
them  well.  There  are  surprisingly  many  who  are  able  even 
to  perceive  that  labor,  as  connected  with  a  human  person- 
ality, is  superior  to  capital,  that  all  laws  and  courts  must 
ultimately  recognize  this,  and  that  labor  ought  to  be  given 
an  ever  larger  and  larger  measure  of  rulership,  as  it  shows 
a  fitness  for  it,  until  it  attains  its  goal,  —  complete  sover- 
eignty.1 

On  the  other  hand,  it  should  never  be  supposed,  that  by 
nature  employers  represent  a  morally  inferior  type  of  men. 
They  simply  exhibit  the  traits  of  our  common  human  nature, 
and  the  employee  who  is  most  bitter  against  his  employer 
might  be  still  worse  in  the  same  place.  The  lesson  of  this 
is  the  lesson  of  all  history ;  human  nature  is  too  weak  to  be 
entrusted  with  despotic  power  in  an  industrial  system  or 
anywhere  else.  Laborers  will  be  ground  into  the  dust  if 
they  cannot  protect  themselves  by  combination.  The  fol- 
lowing quotations  show  the  spirit  of  the  American  labor 
organizations  with  respect  to  arbitration. 

"  Whenever  a  dispute  arises  between  an  employer,  or  em- 

1  "  I  affirm  it  as  my  conviction  that  class  laws,  placing  capital  above 
labor,  are  more  dangerous  to  the  Republic  at  this  hour  than  chattel 
slavery  in  the  days  of  its  haughtiest  supremacy.  Labor  is  prior  to  and 
above  capital,  and  deserves  a  much  higher  consideration.  / 

"ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 


148  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ployers  and  members  of  this  brotherhood,  the  members 
shall  lay  the  matter  before  the  local  union,  which  shall 
appoint  an  arbitration  committee  to  adjust  the  difficulty; 
then,  if  said  committee  cannot  settle  the  dispute,  the  mat- 
ter shall  be  referred  to  the  union."  Constitution  of  the 
Brotherhood  of  Carpenters  and  Joiners,  Article  IX.,  Sec- 
tion i. 

"The  International  Typographical  Union  recommends 
that  when  disputes  arise  between  subordinate  unions  and 
employers  which  cannot  be  adjusted  after  conference  between 
the  parties  at  issue,  the  matter  be  then  settled  by  arbitra- 
tion." And  in  another  place  the  constitution  of  this  body 
contains  these  words  :  "  Recognizing  strikes  as  detrimental 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  craft,  it  directs  subordinate 
unions  not  to  order  a  strike  until  every  possible  effort  has 
been  made  to  settle  the  difficulty  by  arbitration." 

Among  the  standing  Resolutions  of  the  Iron  Moulders' 
Union  is  this :  "  Resolved,  That  strikes  are  not  beneficial 
to  our  organization,  and  that  it  would  be  to  our  interest  to 
evade  as  much  as  possible  all  strikes,  and  not  to  resort  to 
them  until  all  other  means  at  our  disposal  are  exhausted." 

One  of  the  aims  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  as  found  in 
their  Declaration  of  Principles,  is :  "  To  persuade  all  em- 
ployers to  agree  to  arbitrate  all  differences  which  may  arise 
between  them  and  their  employees,  in  order  that  the  bonds 
of  sympathy  between  them  may  be  strengthened,  and  that 
strikes  may  be  rendered  unnecessary." 

It  cannot  be  difficult  to  explain  the  different  attitudes  of 
labor  leaders  and  capital  leaders  in  the  matter  of  arbitration. 
Intelligent  laborers  all  dread  a  strike,  as  they  know  well  what 
intense  suffering  it  is  likely  to  produce  in  their  own  ranks, 
but  rich  capitalists  have  no  dread  of  actual  want.  Apart 
from  this  the  position  of  laborers  is  not  such  as  to  cultivate 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     149 

the  vices  of  pride  and  arrogance.  They  feel  that  a  conces- 
sion is  made  to  them  when  employers  consent  to  arbitrate. 
To  the  one  it  is  often  a  gratification  of  pride,  to  the  other 
it  is  a  humiliation  of  false  pride.  An  illustration  may  be 
found  in  the  New  Testament.  I  suppose  Christ  did  not 
mean  to  imply  that  by  nature  the  rich  were  worse  than  the 
poor,  when  he  said  that  it  was  harder  for  a  camel  to  pass 
through  the  eye  of  a  needle,  than  for  a  rich  man  to  be 
saved,  but  that  their  position  made  it  so,  and  that  it  was 
difficult  for  them  to  learn  of  social  inferiors,  like  a  carpen- 
ter's son  and  fishermen. 

The  question  may  then  be  asked,  if  labor  organizations 
are  so  much  in  favor  of  arbitration  and  so  much  opposed 
to  strikes,  Why  do  strikes  occur  so  often?  First  of  all,  it 
should  be  known  that  all  strikes  are  not  foolish.  As  Mill 
says,  they  are  a  necessary  part  of  our  industrial  system. 
Laborers  are  forced  at  times  to  hold  their  commodity,  labor, 
back  from  the  market  in  order  to  receive  for  it  the  price 
which  the  state  of  the  labor  market  justifies.  Employers 
rarely  offer  an  advance  voluntarily,  for  they  are  like  pur- 
chasers of  other  commodities.  Does  my  reader  offer  seven- 
teen dollars  for  a  garment  when  the  price  asked  is  only 
sixteen  dollars?  There  are  capitalists  who  recognize  the 
peculiarities  of  the  commodity  labor,  and  voluntarily  offer 
more  than  the  laborers  force  from  them.  Several  cases  like 
this  have  occurred  recently,  and  the  labor  press,  it  should 
be  acknowledged,  has  been  very  frank  in  the  recognition  of 
this  generous  treatment.  Still  they  are  the  exception,  and 
as  a  rule  the  laborers  are  bound  to  hold  themselves  in  readi- 
ness to  strike  and  withdraw  their  labor  from  the  market,  if 
they  are  to  play  their  part  in  the  regulation  of  supply  and 
demand. 

Now,   two   things   are   to  be   noticed :    First,   the   very 


150  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

readiness  to  strike,  and  the  ability  to  strike,  secure  more 
favorable  terms  than  would  otherwise  be  possible,  and  also 
more  respectful  treatment;  second,  the  common  assertion 
that  strikes  are  always  failures  is  by  no  means  true.  When 
laborers  are  told  this,  they  know  from  experience  that  it  is 
false,  and  turn  away  in  impatience  even  from  the  really  good 
advice  which  may  accompany  the  assertion.  In  1883, 
Mr.  Adolph  Strasser,  the  President  of  the  Cigar  Makers' 
International  Union,  testified  before  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate committee  on  labor  and  capital,1  that  there  had  then 
been2  362  strikes  among  the  cigar-makers,  recognized  by 
his  organization,  of  which  204  were  successful,  137  lost,  12 
compromised,  and  10  then  in  progress.  The  expenditures  for 
the  strikes  amounted  to  $286,444.67,  while  the  gain  to  the 
members  of  the  union  amounted  to  $1,800,000  per  annum, 
and  the  reductions  prevented  to  at  least  $500,000  per  annum. 
Prof.  Sartorius  von  Waltershausen  has  made  a  study  of  the 
strikes  in  the  llnited  States  from  Nov.  i,  1879,  to  Oct.  i, 
1880.  Of  the  121  for  an  increase  of  wages,  80  were  won 
and  19  compromised;  of  the  26  against  a  reduction  of 
wages,  21  were  lost,  3  compromised,  and  2  won.3  It  is 
seen  that  strikes  fail  sometimes,  and  are  sometimes  won ; 
but  in  both  cases  there  is  serious  loss  to  somebody,  and  it 
would  be  a  gain  to  everybody  if  the  result  of  the  strike, 
whatever  it  may  be,  could  be  reached  without  the  strike. 
To  arrive  at  this  conclusion  by  peaceful  methods  is  the  office 

1  The  testimony  before  this  committee,  known  as  the  Blair  Com- 
.mittee,  has  been  issued  in  four  volumes,  and  contains  much  matter 

valuable  for  any  student  of  the  labor  problem. 

2  August,  1883. 

8  See  JahrbUcher  fur  National  Okonomie  und  Statistik,  Siebenter 
Band,  Viertes  und  funftes  Kept.  (10  Nov.,  1883.) 

Compare  also  an  article  on  "The  Statistics  of  Strikes,"  published 
in  Bradstrcet's,  April  25,  1885. 


OTHER  ASPECTS  OF  LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS.     151 

of  arbitration,  and  wherever  honestly  tried,  it  has  proved 
eminently  successful.1  But  arbitration  cannot  be  satisfac- 
torily conducted  without  labor  organizations,  as  has  been, 
seen,  and  these  are  also  required  to  educate  the  laborers  for 
arbitration.  The  labor  leaders  are  more  intelligent  than 
the  mass  of  laborers,  and  their  position  often  enables  them 
to  see  when  a  strike  must  prove  a  failure,  and  to  prevent  it. 
The  workings  of  labor  organizations  do  still  more  to  prevent 
foolish  strikes.2  Take  the  Cigar  Makers'  International  Union 
as  typical.  It  requires  the  votes  of  two- thirds  of  all  the 
local  unions  to  authorize  a  strike.  Everywhere  there  is  at 
least  some  formality  required  to  obtain  the  approval  and 
support  of  an  entire  organization.  The  matter  is  referred 
first  to  some  one  not  present  on  the  ground,  and  who  can 
look  at  the  trouble  in  a  calmer,  more  impartial  manner. 
While  this  is  going  on,  the  passions  of  the  discontented  and 
angry  have  an  opportunity  to  subside,  and  when  the  un- 
favorable decision  arrives,  they  continue  work  or  resume 
work,  and  the  difficulty  is  past. 

Often  it  will  happen  that  the  officers  of  the  organization 
will  be  able  to  adjust  the  difficulty  with  employers  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  parties,  and  that  with  the  exchange  of  a 
few  words.  This  is  especially  apt  to  be  the  case  whenever 
or  wherever,  as  in  England,  for  example,  the  unions  are  so 
strong  that  the  employers  do  not  dare  to  refuse  to  treat  with 
the  officials  of  the  orders.  One  reason  why  so  many  strikes 
do  occur  in  America  is  because  the  unions  are  not  so  strong 
with  us  as  in  England,  and  on  the  one  hand  are  unable  to  force 
recognition  from  the  employers,  on  the  other,  to  control  their 

1  Permanent  and  fairly  conducted  boards  of  arbitration  have,  in 
places,  nearly  abolished  strikes. 

2  And,  as  John  Stuart  Mill  says,   a  strike  is  wrong  whenever  it  is 
foolish. 


152  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

members.  The  trouble  comes  chiefly  from  unorganized  or 
imperfectly  organized  laborers. 

Two  things  receive  no  public  attention  :  the  great  num- 
ber of  employers  who  never  have  any  difficulty  with  their 
employees,1  and  contemplated  strikes  which  never  occur. 
When  one  considers  the  peculiar  circumstances  which 
surround  the  American  laboring  class,  the  heterogeneous 
elements  which  enter  into  its  composition,  and  the  bad 
influence  of  its  baser  and  more  ignorant  members,  its  com- 
paratively peaceful  career  is  a  just  cause  of  surprise  and 
gratification.  The  records  of  our  labor  organizations  show 
the  suppression  of  a  vast  number  of  strikes ;  it  is  safe  to 
say  of  the  great  majority  contemplated.  Mr.  Strasser,  in 
the  testimony  to  which  reference  has  already  been  .made, 
stated  that  the  Cigar  Makers'  International  Union  had  pre- 
vented over  two  hundred  strikes  in  the  preceding  three  years. 
The  whole  machinery  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  is  designed  to 
prevent  strikes.  The  Knights  made  a  mistake  in  their  ex- 
cessive zeal  to  prevent  strikes,  for  no  authority  was  given 
the  main  body  to  support  and  encourage  strikes ;  conse- 
quently no  authority  to  control  and  prevent  them. 

The  despised  leaders  of  trades-unions  are,  as  a  rule,  far 
more  conservative  than  the  mass  of  their  followers.  They 
do  not  urge  organized  labor  on,  as  is  erroneously  supposed, 
but  are  always  trying  to  hold  it  back ;  and  many  of  the  fool- 
ish strikes  occur,  not  at  their  instigation,  but  in  spite  of 
their  best  efforts.  The  disastrous  Hocking  Valley  strike 
happened  against  the  advice  of  the  leaders.2  Time  and 

1  It  would  be  well  that  they  should  receive  attention.     Of  late  too 
much  notice  has  been  directed  to  employers  in  a  chronic  state  of  diffi- 
culty with  their  laborers. 

2  A  gentleman  in  a  position  to  know,  and  whose  name,  could  it  be 
mentioned,  would  at  once  command  the  confidence  of  my  readers,  writes 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     153 

time  again  does  it  happen  that  the  rank  and  file  refuse  to 
accept  settlements  effected  with  their  employers  by  their 
leaders.  If  the  general  public  only  knew  the  anarchy  which 
would  follow  the  suppression  of  the  labor  organization,  they 
would  thank  God  for  their  existence.  The  wild  incendiar- 
ism of  roving  bands  of  discontented  laborers  in  Belgium 
this  last  spring,  and  the  excesses  of  unorganized  labor  dur- 
ing the  first  half  of  this  century  in  England,  may  give  one 
some  faint  idea  of  our  fate  were  the  labor  organizations  to 
disappear. 

"But,"  insists  the  reader,  "you  have  given  a  bright 
picture  of  labor  organizations.  I  have  always  been  taught 
to  consider  them  creations  of  hell-inspired  men.  Is  there 
no  dark  side  to  the  picture  ?  " 

Yes,  there  is  a  dark  side ;  but  the  good  that  these  associ- 
ations do  so  far  outweighs  the  evil,  that  it  is  only  just  to  call 
attention  first  and  chiefly  to  their  beneficial  character,  espe- 
cially so  long  as  their  real  nature  is  not  understood. 

There  are  three  causes  of  opposition  to  labor  organiza- 
tions. One  is  ancient  prejudice.  Some  men  are  so  consti- 
tuted that  they  cannot  shake  off  a  prejudice  of  years' 
standing,  no  matter  what  the  evidence  of  their  error.  An- 
other is  the  violent  partisanship  of  some  who  have  been 
brought  into  conflict  with  them.  The  third,  and  most  com- 
mon, is  ignorance  ;  and  this  will  be  removed  by  information. 
The  experience  of  Thorold  Rogers  is  a  common  one.  In 
his  "Work  and  Wages,"  he  says  of  trades-unions  :  "I  con- 
fess to  having  at  one  time  viewed  them  suspiciously ;  but  a 
long  study  of  the  history  of  labor  has  convinced  me  that 

me  :  "  The  strike  was  forced  by  the  ignorant  mob  of  miners  against  the 
strenuous  opposition  of  their  own  leaders.  When  it  was  once  begun, 
it  was  a  hard  and  bitter  fight,  and  some  cruel  and  unjustifiable  things 
were  done  on  both  sides." 


154  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

they  are  not  only  the  best  friends  of  the  workmen,  but  the 
best  agency  for  the  employer  and  the  public ;  and  that  to 
the  extension  of  these  associations  political  economists  and 
statesmen  must  look  for  the  solution  of  some  of  the  most 
pressing  and  the  most  difficult  problems  of  our  own  time." 
This  has  been  my  experience,  and  Rev.  Dr.  T.  Edwin 
Brown,  who  has  written  an  excellent  work  on  the  labor 
problem,  confesses  that  it  has  been  his.  Their  cause  is  so 
strong,  that  for  a  man  in  a  non-partisan  position  to  oppose 
them  is  prima  facie  evidence  of  ignorance.  Among  politi- 
cal economists  it  is  no  longer  necessary  to  vindicate  their 
usefulness,  for  they  almost  unanimously  favor  them. 

It  is  true  that  workingmen  have  been  guilty  of  violence, 
but  it  seems  to  be  an  established  fact  that  the  most  of  those 
who  transgress  the  laws  are  outside  of  the  organizations. 
The  Commissioner  of  Labor  of  the  New  York  Bureau  of 
Statistics  of  Labor  says,  in  the  Third  Annual  Report  of  the 
Bureau,  "  Most  of  the  mobs  which  have  created  trouble  in 
this  State  in  former  years  were  composed  of  disorganized 
or  newly  organized  laborers.  The  lawless  classes  are  rarely 
union  men,  and  often  not  workingmen  at  all."  The  men- 
tion of  "  newly  organized  laborers,"  suggests  the  explanation 
that  there  are  evils  incident  to  the  infancy  of  organizations 
which  they  soon  outgrow.  New  unions  are  inexperienced, 
and  apt  to  overrate  their  own  strength ;  also  to  betray  that 
same  insolence  which  so  often  accompanies  newly  acquired 
power,  whether  due  to  wealth,  combination,  or  office.1  It  is 
a  standing  rule  among  old  trades-unionists  for  a  union  man 

1  The  latest  troubles  in  New  York  with  the  organization  of  street- 
car conductors  and  drivers  would  not  have  occurred  in  the  case 
of  an  old  union.  The  trouble  in  Chicago  with  the  switchmen,  it  is 
said,  was  against  the  advice  of  their  organization,  which  is  also  a  new 
and  imperfect  union. 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     155 

never  to  boast  of  the  strength  back  of  him,  or  to  presume 
upon  it ;  but  new  men  too  often  forget  this  injunction,  and 
give  their  employers  just  cause  for  indignation.  In  a  few 
places  labor  organizations  have  indeed  become  possessed  of 
despotic  power,  and  they  are  no  more  fit  than  others  to 
exercise  unlimited  government.1 

Once  more  :  trades-unions  have,  as  a  rule,  grown  up  out 
of  coalitions  during  a  strike,  and  these  first  days  have  been 
abnormal ;  yet  it  is  only  during  the  abnormal  period  of  a 
struggle  that  public  attention  is  called  to  them.  "  The  gen- 
eral public  knows  little  and  seems  to  care  less  for  the  quiet, 
steady,  beneficent  influences  which  these  unions  are  exerting 
upon  workingmen."2  So  strongly  do  the  Knights  of  Labor 
feel  on  this  subject,  that  it  is  one  of  their  rules  not  to  take 
in  men  who  are  on  strike,  although  against  the  will  of  the 
leaders,  it  has  at  times  been  violated.3  Bad  men  get  into 
labor  organizations  and  struggle  for  the  ascendency.  Some- 
times, though  rarely,  they  gain  it,  and  do  sad  havoc, 
injuring  the  cause  of  labor  for  years.  Union  men  make 
mistakes,  and  even  very  intelligent  men  are  not  infallible  as 
guides.  Men,  too,  have  often  committed  crimes  and  been 
guilty  of  folly  for  which  they  alone,  as  individuals,  were  to 
blame,  yet  which  have  been  attributed  to  them  as  union  men. 

On  this  general  subject  I  will  quote  the  testimony  of  four 
clergymen  of  standing,  who  have  given  more  or  less  thought 
to  the  labor  problems,  and  have  examined  the  character  of 
labor  organizations.  Rev.  Dr.  John  Hall  says,  "  There  is  a 

r  l  Did  I  not  have  in  mind  the  government  of  the  czar,  I  should 
say  less  fit  than  those  who  have  been  taught,  by  education  and  social 
position,  to  exercise  a  higher  degree  of  self-restraint. 

2  Quoted  from  Rev.  T.  Edwin  Brown,  D.D. 

8  A  charter  was  recently  revoked  because  the  local  assembly  con- 
sisted of  men  who  were  organized  during  a  strike. 


156  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

wide-spread  suspicion  of  trades-unions  as  being  selfishly 
managed  by  paid  agents  for  fomenting  discord  between  the 
employer  and  the  employed.  When  a  continued  strike 
embarrasses  a  contractor  and  throws  the  workers  and  their 
families  on  the  benevolence  of  their  fellows,  it  is  natural  to 
look  to  the  evil  on  the  surface  and  forget  the  underlying 
good  which  is  contemplated.  In  the  nature  of  the  case, 
union  effort  by  working  people  admits  of  easy  vindication." 
The  following  quotation  is  from  Rev.  Dr.  T.  Edwin  Brown, 
of  Providence :  — 

"  When  we  remember  the  history  of  the  Christian  Church,  the 
history  of  humanity,  and  by  what  terrific  throes  good  evolves 
itself  out  of  and  through  evil,  we  must  not  be  too  hard  upon 
workingmen.  Are  we  perfect?  Do  we  commit  no  blunders? 
Are  we  never  carried  away  by  passion  ?  Are  we  always  able  to 
balance  with  perfect  accuracy  the  conflicting  interests  of  our- 
selves and  our  fellows?  .  .  .  Remember  how  labor  has  been 
oppressed.  Remember  that  in  the  early  days  of  the  modern  indus- 
trial revolution,  labor  was  being  reduced  to  slavery.  Remember 
that  these  modern  labor  organizations,  made  necessary  by  bad 
conditions,  and  made  possible  by  the  very  causes  which,  unhin- 
dered, made  the  conditions  bad,  were  repressed  with  passionate 
violence  and  obstructed  by  malignant  watchfulness,  so  long  as 
repression  and  obstruction  were  possible.  Remember  that  a 
thousand  evil  prophecies  have  been  uttered  against  them  which 
have  never  been  fulfilled.  Remember  that  not  until  1824  could 
these  unions  exist  openly,  and  that  not  until  1871  did  they  have 
a  fully  legalized  and  corporate  existence  in  England,  while  in 
this  country  they  have  never  been  adequately  organized  and 
protected,  and  regulated  by  law.  Remember  that  the  majority  of 
those  who  composed  these  unions  were  men  ignorant  by  neces- 
sity, suspicious,  as  hunted  animals  are  suspicious ;  distrustful  of 
advice,  because  so  often  deceived  by  advice,  with  many  violent 
and  vicious  men  among  them.  And  then,  with  all  the  facts  in 
mind,  ask  yourselves  whether  it  is  wonderful  that  there  have  been 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS.     157 

mistakes,  mischiefs,  crimes,  much  folly  in  principle,  and  much 
wrong  in  fact.  Is  not  the  wonder  rather  that  there  have  not 
been  many  more  of  these  characteristics  which  arouse  our  com- 
plaints ?  There  have  been  unwise  restrictions,  tyrannical  regula- 
tions, vast  aggressions,  and  hindrances  to  intelligent  labor  and  to 
best  productions.  Yes  !  But  these  are  incidental.  Many  of  the 
petty  tyrannies,  which  are  quoted  even  now  as  characteristic  of 
trades-unionism,  belong  to  the  past.  They  have  been  outgrown. 
Many  others  will  be  outgrown.  The  workingmen,  in  spite  of  all 
the  blunders  that  have  been  made,  ought  to  be  proud  of  their 
organized  history.  I,  as  a  man,  sharing  their  common  humanity, 
am  proud  of  their  history  on  their  behalf." 

The  third  quotation  consists  of  the  conclusion  of  a  sermon 
by  Rev.  Thos.  K.  Beecher,  D.D.,  of  Elmira,  and  is  so  admir- 
able and  so  much  to  the  point  that  room  must  be  made  for 
it,  despite  its  length  :  — 

••  The  Knights  of  Labor,  having  gathered,  if  you  please,  one 
hundred  or  five  thousand  names  on  their  lists,  must  of  necessity 
have  gathered  in  ignorance,  passion,  lawlessness,  and  insubordi- 
nation. Members  of  that  church  have  misbehaved  and  will  mis- 
behave. I  doubt  not  that  there  is  great  mortification  and  travail 
of  spirit  over  these  disgraceful  infidelities  to  the  principles  of  the 
Order.  Now,  as  a  '  peacemaker,1  I  affirm  that  if  any  man  is  a 
good  Mason  he  will  never  be  a  drunkard  or  a  fornicator.  Yet  I 
have  known  Masons  of  high  degree  who  were  infamous  because 
of  those  vices.  Nevertheless,  I  still  speak  of  a  good  Mason.  I 
know  that  if  a  man  is  a  good  Methodist  he  will  be  a  man  of 
prayer,  enthusiasm,  generosity,  and  hope,  of  sanctification ;  yet 
I  have  known  Methodists  of  high  degree  that  were  none  of  those 
things.  I  know  that  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  if  he  fulfil  his 
ordination  vows,  will  be  truly  a  reverend  man ;  trustworthy  by 
day  or  by  night,  bearing  about  him  the  dying  of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
that  the  life  also  of  Christ,  filling  and  overflowing,  may  give  life  to 
an  unbelieving  world.  Yet  I  have  known  ministers  first  and  last 
that  have  fallen  into  every  vice  of  the  criminal  calendar.  Never- 
theless, I  believe  in  ministers. 


158  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

"Brethren,  I  appeal  to  you  to  make  yourselves  habitually  ac- 
quainted with  the  best  in  every  church,  sect,  party,  or  order. 
Cultivate  in  yourselves  large-mindedness,  fair-mindedness,  and  a 
charity  that  believeth  in  all  things,  endureth  all  things,  hopeth 
all  things.  Why,  brethren !  there  is  not  upon  earth  so  holy  a 
society  founded  by  the  Creator  himself  as  the  family.  And  there 
is  not  a  society  upon  earth  in  which  I  have  found  infamies  more 
noisome,  and  agonies  more  poignant,  than  have  come  to  my 
knowledge  in  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife,  parent  and 
child. 

"  We  must  not  denounce  the  Masons,  nor  the  Methodists,  nor 
the  Presbyterians,  nor  the  Democrats,  nor  the  Republicans,  nor 
the  Communists,  nor  any  other  aggregation  of  our  fellow-men  in 
the  lump.  There  is  evil  in  them  all,  there  is  good  in  them 
all,  and  always  will  be,  until  the  harvest,  which  is  the  end 
of  the  world.  Then  shall  God  send  forth  his  reapers,  which 
are  the  angels,  and  gather  the  bad  Masons,  and  bad  Methodists, 
and  bad  Presbyterians,  and  bad  Democrats,  and  bad  Republicans, 
and  bad  Knights  of  Labor,  and  bad  Socialists,  and  bind  them 
into  bundles  to  burn  them,  that  the  heavenly  city  be  no  more 
plagued  by  their  vices  nor  scared  by  their  threats ;  and  gather 
the  good  Masons,  and  good  Presbyterians,  and  good  Democrats, 
and  good  Knights  of  Labor,  and  good  Communists,  and  good 
Socialists,  and  good  capitalists,  to  enjoy  together,  for  the  first 
time  since  the  stars  began  their  watch,  the  counsels  of  an  un- 
broken unity,  and  the  growth  and  glories  of  an  eternal  co-opera- 
tion. 

"Judge  nothing  before  the  time.  There  is  one  that  judgeth 
all,  even  God.  Let  us  be  careful  what  we  feel,  and  more  care- 
ful still  as  to  what  we  say,  as  regards  our  fellow-citizens,  in 
these  restless  days.  Be  swift  to  hear,  slow  to  speak,  slow  to 
wrath.  The  wrath  of  men  will  never  work  out  the  righteousness 
of  God  nor  the  salvation  of  society.  Let  us  study  to  be  quiet,  to 
mind  our  own  business,  and  work  with  our  own  hands  the  thing 
that  is  good,  that  we  may  have  to  give  to  them  who  suffer  much  ; 
thus  shall  we  earn  the  benediction  :  Blessed  are  the  peacemakers, 
for  they  shall  be  called  the  sons  of  God." 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     159 

A  clergyman  of  New  England,  and  a  Ph.D.  of  a  Massa- 
chusetts college,  accompanies  a  description  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor  with  these  words  :  "  The  actual  is  doubtless  below 
the  ideal.  The  two  differ,  however,  not  so  much  as  the 
ideal  church  of  Christ,  and  the  church  as  actually  realized 
among  men."  One  precaution  which  should  not  be  for- 
gotten by  those  who  would  judge  the  laborers  honestly 
is  this :  you  get  only  one  side  of  the  case  in  press  de- 
spatches. Could  you  know  both  sides,  your  opinion  would 
frequently  be  quite  different  about  alleged  misdoings  of 
laborers.  He  who  would  know  both  sides  must  take  a 
labor  paper. 

One  undoubted  error  of  most  of  the  labor  leaders,  in 
my  opinion,  consists  in  their  adhesion  to  the  doctrine 
that  an  inflation  of  the  currency,  by  the  issue  of  larger 
quantities  of  paper  money,  is  a  good  thing,  but  as  one  of 
them  said,  they  "are  not  pushing  that  now."  Their 
acceptance  of  this  doctrine  is  easily  explained  by  an 
examination  of  the  financial  history  of  the  United  States 
during  the  past  twenty-five  years.  Contraction  of  the  cur- 
rency doubtless  caused  some  suffering ;  but  fifty  years  ago 
laborers  complained  bitterly  on  account  of  the  over  issue  of 
paper  money.  It  is  in  such  matters  they  need  the  aid  of 
scholarship,  for  the  ordinary  man  errs  in  his  generalizations 
because  he  bases  them  on  too  narrow  a  range  of  observa- 
tion. This  is  also  an  illustration  of  the  fact  that  no  one 
class  is  large  enough  for  exclusive  rulership.  The  welfare  of 
society  requires  the  active  co-operation  of  all  the  members 
of  the  social  organism. 

The  dictation  of  trades-unions  is  a  favorite  theme.  It  is 
oftenest  brought  forward  as  an  offence  by  those  who  are 
unwilling  to  recognize  the  right  of  the  laborer  to  a  voice  in 
the  management  of  the  commodity  which  he  supplies,  labor, 


160  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

and  in  the  management  of  which  he  is  so  vitally  interested. 
The  non-partisan  fails  to  see  any  reason  why  the  laborer  has 
not  the  right  to  say,  Under  such  and  such  conditions  I  will 
offer  my  commodity ;  under  others  I  will  withhold  it ;  even 
should  those  conditions  include  the  right  to  select  his  com- 
panions. On  the  other  hand,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
laborer  may  make  a  foolish  use  of  his  rights,  and  it  is  cer- 
tain that  he  too  often  does  make  such  a  use.  Some  of  the 
most  intelligent  trades-unionists  think  the  refusal  to  work 
with  a  non-union  man  is  indefensible  and  injurious  to  the 
cause  of  labor.  It  is  the  office  of  arbitration  to  help  deter- 
mine what  are  wise  and  beneficial,  and  what  are  foolish  and 
injurious  conditions  both  for  the  buyer  and  seller  of  labor. 

The  surrender  of  personal  liberty  is  often  regarded  as  a 
condition  of  membership  in  a  trades-union,  but  this  is  little 
more  than  a  fiction  in  the  case  of  any  well-managed  labor 
organization.  Those  who  furnish  capital  place  its  manage- 
ment in  the  hands  of  a  few,  those  who  furnish  labor  do  so, 
though  to  far  less  extent.  If  an  indiscreet  choice  is  made 
by  either  party  the  result  may  prove  disastrous,  and  a  change 
should  be  made  as  soon  as  possible.  What  Mr.  Trant  says 
of  a  strike l  is  true  of  most  affairs  of  trades-unions.  "  The 
idea  that  a  strike  depends  upon  the  ipse  dixit  of  a  paid 
agitator,  and  that  if  the  men  were  to  vote  by  ballot  on  the 
question,  they  would  never  consent  to  a  strike,  is  conceived 
by  those  only  who  do  not  know  what  a  trade-union  is.  In 
most  cases  a  strike  is  the  result  of  action  taken  by  the  men 
themselves  in  each  district,  the  executive  having  more  power 
to  prevent  a  strike  than  to  initiate  one." 2  And  what  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Kaufmann  says  is  as  true  of  this  country  as  Eng- 

1  In    his    excellent    little  work,    "  Trade-Unions."     Kegan,   Paul, 
French  &  Co.,  London,  1884. 

2  Members  of  unions  often  vote  by  a  show  of  hands.     It  would  be 
better  to  introduce  the  secret  ballot  universally. 


OTHER  ASPECTS  OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     161 

land  :  "  I  have  given  the  subject  a  great  deal  of  attention, 
and  feel  convinced  that  where  the  employers  have  right  on 
their  side,  in  the  large  majority  of  cases,  the  so-called  dema- 
gogues or  professional  agitators  have  little  power  in  provok- 
ing a  quarrel  about  the  raising  or  reduction  of  wages."  * 

Some  people  seem  to  believe  that  laborers  work  peace- 
fully and  contentedly  until  a  mischievous  agitator  comes 
along  and  stirs  them  up,  and  creates  unreasonable  dissatis- 
faction. All  this  is  pure  fiction. 

There  are  demagogues,  it  is  true,  and  these  are  danger- 
ous ;  but  they  are  not  the  men  who  are  usually  mentioned 
as  such  in  the  newspapers.  They  are  generally  politicians 
who  mislead  the  masses  with  lying  lips  which  utter  flatteries 
and  vain  promises.  Men  may  be  divided  into  three  classes, 
with  respect  to  their  attitude  toward  the  masses.  The 
lowest  class  is  composed  of  dishonest  men  who  delude  them 
for  their  own  devilish  ends.  That  class  constitutes  a  goodly 
element  among  our  politicians,  and  has  as  large  a  member- 
ship in  America  as  in  any  other  country.  The  second  class 
ranks  a  little  above  this.  It  is  composed  of  men  who  scorn 
the  arts  of  the  vulgar  politician,  and  will  not  degrade  them- 
selves by  courting  men  whom  they  inwardly  despise.  Corio- 
lanus,  as  portrayed  by  Shakespeare,  was  a  high  type  of  this 
class,  which  is,  in  America,  a  large  and  influential  one.  The 
third  and  highest  class  is  composed  of  the  noblest  speci- 
mens of  the  human  race.  Men  of  this  class  seek  the  masses 
for  no  ignoble  ends,  but  that  they  may  do  good  to  those  who 
need  their  help.  They  are  Christ-like  men  who  are  drawn 
to  those  beneath  them  in  tlieir  intellectual,  ethical,  and 
social  natures  by  an  all-embracing  love  for  humanity.  These 
men  are  a  nation's  salvation.  This  third  class  is  small,  as 
yet,  in  our  land,  but  happily  it  is  a  growing  one. 

1  See  his  M  Sermons  and  Lectures  to  Theological  Students." 


162  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

One  danger  is,  clearly,  that  the  demagogue  may  get  con- 
trol of  the  labor  movement  with  all  its  vast  potentialities 
for  good  or  evil ;  but  this  will  be  averted  if  those  Americans 
who  profess  to  be  guided  by  principles  of  Christian  ethics 
do  their  duty  in  the  present  crisis  in  our  history.  It  can- 
not be  averted  by  any  attempt  to  suppress  trades-unions; 
on  the  contrary,  an  endeavor  to  crush  them  is  the  greatest 
danger  of  all  which  we  have  to  face.  As  Thomas  Hughes 
has  said,  "  Whatever  danger  the  advancing  wave  may  seem 
to  threaten  existing  institutions,  arises  from  attempts  to  block 
the  channel."1  There  is  no  power  in  America  at  the  disposal 
of  the  employing  class  which  can  crush  labor  organizations. 
Their  opponents  may  double  the  police,  strengthen  the 
militia,  secure  control  of  the  legislative  authority,  put  the 
judges  under  their  thumbs,  and  buy  up  every  paper  in 
the  United  States,  and  their  efforts  will  still  be  in  vain. 
Kings  and  emperors  and  parliaments  have  been  trying  just 
such  experiments  at  intervals  for  six  hundred  years,  and  have 
not  succeeded.  The  first  fundamental  fact  to  be  grasped  is 
that  the  labor  organizations  are  with  us,  and  will  remain 
with  us.  There  never  will  be  peace  until  they  receive  full 
recognition.  Employers  who  really  mean  well  should  seek, 
as  many  of  them  are  doing,  to  work  through  them  and  to 
develop  everything  that  is  good  in  them. 

1  Trade- Unionism  in  England. —  Century  Magazine,  May,  1884. 
In  the  same  article  occurs  this  passage,  which  ought  to  be  reassuring 
to  Americans  at  the  present  time.  In  speaking  about  trades-unions  in 
England  in  1851,  he  says:  "The  press  echoed  the  alarm  of  the  em- 
ployers, and  denounced  these  combinations  in  unmeasured  terms.  The 
trade  of  the  country  would  be  ruined  by  those  great  unions  of  the 
working  classes,  controlled  by  irresponsible  councils,  whose  authority 
was  blindly  obeyed,  and  which  were  composed  of  men  whose  profession 
was  agitation,  and  whose  living  depended  upon  fostering  disputes." 
Talk  of  that  kind  is  now  a  thing  of  the  past  in  England. 


OTHER  ASPECTS  OF  LABOR   ORGANIZATIONS.    163 

Still  another  danger  has  been  brought  to  public  attention 
recently,  and  it  seems  to  me  one  well  calculated  to  excite 
alarm.  It  is,  that  unscrupulous  speculators  may  attempt  to 
use  our  labor  organizations  to  raise  and  depress  railway 
stocks  and  other  property  for  their  own  ends.  It  will 
require  vigilance  to  avert  such  a  calamity. 

There  is  a  great  deal  of  talk  about  the  expenses  of  the 
unions,  and  there  seems  to  be  an  impression  that  they  are 
devouring  the  earnings  of  our  artisans  and  mechanics.  The 
truth  is,  the  expenses  of  the  organizations  are  light  during 
the  time  of  peace,  and  contest  is  only  an  exception  in  the 
history  of  the  most  beligerent.1  Take  salaries,  for  example. 
From  1867  to  1885  the  highest  annual  cost  per  man  for 
salaries  of  officers  of  the  International  Typographical  Union 
was  only  eighteen  cents,  while  the  lowest  was  but  seven 
cents.  Take,  for  another  example,  the  contributions  of  the 
Knights  of  Labor  to  their  central  body.  They  amount  to 
six  cents  a  quarter  for  each  member.  Of  course  contribu- 
tions for  relief  and  benefit  features,  and  other  forms  of 
mutual  aid,  and  for  strikes,  when  they  occur,  are  much 
larger,  though  far  smaller  than  most  people  imagine.  When 
a  labor  organization  is  well  managed,  it  yields  a  large  return 
for  all  that  it  costs.  One  other  fiction  only  must  receive 
attention  now,  and  that  is  the  "  fat  places  "  in  the  organiza- 
tions. There  are  none ;  no  men  work  harder,  perform 
more  arduous  duties,  or  duties  requiring  a  higher  order  of 
intellect,  for  the  same  salaries,  than  the  officers  of  the  great 
labor  organizations.  Mr.  Powderly  receives  $1,500  per 
annum ;  Mr.  Turner,  the  general  secretary  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor,  $1,200 ;  the  president  of  the  Flint  Glass- Workers 
is  paid  $1,100  a  year.  These  are  among  the  higher  salaries. 

1  The  Amalgamate4  Carpenters  reported  that  during  the  year 
1883-84  not  o#g  t/ade  dfcj^te  occurred. 


164  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Some  serve  in  union  capacities  without  pay ;  others  receive 
$25  and  $50  a  year. 

One  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  growth  of  trades-unions  in 
America  has  been  that  the  abilities  of  their  officers  have  so 
often  attracted  the  attention  of  capitalists  who  could  pay 
higher  salaries.  Many  of  their  best  men  have  been  lost  to 
them  in  this  manner. 

The  great  mass  of  men  follow  leaders.  They  may  pro- 
test against  the  fact,  but  they  do  it  all  the  same,  for  they 
cannot  help  it.  Now  who  are  the  natural  leaders  of  the 
laboring  classes  ?  Their  industrial  superiors ;  and  when  we 
pass  judgment  on  the  employee,  we  are  obliged  to  inquire 
what  kind  of  an  example  has  been  set  him  by  his  employer. 
An  examination  of  our  social  history  reveals  the  fact  that 
the  laborers  have  been  guilty  of  no  offence  for  which  they 
could  not  find  a  precedent  in  the  conduct  of  unscrupulous 
employers.1  The  subject  of  violence  to  non-union  men 
affords  an  example,  and  on  this  Professor  Thorold  Rogers 
comments  as  follows :  "  The  violence  which  has  character- 
ized the  action  of  workingmen  against  those  who  abstain 
from  their  policy,  compete  against  them  for  employment  in 
a  crisis,  and,  as  they  believe,  selfishly  profit  by  a  process 
which  they  are  too  mean  to  assist,  but  from  which  they  reap 
no  small  advantage,  is  indefensible  and  suicidal.  But  it  has 
its  parallel  in  the  attitude  of  joint  stock  companies  to  inter- 
lopers, and  in  the  devices  by  which  traders  have  over  and 
over  again  striven  to  ruin  rivals  who  will  not  abide  by  trade 
customs,  or  even  seek  to  be  independent  competitors  against 
powerful  agencies.  I  see  no  difference  beyond  the  fact 
that  law  allows  them,  between  the  rattening  of  a  Sheffield 
saw  grinder,  and  the  expedients  by  which  in  the  committee 

1  For  instance,  the  cutting  of  wires  of  telegraph  and  tearing  up  the 
track  of  railways  by  opposing  companies. 


OTHER  ASPECTS   OF  LABOR    ORGANIZATIONS.     165 

rooms  of  the  House  of  Commons,  railway  directors  seek  to 
extinguish  competition  schemes.  Men  who  have  not  had 
the  refinements  of  education,  and  who  are  not  practised  in 
the  arts  of  polite  malignity,  may  be  coarse  and  rude  in  the 
expedients  which  they  adopt,  but  when  the  process  is  essen- 
tially the  same,,  when  the  motive  is  practically  identical,  and 
the  result  is  precisely  equal,  the  manner  is  of  no  importance 
to  the  analyst  of  motives  and  conduct." 1 

American  railway  history  has  furnished  employees  with 
many  examples  of  violence  perpetrated  by  vast  corporations  ; 
and  it  can  scarcely  surprise  the  thoughtful  man  that  the 
underling  should  take  the  lesson  to  heart  and  occasionally 
attempt  violence  on  his  own  account.  I  myself  have  seen 
the  property  of  one  railway  corporation  seized  by  another 
without  the  slightest  ground  in  right  or  justice,  and  it  was  so 
common  and  every  day  an  occurrence  that  it  attracted  little 
attention.  I  am  not  aware  that  in  all  the  United  States  a 
single  editor  thought  it  worth  while  to  publish  an  editorial 
about  it.  Let  me  give  another  illustration  in  the  concrete 
of  the  parallel  between  the  conduct  of  the  poorer  and 
wealthier  clashes.  We  often  hear  it  spoken  of  as  something 
monstrous  that  trades-unions  should  establish  rates  of  wages, 
and  force  their  members  to  abide  by  them.2  This  is  noth- 
ing peculiar  to  labor  organizations.  In  a  recent  description 
of  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange,  we  are  told  that  even  the 
offering  to  do  business  at  less  than  the  established  rates  "  is 

1  Page  403-4  of  "  Work  and  Wages." 

2  It  is  commonly  said  that  trades-unions  establish  a  uniform  rate  for 
all.    I  think  this  rarely  happens.   They  establish  a  minimum  rate.    The 
bricklayers  of  Philadelphia  have  a  minimum  rate  of  $3.50,  but  only  the 
poorer  bricklayers  receive  so  little.     Some  receive  $3.75,  others  $4.00, 
$4.25,  and  even  #4.50.     They  also  grant  special  permission  to   old  oi 
infirm  bricklayers  to  take  less  than  $3.50.     This  is  merely  an  example. 


166  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

punishable  by  expulsion  from  the  exchange,  and  sale  forth- 
with by  the  committee  on  admissions  of  the  membership  of 
the  offender."  If  the  reader  wishes  other  parallels,  let  him 
go  to  the  physicians  among  whom  I  have  known  one  to  be 
ostracised  for  cutting  below  the  established  rates. 

Finally,  that  terrible  weapon  of  labor,  the  "boycott" 
found  a  precedent  in  the  far  more  cruel  black  list  which 
preceded  it,  in  most  cases  caused  it,  and  still  continues  its 
atrocities  unrebuked.1  Now  the  parallels  are  not  in  them- 
selves justification,  but  if  the  practice  is  wrong,  they  do  prove 
that  our  entire  industrial  society  needs  reformation,  and  that 
it  is  cruelly  unjust  to  saddle  all  the  blame  on  those  who 
follow  their  natural  leaders. 

Is  the  conclusion  of  all  this  that  injustice  must  be  met  by 
injustice  ?  that  the  laborer  should  retaliate  upon  others  the 
wrong  he  has  suffered  ?  No,  a  thousand  times  no  !  It 
would  be  madness.  Love,  not  vengeance,  is  the  law  of  the 
highest  civilization  for  which  we  must  strive,  and  in  which 
alone  it  can  ever  be  well  with  men.  Violence  never  settles 
any  question,  and  no  question  is  ever  settled  until  it  reaches 
a  righteous  solution.2  The  conclusion  of  all  that  has  been 
said  is,  then,  this  :  We  must  never  cease  to  strive  to  place 
our  social  and  industrial  institutions  on  the  rock  foundation 
of  righteousness ;  for  until  we  can  find  such  a  basis  for 
them,  we  have  reason  to  fear  something  terrible  indeed,  and 
that  is  the  wrath  of  God. 

1  Harper's  Weekly  has  denounced  it  in  as  strong  terms  as  the  boy- 
cott, and  it  has  been  condemned  by  other  journals,  but  it  has  generally 
been  passed  over  in  silence  by  the  newspapers. 

2  So  well  established  is  this  as  an  historical  fact,  that  "  The  blood  of 
the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  church  "  has  passed  into  a  proverb. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA. 

I.    DISTRIBUTIVE  CO-OPERATION. 

THE  phrase,  "  competence  to  the  purchaser,"  has  been 
used  as  the  rallying  cry  of  distributive  co-operation. 
As  generally  practised,  it  is  simply  the  union  of  consumers 
in  order  to  obtain  commodities  of  various  kinds  at  reduced 
rates,  and  also  to  secure  satisfactory  guarantees  of  quality  of 
goods  and  of  honest  dealing  in  general.  Such  a  combina- 
tion of  purchasers  is  in  Germany  appropriately  called  a 
Consumers'  Union.  Distributive  co-operation  assumes  a 
multitude  of  forms.  In  some  instances  it  means  nothing 
more  than  a  club,  whose  members  obtain  reduced  rates  by 
special  agreement  with  certain  regular  dealers.  This  is  the 
case  with  the  Rochdale  Co-operative  Society  of  Washington, 
composed  largely  of  clerks  and  government  employees  at 
the  national  capital.  The  dealers  hope  to  indemnify  them- 
selves by  a  larger  trade  and  by  the  cash  payments,  which 
are  a  feature  of  the  agreement  between  them  and  the  Roch- 
dale Society.  A  more  frequent  form  of  distributive  co-oper- 
ation is  seen  in  the  co-operative  store,  managed  entirely  by 
the  co-operative  society  at  its  own  risk,  and  sharing  profit 
or  loss  according  to  some  equitable  rule.  One  of  the  most 
brilliant  examples  of  success  achieved  by  co-operation  of 
this  kind  is  that  of  the  Philadelphia  Industrial  Co-operative 
Society,  of  which  more  will  be  said  presently. 


168  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

It  may  well  be  asked,  Why  should  so  much  importance  be 
attached  to  this  simple  business  contrivance,  by  which  men 
hope  to  effect  small  savings  in  their  purchases  ?  Nor  is  a 
satisfactory  answer  always  an  easy  matter.  When  there  is 
nothing  more  to  co-operation  in  distribution  than  that  which 
appears  at  first  sight,  or  when  it  is  not  undertaken  with  a 
view  to  subsequent  industrial  development,  it  merits  less 
attention  than  it  has  received.  Apart  from  its  educational 
value,  which  is  considerable,  it  is  then  at  best  simply  an  im- 
provement of  not  large  proportions  in  the  conduct  of  busi- 
ness. When  not  at  its  best,  it  is  frequently  a  disastrous 
failure  in  an  attempt  to  improve  trade  relations,  and  entails 
serious  loss  upon  poor  men,  ill  able  to  bear  the  burden.  An 
example  of  the  power  which  resides  in  a  name  is  seen  in  the 
history  of  the  Co-operative  Dress  Association,  which  failed 
in  New  York  some  three  years  ago.  What  was  this  Dress 
Association  ?  It  consisted  of  a  number  of  people  of  consid- 
erable means,  many  of  them  even  wealthy,  who  hoped  by 
combination  to  save  a  small  sum  in  their  bills  for  clothing. 
There  was  no  special  grievance  of  which  they  had  to  com- 
plain, for  the  retail  merchants  of  New  York  were  then,  as 
now,  alert  and  enterprising,  willing  to  sell  goods  at  a  small 
advance  above  cost,  and  were  not  remiss  in  that  polite  con- 
sideration which  customers  may  reasonably  demand  from 
those  with  whom  they  deal.  Here  the  whole  experiment 
began  and  ended.  There  was  no  reason  why  its  existence 
should  have  attracted  wide  attention ;  no  reason  why  there 
should  have  been  regret  when,  in  spite  of  all  the  gratuitous 
advertising  it  received,  it  failed. 

It  is  important  that  one  should  enter  upon  the  study  of 
co-operation  with  clear  ideas  as  to  its  true  significance  and 
its  real  worth,  or  intrinsic  worthlessness,  as  the  case  may  be. 
We  have  to  do,  it  is  generally  supposed,  with  a  radical  re- 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  169 

form,  whose  aim  is  to  elevate  the  masses,  both  in  mind  and 
body.  Now,  it  is  evident  that  an  agreement  of  A,  B,  C,  and 
D,  all  to  trade  with  one  man,  in  case  he  will  sell  them  com- 
modities at  ten  per  cent  below  the  regular  prices,  is  not  an 
event  of  such  significance  as  to  justify  the  waste  of  any  con- 
siderable emotional  energy.  Nor  is  there  cause  for  excite- 
ment when  X,  Y,  and  Z  determine  to  open  a  small  retail  store 
for  their  own  benefit,  with  the  desire  to  add  the  retailers' 
profit  to  the  income  they  may  derive  from  other  sources. 
A  recent  writer  proclaimed  boastfully  that  co-operation 
meant  business,  and  nothing  more.  If  that  is  all,  let  us  at 
once  turn  our  attention  to  some  more  profitable  and  inter- 
esting topic. 

But  that  is  not  all.  The  aims  of  co-operation  are  as  far- 
reaching  as  those  of  the  social  union.  It  contemplates,  as 
has  already  been  said,  a  complete,  though  peaceful,  transfor- 
mation of  society.1  Co-operators,  when  worthy  of  the  name, 
are  firm  in  the  conviction  expressed  for  them  by  John  Stuart 
Mill :  — 

"  That  the  industrial  economy  which  divides  society  abso- 
lutely into  two  portions,  the  payers  of  wages  and  the  re- 
ceivers of  them,  the  first  counted  by  thousands  and  the  last 
by  millions,  is  neither  fit  for  nor  capable  of  indefinite  dura- 
tion ;  and  the  possibility  of  changing  this  system  for  one  of 
combination  without  dependence,  and  unity  of  interest  in- 
stead of  organized  hostility,  depends  altogether  upon  the 
future  developments  of  the  partnership  principle." 

It  is,  then,  from  the  standpoint  of  those  who  desire  a 
transformation  and  an  elevation  of  the  masses,  that  we  must 
pass  judgment  on  co-operative  enterprises.  The  argument, 
formerly  much  in  vogue  as  a  defence  of  slavery,  that  the 

1  This  has  always  been  the  animating  idea  of  the  leaders  of  the  co- 
operative movement  in  England. 


170  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

institution  united  harmoniously  the  interests  of  capital  and 
labor,  was  of  greater  force  than  the  friends  of  free  labor 
were  then  willing  to  admit,  as  is  proved  by  the  chronic  state 
of  disturbed  relations  between  employer  and  employed 
which  has  come  upon  us,  and  promises  to  remain  with  us 
for  years  to  come.  Co-operation  admits  the  desirability 
of  a  union  between  capital  and  labor,  but  maintains  that 
such  a  union  can  be  accomplished  by  voluntary  associa- 
tions among  men,  both  for  the  purpose  of  production  and 
distribution. 

Distributive  co-operation  is,  then,  but  a  small  part  of  the 
problem  whose  solution  presses  upon  us.  Frequently  it 
means  no  direct  union  of  capital  and  labor,  but  carries  with 
it  a  division  of  profits  only  between  capital  and  the  patrons 
of  capital,  in  other  words,  the  consumers.  This  is  the  rule 
in  England,  where  the  annual  sales  of  the  co-operative  stores 
exceed  in  value  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  It  happens 
rarely  that  the  employees  participate  in  the  profits  of  trade, 
though  it  is  now  clearly  seen  that  capital,  labor,  and  custom 
should  all  share  in  the  products  of  enterprises  in  proportion 
to  the  services  they  render ;  and  in  isolated  instances,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  great  Scotch  co-operative  wholesale  store, 
this  principle  prevails;  while  the  best  leaders,  those  who 
have  furnished  the  life-giving  spirit,  are  endeavoring  to  ex- 
tend the  application  of  co-operation  until,  in  all  its  ramifica- 
tions, it  reaches  its  logical  outcome. 

Distributive  co-operation  is  a  school.  It  is  a  training 
which,  it  is  hoped,  will  lead  to  better  things.  More  than  this 
is  true.  Distributive  co-operation  is  a  beginning.  If  it  is  ever 
completely  successful,  it  will  only  be  as  part  of  a  co-operative 
system  which  embraces  the  industrial  life  of  the  people.  The 
story  of  the  origin,  the  progress,  and  the  achievements  of 
distributive  co-operation  in  Great  Britain  has  often  been 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  171 

told ; l  but  the  history  of  the  checkered  career  of  distributive 
co-operation  in  America  has  never  been  penned.  Much  of 
it  is  already  lost,  and  much  survives  only  in  the  memory  of 
the  aged,  who  once,  full  of  youth  and  generous  enthusiasm, 
devoted  themselves  to  the  spread  of  co-operation.  As  Rev. 
Dr.  Heber  Newton  has  well  said,  "Co-operation  awaits 
its  Old  Mortality,  piously  bent  on  rescuing  from  oblivion  the 
fading  characters  of  these  living  epitaphs."  This  is  not  the 
place  for  a  statistical  paper,  giving  a  catalogue  of  failures 
and  successes.  We  are  now  concerned  only  with  a  general 
view,  which  must,  however,  be  sufficiently  accurate  to  enable 
us  to  form  in  our  own  minds  some  kind  of  a  picture  of  the 
actual  condition  of  things  in  the  past  and  in  the  present. 

The  history  of  distributive  co-operation  in  the  United 
States  may  be  divided  into  two  periods,  each  of  nearly  equal 
duration.  The  first  begins  about  1835  and  extends  to  the 
time  of  the  Civil  War ;  the  second  continues  from  the  begin- 
ning of  that  event  to  the  present.  I  have  been  able  to  dis- 
cover only  two  or  three  existing  co-operative  enterprises 
which  may  be  traced  back  to  the  first  period,  —  the  Central 
Union  of  New  Bedford,  the  Natick  Protective  Union,  and  a 
large  store  at  Worcester  are  mentioned  by  Mr.  George  E. 
McNeill,  of  Boston. 

Mr.  McNeill,  a  veteran  in  the  labor-movement,  has  pre- 
pared a  history  of  co-operation  in  Massachusetts,  which  was 
published  in  the  Report  of  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of 
Statistics  of  Labor  for  1877,  and  this  is  my  chief  source  of 
information  for  co-operation  in  New  England  before  that 
year.  From  this  report  we  learn  that  co-operation  was  dis- 
cussed in  Boston,  in  1831,  by  the  New  England  Association 
of  Farmers  and  Mechanics ;  but  the  members  of  the  com- 

1  A  sketch  of  it,  by  the  writer,  may  be  found  in  the  Congregation 
alist,  of  Boston,  March  12,  1885. 


172  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

mittee  appointed  to  consider  the  subject  were  able  to  agree 
upon  no  report,  and  no  definite  action  was  taken  at  that 
time.  Several  germs  of  co-operative  effort  are  found  be- 
tween 1831  and  1845,  but  no  accurate  account  of  them  was 
found  by  Mr.  McNeill,  nor  have  I  been  able  to  discover 
anything  further  than  what  is  stated  by  that  gentleman; 
viz.,  that  it  was  attempted  to  effect  a  saving  by  the  pur- 
chase of  goods  in  large  quantities,  to  be  broken  up  and  dis- 
tributed at  a  slight  advance  above  original  cost,  to  meet 
expenses.  The  managers  were  unpaid,  the  interest  was  not 
maintained,  and  the  stores  soon  failed,  suspended  operations, 
or  passed  into  the  possession  of  private  parties. 

Whenever  co-operation  has  in  this  country  assumed  large 
proportions,  it  has  been  connected  with  some  trades-union 
or  labor  organization,  and  those  societies  which  are  to  be 
specially  borne  in  mind  in  this  connection  are  the  four  fol- 
lowing; namely,  the  New  England  Protective  Union,  the 
Patrons  of  Husbandry,  the  Sovereigns  of  Industry,  and  the 
Knights  of  Labor.  The  New  England  Protective  Union  was 
formed  in  1845,  bu*  ^nen  bore  the  name,  Workingmen's 
Protective  Union,  which  it  retained  until  1849.  A  schism 
took  place  in  the  body  in  1853,  because  one  party  in  the 
Union  thought  that  the  purchasing  agent  for  the  co-operative 
stores  had  been  unfairly  deprived  of  his  position,  and  they 
were  unwilling  either  to  await  a  peaceful  and  constitutional 
settlement  of  the  difficulty,  or  to  waive  a  personal  question 
for  the  sake  of  the  inestimable  benefits  of  unity.  The 
seceders  formed  an  organization,  called  the  American  Pro- 
tective Union. 

A  correct  view  of  co-operation  seems  to  have  been  general 
among  the  laborers  at  that  time,  for  the  following  preamble 
and  resolution  were  adopted  at  the  convention  of  the  New 
England  Workingmen's  Union,  held  in  Fall  River,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1845  :  — 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  173 

"  Whereas,  All  means  of  reform  heretofore  offered  by  the 
friends  of  social  reform  have  failed  to  unite  the  producing 
classes,  much  less  attract  their  attention,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  protective  charity  and  concert  of  action  in 
the  purchase  of  the  necessaries  of  life  are  the  only  means  to 
the  end  to  obtain  that  union  which  will  end  in  their  ameliora- 
tion." 

The  sentiments  of  the  Workingmen's  Protective  Union 
were  reported  to  agree  in  the  mam  with  those  fcund  at  that 
same  time  in  the  constitution  adopted  at  New  York  by  the 
National  Industrial  Convention.  The  important  thought  that 
an  economy  of  a  few  dollars  a  year  in  the  purchase  of  com- 
modities was  no  way  out  of  the  difficulties  of  the  laborers, 
but  was  valuable  only  as  a  preparation  for  something  better, 
is  brought  out  still  more  clearly  in  the  following  extract  from 
a  report  by  the  committee  on  organization  of  industry,  issued 
in  1849  :  — 

"  Brothers,  shall  we  content  ourselves  with  the  miserable 
idea  of  merely  saving  a  few  dollars,  and  say  we  have  found 
enough  ?  Future  generations,  ay,  the  uprising  generation  is 
looking  to  us  for  nobler  deeds.  Shall  we  disappoint  them  ? 
No  !  by  all  that  is  great  and  good,  let  us  trust  in  the  truth 
of  organized  industry.  Time,  undoubtedly,  must  intervene 
before  great  results  can  be  expected  to  accrue  from  a  work 
of  this  character.  We  must  proceed  from  combined  stores 
to  combined  shops,  from  combined  shops  to  combined 
houses,  to  joint  ownership  in  God's  earth,  the  foundation  that 
our  edifice  must  stand  upon." 

The  resources  of  these  laborers  were  small,  but  they  began 
their  work  "  with  faith  in  God  and  the  right,"  to  use  their 
words,  and  "the  purchase  of  a  box  of  soap  and  one-half 
box  of  tea."  This  humble  beginning  rapidly  assumed  larger 
and  increasing  proportions,  until,  in  October,  1852,  the 


174  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Union  embraced  403  divisions,  of  which  167  reported  a 
capital  of  $241,712,  and  165  of  these  announced  annual 
sales  amounting  to  $1,696,825.  The  schism  in  1853 
weakened  the  body,  but  the  agent  of  the  American  Protec- 
tive Union  claimed  for  the  divisions  comprising  it,  sales 
aggregating  in  value  over  nine  and  one-quarter  millions  of 
dollars  in  the  seven  years  ending  in  1859. 

It  is  not  possible  to  tell  what  might  have  been  the  out- 
come of  this  co-operative  movement  had  peace  continued. 
As  it  was,  the  disturbed  era  of  the  Civil  War  nearly  anni- 
hilated it.  Nor  can  it  be  difficult  to  see  the  causes  which 
led  to  the  destruction  of  the  still  tender  plant.  Men  left 
their  homes  for  the  battlefield;  foreigners  poured  into 
New  England  towns  and  replaced  the  Americans  in  the 
shops ;  while  shareholders  frequently  became  frightened  at 
the  state  of  trade,  and  gladly  saw  the  entire  enterprise  pass 
into  the  hands  of  the  storekeeper. 

Various  minor  efforts  at  co-operation  during  the  following 
years  must  be  passed  over  with  a  simple  allusion  to  the  fact 
of  their  existence.  Such  are  the  co-operative  experiments 
connected  with  the  Boston  Labor  Reform  Association,  which 
aimed  at  the  "  discharge  of  all  useless  middle-men ;  "  of  the 
same  character  are  the  co-operative  associations,  productive 
and  distributive,  which  were  inaugurated  by  that  once  pow- 
erful, but  short-lived,  union  of  shoemakers  called  the 
Knights  of  Saint  Crispin. 

The  two  co-operative  movements  of  large  proportions, 
next  in  order  of  time,  are  those  set  in  motion  by  the  Patrons 
of  Husbandry,  or  Grangers,  and  the  Sovereigns  of  Industry. 

The  Sovereigns  of  Industry  were  a  secret  order,  founded 
in  Worcester,  Mass.,  in  the  month  of  January,  1874,  by 
William  H.  Earle.  The  first  paragraph  of  the  Declaration 
of  Purposes  reads  as  follows  : 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  175 

"  The  order  of  the  Sovereigns  of  Industry  is  an  associa- 
tion of  the  industrial  or  laboring  classes,  without  regard  to 
race,  sex,  color,  nationality,  or  occupation ;  not  founded  for 
the  purpose  of  waging  any  war  of  aggression  upon  any  other 
class,  or  for  fostering  any  antagonism  of  labor  against  capi- 
tal, or  of  arraying  the  poor  against  the  rich ;  but  for  mutual 
assistance  in  self-improvement  and  self-protection." 

The  entire  declaration  breathes  forth  the  same  pacific 
intent  which  is  likewise  seen  in  the  motto  adopted  for  the 
official  journal  of  the  Sovereigns,  the  Sovereign  Bulletin, 
namely,  "  Capital  and  Labor,  Friends,  not  Enemies."  In- 
deed it  may  be  said  that  the  extreme  of  good  nature  has 
been  reached  when  this  order  promises  to  resist  the  organ- 
ized encroachments  of  monopolists  only  by  such  "  wise  and 
kindly  measures "  as  it  can  command.  While  an  entire 
re-organization  of  society  seems  to  have  been  contemplated 
in  a  vague  and  general  kind  of  way,  the  Declaration  of 
Purposes  directs  attention  chiefly  to  the  advantages  of  co- 
operation in  distribution,  that  is,  in  making  purchases.  The 
aim  was  to  secure  economy  by  the  abolition  of  the  middle- 
men, consisting  of  "  speculator,  broker,  commission  agent, 
wholesale  dealer,  jobber,  and  retailer,"  and  also  to  teach  the 
members  of  the  order  to  avoid  the  disastrous  and  extrava- 
gant system  of  credit. 

The  members  in  a  town  or  district  constituted  a  local 
council ;  the  local  councils  in  a  State  formed  a  State  coun- 
cil ;  while  the  national  council  consisted  of  representatives 
of  all  the'  States.  The  president  of  the  national  council  was 
the  founder  of  the  order,  William  H.  Earle. 

Brilliant  success  accompanied  the  efforts  of  the  promot- 
ers of  the  Sovereigns  of  Industry  for  a  few  years.  Within 
four  months  there  were  thirty-three  councils  in  Massachu- 
setts. One  year  later,  the  old  Bay  State  claimed  fifty-seven 


176  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

councils,  with  3,564  members,  and  in  1877  ninety-eight 
councils,  with  an  estimated  membership  of  10,000.  The 
order  extended  into  other  states,  and  even  reached  the  ter- 
ritories. Its  chief  strength,  however,  always  remained  in 
New  England  and  the  Middle  States.  The  Sovereigns  were 
well  represented  at  Washington,  where  the  national  organ 
was  published  during  the  last  period  of  its  existence,  but 
the  order  does  not  appear  to  have  obtained  a  foot-hold  in 
any  more  southern  section  of  the  country. 

The  largest  store  belonged  to  the  council  at  Springfield, 
Mass.,  which  in  1875  built  the  "Sovereigns'  Block,"  at  a 
cost  of  $35,500.  The  hall  was  dedicated  amid  that  jubila- 
tion which  always  marks  an  event  thought  to  be  the  fore- 
runner of  a  new  era.  There  is  now  a  certain  pathos  in  the 
high  hopes  expressed  in  the  Address  of  Dedication,  by 
President  Earle.  So  much  labor,  such  bright  anticipations, 
such  lofty  aims  !  Are  they  but  a  light  to  reveal  the  com- 
pleteness of  the  wreck?  Let  us  not  say  this;  the  end  is 
not  yet ! 

The  order  continued  to  thrive  until  1878,  shortly  after 
which  a  decline  began,  and  dissolution  was  the  fate  of  the 
Sovereigns  in  1880.  We  may  take  the  business  of  the  former 
year  as  an  indication  of  the  field  in  trade  once  won  by  co- 
operation —  then  lost  to  the  good  cause.  President  Earle, 
in  his  address  at  the  fourth  annual  session  in  Washington, 
stated  that  the  store  at  Springfield  led  all  the  others  with 
sales  amounting  to  $119,000  for  the  preceding  year,  while 
the  forty-five  councils  which  sent  in  statements  reported  a 
trade  of  $750,000  during  the  last  twelve  months.  About 
one-half  failed  to  report.  The  profits  were  in  many  in- 
stances large,  notably  so  in  Worcester,  where  the  returns  on 
the  capital  invested  in  the  Sovereigns'  Co-operative  Asso- 
ciation averaged  sixty-five  per  cent  per  annum  from  April 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  177 

20,  1875,  to  Jan.  i,  1878.  Many  councils  pursued  co-opera- 
tion no  further  than  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  club-order  sys- 
tem, and  others  entered  into  special  agreements  with  regular 
dealers,  whereby  considerable  discounts  were  received. 
Although  the  order  failed  in  1880,  and  co-operative  enter- 
prises connected  with  an  organization  generally  rise  and  fall 
with  the  particular  society  through  which  they  came  into 
existence,  the  careful  student  will  doubtless  still  discover 
traces  here  and  there,  scattered  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  land,  of  what  once  bid  fair  to  be  a  powerful 
movement.  An  occasional  survivor,  like  the  Rochdale 
Society  of  Washington,  still  continues  its  existence,  alone 
and  isolated,  like  a  stranded  mariner. 

The  well-known  organization  of  farmers,  called  the  Pa- 
trons of  Husbandry,  or,  more  commonly,  Grangers,  achieved 
grand  results  in  co-operation,  chiefly  distributive.  It  has 
been  claimed  that  co-operation  saved  its  members  twelve 
millions  of  dollars  in  one  year.  The  high-water  mark  seems 
to  have  been  reached  about  1876,  when  the  Patrons  had 
five  "  steamboat  or  packet  lines,  thirty-two  grain  elevators 
and  twenty- two  warehouses  for  storing  goods."  The  mem- 
bership of  the  order  rapidly  increased  to  a  million,  or  there- 
abouts, in  the  first  ten  years  of  its  existence,  but  then  de- 
clined. Of  late,  new  life  and  vigor  have  evidently  been 
infused  into  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  and  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  their  numbers  exceed  half  a  million,  while 
there  are  over  a  million  who  have  been  members  of  the 
Grange,  and  to-day  stand  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  under 
the  influence  of  its  ideas. 

The  secretary  of  the  National  Grange,  Mr.  John  Trimble, 
kindly  sends  me  these  lines  in  reply  to  my  request  for  exact 
statistics : 

"  This  office  has  no  record  of  the  strength  of  the  order, 


178  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

each  State  grange  keeping  its  own  record.  I  have  no  record 
of  co-operative  movements,  as  they  are  not  part  of  the 
National  Grange.  We  give  them  all  possible  moral  encour- 
agement and  support,  but  they  are  not  legally  component 
parts  of  the  national  organization." 

By  this  it  will  be  understood  that  co-operation  is  left  to 
the  local  and  State  granges,  and  in  looking  through  the  re- 
ports of  the  State  organizations,  one  may  get  an  idea  of  the 
dimensions  of  the  co-operative  movement  among  the  Pa- 
trons of  Husbandry. 

It  is  evident  that  co-operation  is  still  a  power  among  the 
farmers,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  one  may  say,  at  pres- 
ent, an  increasing  power.  The  Texas  Co-operative  Associa- 
tion of  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry  reported  seventy-five 
co-operative  granges  in  1881,  the  number  soon  increased  to 
one  hundred,  while  in  the  present  year  one  hundred  and 
fifty  stores  are  claimed  in  addition  to  one  central  agency  or 
wholesale  house. 

Other  States  cannot  show  so  favorable  a  record,  but  sev- 
eral of  them  send  encouraging  reports.  A  large  store  is  the 
co-operative  commission  house  in  Baltimore,  called  the 
Maryland  Grange  Agency,  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  the  suc- 
cess of  which  may  fairly  be  called  brilliant.  It  operates  on 
the  favorite  Rochdale  plan,  dividing  profits  on  sales,  after 
paying  expenses  and  a  moderate  interest  on  capital.  This, 
it  may  be  remarked,  is  the  most  common  practice  in  the 
case  of  distributive  co-operation.  During  the  last  two 
years  the  Baltimore  agency  at  83^  S.  Charles  Street  has 
divided  $9,000  in  profits.  It  started  with  a  capital  of  $12 
in  1876,  and  sold  two  million  dollars  worth  of  goods  during 
the  first  four  years,  and  that  without  the  loss  of  a  dollar.  Its 
transactions  now  range  from  three  to  five  hundred  thousand 
dollars  per  annum.  California  has  A  successful  co-operative 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  179 

enterprise  to  show  in  the  Grange  Bank,  with  a  paid-in  capi- 
tal of  $5,000,000.  This,  however,  comes  more  properly 
under  the  head  of  co-operative  credit,  which  is,  after  all,  a 
different  thing  from  co-operative  distribution.  The  Knights 
of  Labor  are  beginning  to  establish  stores,  many  of  them 
as  yet  quite  humble,  in  every  part  of  the  United  States ;  and 
all  over  the  country  one  finds  scattered,  unconnected  co- 
operative stores.  The  largest  enterprise  of  this  character, 
so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  is  the  Philadelphia 
Industrial  Co-operative  Society,  founded  in  1874.  Starting 
with  one  store,  the  forty-third  quarterly  report  gives  the 
addresses  of  four  main  stores  and  four  branches.  The  sales 
for  this  quarter,  ending  May  16,  1885,  amounted  to  $57,- 
649.87.  Dividends  have  been  regularly  paid  on  purchases, 
and  the  society  has  been  prosperous  from  the  start.  Apart 
from  the  direct  benefit,  there  has  been  indirect  gain  from  a 
lower  range  of  prices  in  other  stores  in  the  vicinity.  The 
society  acts  as  a  savings  bank,  as  it  receives  money  from  the 
poor  for  investment  in  shares  and  allows  interest  and  profits 
to  accumulate.  This  money  saved  may  be  withdrawn,  and 
the  president  of  the  society  told  me  that  in  this  way  the 
organization  had  kept  many  a  family  from  distress  during 
the  recent  hard  times. 

I  might  fill  several  pages  of  manuscript  with  an  imperfect 
list  of  co-operative  stores  and  agencies  of  one  kind  and 
another,  but  the  scope  of  this  work  does  not  admit  it. 
Does  the  reader  wish  an  estimate  of  the  total  business  trans- 
acted by  co-operative  distribution  in  the  Unitnd  States? 
An  estimate  is  scarcely  possible,  but  I  will  give  a  rash  guess, 
and  say,  twenty  millions  of  dollars  per  annum. 


180  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

II.    PRODUCTIVE  CO-OPERATION. 

While  co-operative  distribution  adopts  as  its  maxim, 
"Competence  to  the  purchaser,"  productive  co-operation 
finds  a  watchword  in,  "  Competence  to  the  workman."  The 
first  benefits  the  laborer  indirectly.  It  helps  him  as  a  con- 
sumer, but  not  as  a  workingman.  It  teaches  him  thrift  and 
frugality,  and  affords  him  an  opportunity  to  invest  his  sav- 
ings. It  does  not  enter  into  the  sphere  of  his  activities  as  a 
producer.  Co-operation  in  production,  however,  takes  hold 
at  once  of  the  more  vital  problem  of  the  relations  between 
capital  and  labor. 

It  might  be  thought  that  production  ought  to  come  first, 
then  consumption,  then  a  combination  of  both  in  integral 
co-operation,  embracing  the  entire  range  of  industrial  life. 
Such  has  not,  however,  been  the  view  of  co-operators,  for  it 
has  been  held  that  the  simpler  process,  distribution  or  ex- 
change, ought  to  precede  the  more  complex  process,  pro- 
duction. Undoubtedly  the  organization  of  industry  for  pro- 
ductive purposes  is  more  difficult  than  the  purchase  and  sale 
of  commodities  in  the  store,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that  the 
preliminary  training  obtained  by  the  management  of  distrib- 
uting agencies  may  be  helpful  in  productive  co-operation. 

There  are  various  forms  of  productive  enterprise  which 
may  be  classed  together  under  the  general  head  of  co- 
operative production.  One  form  is  called  industrial  part- 
nership, or  profit  sharing,  which  contemplates  a  voluntary 
division  of  profits  by  the  employer  of  labor.  The  remuner- 
ation of  the  employees  is  made  to  depend  in  part  upon  the 
success  of  the  enterprise,  and  they  are  occasionally  encour- 
aged to  purchase  an  interest  in  the  business.  Pure  co- 
operation in  production  is  an  association  of  laborers  to 
conduct  a  productive  undertaking  on  their  own  account 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  181 

They  abolish  the  employer,  or  captain,  of  industry  and 
employ  themselves.  Co-operation  is  also  used  to  denote  a 
union  of  producers  for  production,  even  when  these  pro- 
ducers do  not  belong  to  the  class  of  employees.  Thus  we 
hear  about  the  co-operation  of  farmers  in  cheese  factories 
and  creameries.  Profits  are  divided  according  to  various 
principles,  but  the  commonest  method  is  to  conduct  a 
co-operative  establishment  like  an  ordinary  joint  stock  con- 
cern, paying  wages  and  dividing  profits  on  stocks  in  propor- 
tion to  investment.  In  other  words,  as  a  rule,  co-operative 
manufacturing  establishments  are  joint  stock  corporations  in 
which  the  actual  workers  are  at  the  same  time  the  stock- 
holders and  managers.  There  may  be  other  peculiar  features 
connected  with  the  co-operative  enterprise.  A  portion  of 
the  earnings  may  be  set  aside  for  common  purposes,  as 
amusement  and  education ;  and  it  is  the  practice  to  give 
each  shareholder  only  one  vote,  to  prevent  combinations 
and  that  robbery  of  a  minority  which  is  unhappily  so  famil- 
iar to  us  in  corporate  management.  Occasionally  interest  is 
paid  on  capital,  and  the  surplus  profit  is  distributed  among 
the  laborers.  It  rarely  happens  that  any  portion  of  the 
profits  of  a  productive  and  co-operative  concern  is  divided 
among  purchasers.  I  cannot  now  recollect  a  single  instance 
of  the  kind  in  America. 

Productive  co-operation  before  our  late  war  may  be  dis- 
missed with  few  words.  The  object  of  this  co-operation,  as 
seen,  is  to  establish  the  industrial  independence  of  the 
laborer  and  to  enable  him  to  divert  profits  into  his  own 
pockets.  It  is  only  recently  that  there  has  been  an  immense 
field  for  this  sort  of  association ;  for  production  in  manufac- 
tures was  at  an  earlier  period  carried  on  in  small  shops  whose 
proprietors  were  likewise  manual  laborers.  There  were  com- 
paratively few  employees,  and  these  could  always  hope  soon 


J82  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

to  enter  into  direct  relations  with  the  consumer  of  their 
products.  Agriculturists  did  not  feel  the  need  of  co-opera- 
tion. There  were  always  "  hired  men "  in  the  North,  but 
these  were  easily  able  to  become  independent  farmers, 
working  for  no  master ;  and  the  agricultural  laborer  of  the 
South  was  a  slave.  The  farmer,  the  carpenter,  the  black 
smith,  and  the  shoemaker,  comprised  a  large  portion  of  the 
producers  in  the  United  States  one  hundred  years  ago,  and 
none  of  these  then  desired  co-operative  industry. 

The  cod  and  mackerel  fisheries,  however,  are  an  excep- 
tion. These  required  larger  forces  and  greater  capital,  and 
profit-sharing  was  introduced  in  this  branch  of  production 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  and  is  still  continued.1 
Those  who  went  on  whaling  voyages  from  New  England  also 
were  remunerated  in  part  in  the  profits  of  the  voyage.  The 
merchants  in  the  China  trade  are  generally  mentioned  in  this 
connection  because  they  allowed  their  men  a  percentage  on 
the  profits  of  each  voyage ;  and  this  practice  seems  to  have 
been  not  uncommon  among  ship  owners  fifty  years  ago.  At 
any  rate,  the  chief  officer,  the  captain,  appears  to  have  been 
very  often,  perhaps  as  a  rule,  a  participant  in  profits. 

The  first  large  co-operative  movement  in  the  field  of  pro- 
duction was,  so  far  as  I  discover,  among  the  workers  in 
iron,  and  it  was  undoubtedly  due  largely  to  the  indefati- 
gable efforts  of  William  H.  Sylvis,  the  founder  of  the  Iron 
Moulders'  International  Union. 

Mr.  Sylvis  made  a  report  to  the  Iron  Moulders'  Union  in 
1864,  in  which  he  dwelt  upon  the  advantages  of  co-operative 
foundries.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  take  this  subject 
into  consideration,  and  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Sylvis's  biographer, 

1  For  an  account  of  profit-sharing  in  the  New  England  fisheries,  see 
the  "  Report  of  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor,"  for 
1886. 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  183 

this  committee  "  gave  birth  to  the  agitation  which  has  since 
made  the  moulders  so  greatly  successful  in  their  application 
of  the  principle  of  co-operation  to  production,  as  is  evidenced 
in  the  existence  of  several  co-operative  foundries  in  Troy, 
Albany,  Cincinnati,  and  other  places  which  are  now  making 
a  great  deal  of  money  by  assuring  to  themselves,  not  only 
the  wages  made  by  ordinary  workers,  but  the  profits  earned 
or  secured  by  capitalists  in  foundries  conducted  on  the 
wages  system."  That  Mr.  Sylvis  laid  sufficient  stress  on 
co-operation  is  proved  by  the  following  extract  from  an  arti- 
cle on  that  topic  in  the  Iron  Moulders'  International  Jour- 
nal :  — 

"  Of  all  the  questions  now  before  us,  not  one  is  of  so  great 
importance,  or  should  command  so  large  a  portion  of  our 
consideration,  as  co-operation.  .  .  .  Co-operation  is  the  only 
true  remedy  for  low  wages,  strikes,  lock-outs,  and  a  thousand 
other  impositions  and  annoyances  to  which  workingmen  are 
subjected." 

At  the  close  of  1869,  members  of  the  Iron  Moulders' 
International  Union  owned  and  operated  fourteen  co-opera- 
tive foundries  chiefly  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.1 

How  many  foundries  were  established,  there  is  no  means 
of  discovering.  Most  of  them  have  failed,  but  there  have 
been  some  examples  of  success,  and  the  iron-workers  still 
show  sufficient  faith  in  co-operation  to  continue  an  unin- 
terrupted series  of  experiments  in  associated  effort. 

The  Co-operative  Foundry  Company  of  Rochester  has 
been  a  financial  success,  though  a  partial  failure  as  a  co- 
operative enterprise.  When  it  was  established,  nineteen 
years  ago,  all  employees  were  stockholders,  and  profits 
were  divided  as  follows  :  twelve  per  cent  on  capital,  and  the 
balance  in  proportion  to  the  earnings  of  the  men.  But 

*  Authority  is  an  article  in  the  New  York  Times  of  Jan.  18,  1870. 


184  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  capitalist  was  stronger  than  the  co-operative  brother. 
Dividends  on  capital  were  advanced  in  a  few  years  to  seven- 
teen and  one-half  per  cent  on  capital,  then  to  twenty- 
five,  and  finally  the  distribution  of  any  part  of  the  profits  in 
proportion  to  wages  was  discontinued.  Money  has  been 
made,  and  dividends  have  been  paid  every  year.  Two 
years  ago  they  amounted  to  forty  per  cent  on  capital. 
About  one-fifth  of  the  employees  are  now  stockholders. 
Co-operation  has  not  in  this  case  prevented  a  conflict  be- 
tween employer  and  employee,  as  is  shown  in  a  recent  strike 
of  three  months  and  a  half  duration.  It  is  interesting  to 
notice  that  one  of  the  strikers,  a  member  of  the  Moulders' 
Union,  owned  stock  to  the  amount  of  $7,000. 

The  Buffalo  Co-operative  Stove  Company  is  still  in  opera- 
tion, and  its  prospects  are  reported  as  good.  I  am  unable 
to  learn  how  much  of  the  stock  is  owned  by  workmen. 

The  iron  moulders  established  a  co-operative  foundry  in 
Nashua,  N.  H.,  in  1881,  with  a  capital  of  $4,000  which  has 
been  increased  to  $16,000.  Customary  wages  are  paid  in 
addition  to  ten  per  cent  on  stock.  The  effect  on  character 
is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  there  is  only  one  intemperate 
man  among  the  workmen,  and  it  is  said  that  he  is  reform- 
ing. 

Another  successful  co-operative  foundry  company  is  de- 
scribed in  the  Massachusetts  Report  on  Labor  for  1877.  It 
was  established  in  1868  in  Somerset,  Mass.,  and  is  still  in 
successful  operation  in  that  place.  A  foundry,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  has  been  recently  started, 
or  is  about  to  start,  at  Spring  City,  Pa.  A  new  co-operative 
stove  foundry  in  Atchison,  Kan,,  has  also  been  reported 
recently.  It  is  evident,  then,  that  there  has  been  more  or 
less  co-operation,  and  a  great  deal  of  co-operative  feeling 
among  the  iron-moulders  during  the  last  twenty  years. 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  185 

The  Sovereigns  of  Industry  did  but  little  in  the  way  of 
productive  co-operation,  and  the  Patrons  of  Husbandry 
have  accomplished  comparatively  little  in  this  direction, 
although  their  achievements  have  not  been  unworthy  of 
notice.  Indeed,  it  is  certain  that  our  farmers  do  not  desire 
any  all-embracing  system  of  co-operation,  for  that  would 
include  agriculture  which  most  of  them  wish  to  pursue 
individually.  Their  co-operation  has  ever  looked  chiefly, 
though  not  exclusively,  to  the  abolition  of  an  expensive  sur- 
plus of  middlemen,  in  order  to  save  the  gains  of  this  class 
for  themselves. 

The  only  large  and  powerful  organization  which  has 
earnestly  taken  hold  of  the  entire  industrial  problem,  with  a 
view  to  the  final  introduction  of  co-operation  into  all  spheres 
of  production,  and  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  present 
industrial  and  competitive  economic  order,  is  the  Knights  of 
Labor.  Their  public  Declaration  of  Principles  contains  this 
statement  with  reference  to  co-operation  :  — 

"  We  will  endeavor  to  associate  our  own  labors,  to  estab- 
lish co-operative  institutions,  such  as  will  supersede  the  wage 
system  by  the  introduction  of  a  co-operative  industrial  sys- 
tem." 

While  the  Knights  of  Labor  have  not  entirely  neglected 
distributive  co-operation,  their  achievements  in  productive- 
co-operation  are  far  more  remarkable,  and  are  now  to  be 
seen  in  all  parts  of  the  land.  I  suppose  that  I  might,  with- 
out great  difficulty,  enumerate  one  hundred  co-operative 
undertakings  at  present  in  progress  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Knights. 

One  of  the  branches  of  production  in  which  co-operation, 
both  among  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  among  other  work- 
ing-men, has  noticeable  results  to  exhibit,  is  journalism  and 
publication.  The  following  periodicals  are  published  by 


186  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

co-operative  societies :  the  Labor  Siftings  of  Fort  Worth, 
Tex. ;  the  Trades  Union  of  Atchison,  Kan. ;  the  Puget 
Sound  Weekly  Co-operator,  W.  T. ;  the  People,  Providence, 
R.  I.;  the  Daily  Evening  Star  of  Bay  City,  Mich.;  the 
daily  and  weekly  Laborer  of  Haverhill,  Mass. ;  and  the  New 
Yorker  Volkszeitung..  The  success  of  the  two  last  named 
is  considerable.  With  the  exception  of  the  Staatszeitung 
of  New  York,  the  New  Yorker  Volkszeitung,  a  moderate 
socialistic  journal,  claims  the  largest  circulation  among  the 
German  papers  of  the  country.  It  is  a  daily,  with  a  weekly 
and  a  special  Sunday  edition.  The  Boston  Herald,  it  is 
interesting  to  note,  may  be  traced  back  to  a  co-operative 
enterprise  among  a  number  of  printers  in  1846. 

The  Kentucky  Railroad  Tobacco  Company  of  Covington 
is  endeavoring  to  introduce  equitable  relations  between 
labor  and  capital  in  this  novel  manner :  The  employees  are 
paid  "weekly  their  wages  in  cash  and  in  full,  and  these 
wages  to  be  fully  up  to  the  prices  paid  for  corresponding 
labor  in  any  factory  in  the  vicinity."  Now  these  wages  are 
regarded  as  a  dividend  of  six  per  cent  on  the  labor  cap- 
ital represented  by  the  workman.  If  an  employee  averages 
$12  a  week,  his  labor  stock  is  estimated  at  $10,000 ;  for  at 
six  per  cent  interest  that  would  yield  $600.  In  other 
words,  wages  are  capitalized  and  added  to  money  capital. 
As  labor  has  already  received  six  per  cent  in  wages,  cap- 
ital must  first  receive  six  per  cent  out  of  any  profits. 
The  surplus  is  a  dividend  on  labor  stock  and  on  cash 
capital.  Thus,  if  eight  per  cent  on  the  entire  capital  is 
realized,  the  laborer  whose  earnings  are  $600  per  annum 
will  receive  an  additional  $200,  or  two  per  cent  on  his 
labor  stock  of  $10,000.  The  following  lines  are  under- 
scored in  the  circular  of  the  company  :  — 

"  Every  stockholder  in  this  concern  must  be  a  worker. 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  187 

No  one  is  allowed  to  hold  any  of  the  stock  who  does  not 
work  in  the  factory.  Every  worker  in  the  factory  must  be  a 
Knight  of  Labor. 

"  The  only  factory  in  the  United  States  that  recognizes 
the  equality  of  labor  and  capital." 

The  president  of  the  company,  J.  R.  Ledyard,  pub- 
lished some  time  ago  the  following  testimony  as  to  the 
advantages  of  co-operation  as  exhibited  by  their  ex- 
perience :  — 

"  The  marked  effect  of  co-operation,  as  is  shown  amongst 
the  workers  in  this  factory,  would  convince  any  one  that 
it  works  good  results  in  the  whole  morale  of  the  man. 
So  much  does  every  one  in  the  factory  feel  interested 
that  it  requires  no  watching,  no  ordering,  no  admoni- 
tions, but  all  are  on  the  alert  to  do  and  keep  everything 
the  best." 

It  is  not  necessary  to  consider  at  length  all  the  individual 
cases  of  co-operation  in  production  in  the  United  States. 
Indeed,  to  do  so  would  require  a  work  of  several  volumes. 
A  few  concerns  are  mentioned,  however,  merely  to  show  the 
diversity  of  pursuits  to  which  it  is  attempted  to  apply  co- 
operation, and  also  to  bring  out  clearly  the  fact  that  the 
movement  is  national  in  extent.  Many,  in  fact  nearly  all, 
the  enterprises  are  humble  from  the  point  of  view  of  busi- 
ness, but  their  significance  lies  in  their  germinal  character. 
Carpenters'  Co-operative  Association,  Decatur,  111. ;  Co-oper- 
ative Manufacturing  Company  (boots  and  shoes),  Easton, 
Pa.;  Concord  Co-operative  Printing  Company  (limited), 
47  and  49  Center  Street,  New  York;  Co-operative  Flint 
Works,  Beaver  Falls,  Pa. ;  Richmond  (Va.)  Co-operative 
Commercial  and  Manufacturing  Company  (soap)  ;  Union 
Co-operative  Granite  Works,  South  Ryegate,  Vt. ;  Quincy 
Co-operative  Granite  Works,  West  Quincy,  Mass. ;  two  co- 


188  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

operative  hat  companies,  in  South  Norwalk,  Ct. ;  Union 
Co-operative  Building  Association,  Denver,  Col.1 

The  most  remarkable  success  of  co-operative  production 
is  found  among  the  coopers  of  Minneapolis.  Their  first 
co-operative  barrel  factory  was  started  in  1874,  and  there 
are  now  seven  of  them,  doing  a  business  of  one  million  dol- 
lars yearly.  Interest  is  paid  on  money  invested,  and  surplus 
profits  are  divided  among  the  coopers  in  proportion  to  earn- 
ings. 

Nearly  all  the  mills  of  Minneapolis  are  supplied  by  them, 
and  are  well  satisfied  with  the  quality  of  their  work.  It  is 
prophesied  by  Mr.  J.  S.  Rankin  that  soon  there  will  not  be 
a  "boss"  cooper  shop  in  the  town.  This  Mr.  Rankin, 
whose  name  is  important  in  the  history  of  co-operation  in 
Minneapolis,  is  thus  described  by  a  common  acquaintance  :  — 

"  There  is  an  old  printer,  named  Rankin,  here,  who  is  a 
moderate  socialist  and  well  read  in  political  economy.  He 
is  a  charming  old  man,  and  comes  into  my  office  for  a  talk 
occasionally.  He  is  reading  Sidgwick  just  now.  ...  He  is 
an  ardent  believer  in  co-operation,  and  has  been  a  sort  of 
father  to  the  movement  among  our  coopers." 

As  I  was  not  able  to  visit  Minneapolis  in  my  tour  of  in- 
vestigation, I  will  quote  the  interesting  testimony  of  an  eye- 
witness, my  friend,  Dr.  Albert  Shaw  of  the  Minneapolis  Tri- 
bune, who  has  had  opportunity  to  see  the  practical  workings 
of  co-operation  in  Minneapolis,  and  who  kindly  writes  me 
the  following  statement :  — 

"  I  have  found  a  remarkable  instance  of  productive  co- 
operation. I  have  already  begun  to  collect  the  data  for  an 

1  Twelve  co-operative  manufacturing  enterprises  in  Massachusetts 
are  mentioned  in  the  report  of  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor  for  1 886. 
The  article  on  Profit  Sharing  in  that  Report  should  be  read  by  those 
who  desire  further  information  on  this  subject. 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  189 

economic  essay,  to  be  entitled,  'The  Co-operative  Coopers 
of  Minneapolis.'  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  these  cooper-shops 
form  the  most  successful  examples  of  productive  co-opera- 
tion in  the  world ;  and  yet,  if  anybody  has  ever  alluded  to 
them  in  a  scientific  way,  I  have  never  found  it  out.  When 
I  state  that  the  flour  mills  of  this  city  far  surpass  those  of 
any  other  milling  point  in  the  world,  and  that  they  have  a 
daily  capacity  of  thirty  thousand  barrels  of  floor,  you  will 
perceive  the  necessity  for  coopers.  Not  far  from  half  the 
flour  is  shipped  in  barrels  (the  other  half  in  sacks) .  There 
are  some  seven  hundred  coopers  at  work  on  flour  barrels. 
About  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  these  are  *  journey-men ' 
working  for  *  boss '  coopers  in  three  different  shops.  The 
remaining  four  hundred  and  fifty  (more  or  less)  are  grouped 
in  seven  co-operative  shops,  which  they  own  and  manage 
themselves.  Tta  system  is  indigenous.  It  has  been  devel- 
oped by  laboring  men  without  any  patronage,  or  preaching, 
or  persuasive  literature.  It  began  a  dozen  years  ago  in  the 
feeblest  way,  without  friends  or  capital,  and  in  the  face  of 
suspicion  and  distrust.  It  has  won  its  way  until  two-thirds 
of  the  coopers  have  gone  into  co-operative  movements.  It 
has  secured  such  State  laws  as  it  required,  and  it  has  credit 
and  standing.  Its  moral  effects  are  more  marked  and  grati- 
fying than  its  financial  and  industrial  success.  It  develops 
manhood,  responsibility,  self-direction,  and  independence. 
Co-operative  building  associations  have  had  some 
degree  of  success  here,  and  still  greater  in  St.  Paul.  A 
good  many  of  the  co-operative  coopers  own  houses,  which 
they  were  able  to  build  by  virtue  of  membership  in  co-oper- 
ative building  associations." 


190  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

III.    OTHER  CO-OPERATIVE  FORMS. 

The  various  forms  of  co-operative  union  between  em- 
ployer and  employee  are  deservedly  attracting  attention  at 
present.  It  is  impossible  to  give  statistics  showing  the 
extent  to  which  such  union  prevails,  but  a  few  prominent 
and  typical  instances  may  properly  be  mentioned  by  way  of 
illustration. 

The  employees  of  the  publishers  of  the  New  Yorker 
Staatszeitung,  and  of  the  Century  magazine  have  for  some 
time  shared  in  the  profits  of  these  remunerative  enterprises, 
and  the  results  are  pronounced  most  satisfactory  to  all  par- 
ties concerned.  The  proprietor  of  a  third  leading  periodi- 
cal, Mr.  George  W.  Childs  of  the  Public  Ledger,  shares 
profits  with  his  men,  but  I  am  not  aware  that  he  has 
adopted  any  definite  rule  as  to  the  proportion  he  gives  them. 
He  states  plainly,  however,  that  if  he  has  any  money  to  give 
away,  he  thinks  those  first  to  be  remembered  are  the  men 
who  helped  him  to  earn  it.  The  compositors  in  the  Ledger 
office  receive  considerably  higher  wages  than  the  Union  to 
which  they  belong  demands.  This  Union,  the  International 
Typographical  Union,  is  encouraged  by  Mr.  Childs  in  various 
ways,  as  he  sees  no  reason  why  his  employees  should  not 
combine  for  their  mutual  benefit.  The  organized  composi- 
tors of  Philadelphia  having  received  a  plot  of  ground  from 
him  for  use  as  a  cemetery,  now  call  it  the  Printers'  Cemetery. 
In  the  summer  of  1885  Mr.  Childs  invited  the  delegates  to  the 
annual  convention  of  the  International  Typographical  Union 
to  pay  him  a  visit  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  entertained 
them  handsomely.  Mr.  Childs  has  consequently  been  made 
a  member  of  the  local  unions  in  Washington  and  Baltimore, 
as  well  as  elsewhere,  and  in  more  than  one  lodge-room  of 
the  order  his  photograph  is  a  highly  prized  ornament.  It  is 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  191 

doubtful  whether  any  other  large  employer  of  labor  is  so 
reverenced  by  his  men  as  Mr.  Childs  by  the  printers. 

Mr.  Walter  A.  Wood  of  Hoosac  Falls,  N.  Y.,  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Walter  A.  Wood  Mowing  and  Reaping  Machine 
Company,  has  made  it  very  easy  for  his  employees  to 
acquire  stock  in  the  company,  and  has  in  various  other  ways 
practically  co-operated  with  his  men,  and  is  well  pleased 
with  the  successful  experiment.  A  few  years  ago  it  was 
stated  in  the  Massachusetts  Report  on  Labor  that  the  Wal- 
tham  Watch  Company  had  likewise  assisted  its  employees 
to  acquire  stock,  and  that  with  the  most  happy  results. 

A  careful  plan  of  profit  sharing  has  been  developed  by 
Messrs.  Charles  A.  Pillsbury  &  Co.,  merchant  millers  of 
Minneapolis,  who  politely  write  me  as  follows  concerning 
their  methods :  — 

"  Three  years  since,  we  started  the  co-operative  system  in 
our  mills  by  setting  aside  a  percentage  of  our  profits,  which 
we  divide  among  certain  of  our  men.  First,  we  include  in 
the  division  every  man  who  occupies  an  especially  important 
position  and  trustworthy  place  in  any  of  our  mills  or  our 
office;  and,  secondly,  every  man  who  has  been  in  our 
employ  for  five  years  or  over,  no  matter  how  menial  his 
position.  .  .  .  We  certainly  have  the  most  loyal  set  of 
employees  in  the  world,  and  we  think  the  money  which  we 
have  thus  set  aside  and  paid  out  has  been  the  best  invest- 
ment we  ever  made.  We  never  have  the  least  trouble  on 
the  question  of  labor.  .  .  .  We  think  the  great  success  of 
our  flour  has  been  not  so  much  that  it  is  better  than  any 
other  flour  that  can  be  found  in  the  market,  but  from  its 
great  uniformity ;  and  this  result  it  would  be  impossible  to 
obtain  without  the  most  conscientious  co-operation  of  our 
employees." 

The  Messrs.  Pillsbury  modestly  refrain  from  offering  for 


192  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

publication  any  statement  of  the  amount  of  profits  dis- 
tributed by  them  to  their  employees,  but  elsewhere  it  has 
been  asserted  that  it  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars. 

Co-operative  insurance  demands  a  few  words  in  a  survey 
of  the  field  of  co-operation,  although  it  is  not  specifically  a 
labor  affair.  All  insurance  is,  in  a  certain  sense,  co-opera- 
tion, for  men  practically  agree  to  help  one  another  in  case 
of  loss.  It  often  happens  that  there  is  a  go-between  in  the 
shape  of  a  joint-stock  corporation,  which  may  raise  the  cost 
by  extra  charges,  to  cover  the  expense  of  dividends  and  sal- 
aries which  are  sometimes  exorbitant.  The  mutual  compa- 
nies are  a  nearer  approach  to  pure  co-operation,  inasmuch 
as  any  surplus,  after  expenses  are  defrayed,  professes  to  be 
distributed  among  the  insured.  A  reserve  of  large  propor- 
tions is  often  accumulated,  but  if  this  is  honest  it  is  simply  a 
guarantee,  and  is  held  in  trust  for  the  policy-holders,  that  is 
to  say,  those  who  are  insured.  The  so-called  co-operative 
insurance  companies  are  generally,  if  not  always,  assessment 
companies.  Definite  payments  are  not  required,  but  in  case 
of  death  or  loss,  an  assessment  is  levied  on  each  member. 
It  is  well  known  that  insurance  is  one  of  the  chief  lines  of 
business  to-day  in  all  civilized  communities.  The  number 
of  companies  which  are  called  co-operative  is  also  large, 
and  a  considerable  part  of  their  membership  consists  of 
working  people.  In  the  year  1883,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
co-operative  companies  reported  to  the  insurance  depart- 
ment of  New  York  State.  Their  total  assets  were  nearly 
two  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars,  and  their  receipts  from 
members,  during  the  year,  nearly  eleven  and  a  half  millions. 
Many  labor  societies  have  insurance  features  connected  with 
them,  as,  for  example,  the  Knights  of  Labor.  The  insur- 
ance department  of  this  organization  has  not  long  been 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  193 

thoroughly  organized,  but  it  includes  some  six  thousand 
members.  There  are  also  innumerable  friendly  societies  in 
the  United  States  which  have  insurance  features  on  the 
mutual  plan.  Nearly  all  the  negroes  in  Southern  cities 
belong  to  one  or  more  of  these. 

Another  kind  of  insurance,  and  one  which  takes  directly 
hold  of  the  labor  problem,  is  that  occasionally  provided 
through  the  medium  of  employers.  The  most  remarkable 
instance  is  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Employees'  Relief  Asso- 
ciation, which  provides  for  accident,  disability,  death,  and, 
in  fact,  nearly  every  contingency  except  lack  of  work.  Its 
membership  is  between  sixteen  and  seventeen  thousand,  and 
during  the  last  fiscal  year  it  distributed  over  two  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  dollars  in  benefits.  The  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Company  contributes  some  thirty  thousand  dollars  a 
year  to  the  association.  The  work  of  this  association  is 
little  appreciated  among  the  employees  who  belong  to  it. 
For  this  there  are  several  reasons.  One  is,  that  membership 
is  compulsory  on  all  who  have  entered  the  service  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  Company  since  the  compulsory 
feature  was  announced,  some  three  or  four  years  ago.  Sec- 
ond, the  members  renounce  in  advance  all  claims  against  the 
company  in  case  of  injury.  Third,  although  the  insurance 
is  cheap,  unsound  associations  offer  insurances  at  such  low 
rates  that  the  men  think  it  high.  The  men  get  back  all  they 
put  in,  and  more  too.  Fourth,  the  company  has,  unhappily, 
a  name  as  a  hard  master ;  and  whatever  it  does  is  viewed 
with  suspicion  by  its  employees,  even  when,  as  in  this  case, 
there  is  little  ground  for  anything  but  satisfaction.  Fifth,  a 
just  cause  for  complaint  is  one  which  it  is  difficult  to  see  a 
way  to  avoid  altogether.  The  dependence  of  the  men  is 
increased  j  and,  in  case  of  discharge,  much  that  has  been 
paid  is  lost. 


194  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company  has  introduced  a 
similar  plan  of  insurance,  though  the  pronounced  opposition 
of  its  employees  has  induced  it  to  abandon  the  compulsory 
feature. 

Careful  thought  and  an  examination  of  the  subject  in  the 
light  of  European  experience  has  at  length  convinced  that 
it  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  desirable  to  encourage  the  insur- 
ance of  laborers  by  their  employers ;  and  I  say  this  with  a 
full  appreciation  of  the  great  good  which  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Association  has  accomplished.  It  can  be  too  easily 
abused  to  enslave  the  employees  of  vast  corporations,  upon 
which  there  is  already  so  large  a  measure  of  dependence 
as  to  endanger  the  free  development  of  those  who  desire 
a  livelihood  in  their  service.  It  is  better  that  insurance 
should  be  effected  through  the  agency  of  ind  pendent 
associations  which  do  not  impede  freedom  of  movement.1 

It  is  an  unfortunate  feature  of  co-operative  or  assessment 
life  and  accident  insurance,  that  most  people  do  not  under- 
stand that  the  average  man  cannot  take  out  more  than  he 
puts  in.  Insurance  is  simply  a  plan  whereby  men  help  one 
another ;  and  all  the  benefits  one  member  of  the  association 
receives  must  be  paid  by  the  insured.  The  superintendent 
of  the  insurance  department  of  New  York  says  truly,  that  it 
is  impossible  to  understand  how  intelligent  people  can  be 
duped  by  many  of  these  co-operative  insurance  schemes 
which  one  meets  on  every  hand.  The  superintendent  has 
heard  from  men  of  good  business  reputation  their  statement 

1  It  should  be  distinctly  understood  that  this  opinion  is  not  based  on 
my  observation  of  the  workings  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Relief 
Association  ;  for  I  believe  the  employees  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railway  have  been  better  treated  since  its  existence  than  formerly; 
but  permanent  institutions  must  be  judged  apart  from  their  present 
managers. 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  195 

of  "  an  implicit  belief  in  a  representation  that,  on  the  pay- 
ment of  a  maximum  amount  of  $250,  they  will  receive 
shortly  $2,500." 

The  result  of  this  failure  of  the  ordinary  mind  to  under- 
stand the  limitations  of  insurance  is  sad  disappointment  and 
vast  loss.  Misrepresentations  are  found  in  co-operative 
schemes,  even  in  places  where  it  would  be  little  expected. 
A  carpenter  told  me  not  long  since  that  he  insured  in  a  co- 
operative and  benevolent  society  connected  with  one  of  the 
largest  sects  in  America.  Though  over  thirty,  he  was  told 
that  he  could  be  insured  for  $2,000  on  payment  of  $7  per 
annum.  There  was  an  initiation  fee,  and  assessment  of  $i 
in  case  of  death  whenever  the  money  was  needed ;  but  he 
was  assured  that  there  would  not  be  over  seven  assessments 
annually.  At  the  present  time  there  are  two  and  three  a 
month.  How  serious  and  important  ~  subject  this  is  will  be 
seen  by  the  statement  that  a  newspaper  not  long  ago  pub- 
lished a  list  of  nearly  five  hundred  failures  among  co-opera- 
tive companies.  There  is  doubtless  a  field  for  co-operation 
in  insurance  of  every  kind ;  but  this  entire  business  must  be 
regulated  by  law,  and  in  each  State  placed  under  the  strict- 
est control  of  an  insurance  department  officered  by  skilled 
and  experienced  men.  This  is  one  of  the  cases  where  men 
can  protect  themselves  only  through  the  agency  of  that  great 
co-operative  institution  we  call  the  State. 


CO-OPERATIVE  CREDIT. 

There  are  few,  if  any,  co-operative  banks  doing  an  ordi- 
nary banking  business,  but  designed  particularly  for  the 
working  people  of  the  United  States.  The  large  bank  of 
the  Grangers  in  California  has  been  mentioned,  and  several 
other  banks  have  at  various  times  been  established  under 


196  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  auspices  of  the  same  order.  Why  banking  institutions 
for  working  people  should  meet  with  remarkable  success  in 
Germany,  doing  an  annual  business  which  is  estimated  in 
hundreds  of  millions,  while  they  have  elsewhere  attained  no 
considerable  proportions,  is  not  quite  clear;  and  such 
explanation  as  can  be  given  would  require  more  space  than 
ought  to  be  allowed  therefor  in  this  book.  It  is,  however, 
noteworthy  that  each  of  the  four  countries  where  co-opera- 
tion has  attained  immense  proportions  should  be  specially 
distinguished  for  success  along  one  particular  line, — namely, 
England  for  vast  achievements  in  distributive  co-operation, 
France  for  productive  co-operation,  Germany  for  banking 
through  the  co-operative  credit  unions,  and  the  United 
States  for  the  building  associations,  which  will  be  described 
directly.  Before  leaving  this  topic,  it  is  worth  while  to  say, 
that  there  have  been  those  who  have  strongly  advocated  the 
belief  that  the  German  co-operative  union  might  be  made  a 
success  among  us.  The  late  Josiah  Quincy  labored  to  estab- 
lish them  in  Massachusetts,  but  did  not  succeed  in  inducing 
the  State  Legislature  to  pass  a  suitable  law.  I  trust  I  may 
be  pardoned  for  the  personal  allusion,  if  I  state  that  after 
the  publication  of  an  article  on  co-operative  credit  unions 
five  years  ago,  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  Mr.  Quincy  wrote  to 
me,  urging  me  to  take  up  the  work  where  advancing  years 
compelled  him  to  drop  it. 

The  Building  Association,  it  has  been  said,  is  the  most 
successful  form  of  co-operation  in  the  United  States.  The 
institution  is  also  known  by  other  names,  having  formerly 
been  called  the  Co-operative  Saving  Fund  and  Loan  Associ- 
ation in  Massachusetts.  This  name  was  changed  to  Co- 
operative Bank  three  years  ago,  simply  for  the  sake  of  con- 
venience. Both  names  are  apt  to  mislead  the  uninitiated. 
The  institution  never  constructs  a  building,  nor  does  it  con- 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  197 

duct  an  ordinary  banking  business.  It  is  an  association  of 
men  designed  primarily  to  aid  one  another  in  securing 
homes.  The  prospectus  of  the  Co-operative  Bank  of 
Haverhill  lies  before  me  and  gives  a  good  idea  of  its  scope 
in  these  lines,  printed  on  one  side  as  an  advertisement :  — 

"  Do  you  wish  to  purchase  a  house  ?  Do  you  wish  to  pay 
off  an  existing  mortgage  ?  Do  you  wish  to  build  a  house  ? 
Do  you  wish  to  become  your  own  landlord  ?  Do  you  wish 
to  save  money  ?  The  Co-operative  Bank  will  assist  you  in 
either  case." 

Below  are  two  effective  pictures.  The  first  presents  to 
the  view  a  beautiful  cottage,  neat,  well  kept,  surrounded  by 
fine  grounds.  Beneath  is  the  information,  "The  occupant 
of  this  house  is  paying  for  it  through  the  Co-operative  Bank." 
The  second  gives  a  view  of  a  city  tenement,  blinds  off  the 
hinges,  clothes  flying  on  the  housetop,  and  on  the  adjoining 
building  the  sign,  "  Wines  and  Liquors."  Words  printed 
below  tell  you  that,  "The  occupant  of  this  house  has  not 
yet  heard  of  the  Co-operative  Bank."  The  first  of  these 
Building  Associations  was  established  at  Frankford,  a  suburb 
of  Philadelphia,  in  1831,  and  bore  the  name  of  the  Oxford 
Provident  Building  Association.  The  institution  gradually 
became  common  in  Philadelphia,  and  extended  thence  to 
the  other  States,  but  its  greatest  success  outside  of  Penn- 
sylvania appears  to  have  been  attained  in  Ohio,  New  Jersey, 
and  Massachusetts. 

The  plan  is  a  simple  one  in  its  outlines.  A  number  of 
people  associate  themselves  to  form  such  a  society,  let  us 
say  two  hundred.  They  meet  monthly,  and  pay  into  the 
bank  $i  each,  or,  all  .together,  $200.  Now  this  money  is 
put  up  at  auction,  and  lent  to  the  one  who  pays  the  highest 
premium  for  it.  Interest  must  be  paid  in  addition  at  the 
legal  rate^  and  security  is  exacted.  This  goes  on  month 


198  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

after  month,  all  the  moneys  available  being  auctioned  of! 
every  month.  Every  one  is  a  depositor  or  lender,  and  some 
are  borrowers.  The  deposits  are  to  pay  for  shares,  usually 
$200  each.  Now  it  is  manifest  that  one  dollar  must  be 
deposited  once  a  month  for  two  hundred  months  to  pay  for 
a  share,  if  no  account  is  taken  of  profits  and  interest,  which, 
however,  often  reduce  the  time  to  ten  years,  and  sometimes 
to  eight  or  nine.  The  deposits  must  be  made  regularly 
until  the  shares  taken  are  paid  for.  Let  us  suppose  you 
take  five  shares,  or  $1000.  You  also  borrow  $1000  to 
enable  you  to  build  a  house.  By  the  time  you  have  bought 
the  shares,  your  credit  equals  your  debt,  and  that  is  paid. 
The  shares  are  said  to  have  "matured."  If  you  have 
borrowed  no  money,  you  receive  $1000  in  cash.  Premiums, 
fines  for  dilatory  payment,  and  interest  all  go  to  swell  profits 
and  to  shorten  the  time  during  which  the  shares  mature. 

The  career  of  these  useful  associations  has  been  some- 
what marred  by  many  failures,  owing  to  dishonesty  and  mis- 
management ;  but  in  Pennsylvania  experience  has  taught  the 
people  how  to  manage  them  with  a  fair  degree  of  safety ; 
and  in  Massachusetts  good  laws  and  the  watchfulness  and 
supervision  of  the  bank  commissioners  have  placed  them  on 
a  secure  footing.  The  large  achievements  of  the  Building 
Associations  are  indicated  by  this  "fact  about  co-operation," 
taken  from  the  Haverhill  Prospectus,  already  mentioned  :  — 

"  Philadelphia  has  600  Building  Associations,  with  a  capi- 
tal of  $80,000,000,  and  a  membership  of  75,000.  The 
entire  State  of  Pennsylvania  has  about  1,800  associations." 

The  bank  commissioners  of  Massachusetts  enumerate 
twenty-six  co-operative  banks  in  that  State,  with  10,294 
members,  2,018  borrowers,  $1,971,923.20  in  assets,  an  in- 
crease of  $500,660.77  from  the  preceding  year.  The  reports 
for  several  years  indicate  a  healthy  condition  of  the  banks, 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  199 

and  in  the  report  for  1884  the  commissioners  say,  "These 
banks  have  generally  enjoyed  a  prosperous  year." 

Six  years  ago  it  was  officially  stated  that  60,000  comfort- 
able houses  had  been  constructed  in  Philadelphia  alone 
through  the  aid  derived  from  the  Building  Associations,  and 
it  is  certain  that  Mr.  Barnard  did  not  exaggerate  when 
he  entitled  the  chapter  describing  them,  in  his  book 
on  Co-operation  as  a  Business,  "One  hundred  thousand 
homes." 

IV.    PAST  FAILURES  AND  FUTURE  POSSIBILITIES. 

Before  we  pass  over  to  the  subject  of  failures  in  co- 
operation, it  is  important  to  emphasize  a  fact  which  the 
preceding  pages  in  this  chapter  have  already  made  apparent ; 
namely,  that  a  large  measure  of  success  has  attended  co- 
operation in  the  United  States.  When  we  sweep  over  the 
entire  field  with  any  care,  we  find  various  kinds  of  co- 
operation representing  in  the  aggregate  annual  transac- 
tions which  may  safely  be  estimated  at  over  two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars.  Part  of  this  co-operative  effort  has  but 
an  indirect  bearing  on  the  labor  problem,  but  it  all  indicates 
and  measures  a  general  movement,  and  is  undoubtedly  of 
vast  significance.  We  may  then  draw  this  general  conclu- 
sion :  co-operation  has  by  no  means  been  a  total  failure  in 
the  United  States ;  on  the  contrary  a  large  measure  of 
success  has  been  attained ;  and  the  co-operative  movement 
in  America  was  never  so  truly  a  live,  vigorous  force,  full  of 
promise,  as  it  is  to-day. 

Yet  the  ground  is  strewn  with  the  fragments  of  wrecks. 
Large  loss,  pinching  poverty,  the  disappointment  of  ardent 
hope  and  joyous  enthusiasm,  the  frequent  abandonment  of 
all  efforts  to  obtain  improved  industrial  methods,  and  a 
sullen  acceptance  of  old  conditions  as  unalterable  —  all 


200  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

these  have,  from  the  start,  attended  the  course  of  co-opera- 
tion in  the  United  States.  Even  when  co-operative  enter- 
prises have  succeeded,  there  has,  as  a  rule,  not  been  that 
large  outpouring  of  good  things  as  a  result,  which  people 
anticipated. 

What  have  been  the  causes  of  failure  ?  They  have  been 
partly  within  the  control  of  the  laborer,  partly  beyond  his 
control. 

First,  the  fact  is  to  be  noticed  that  co-operation  generally 
accompanies  the  progress  of  some  labor  organization.  Now, 
those  with  us  who  ought  to  have  assisted  the  general  labor- 
movement,  to  have  brought  to  it  intelligence  and  business 
skill,  and  infused  it  with  high  Christian  purpose,  have  too 
often  stood  aloof  from  it,  even  when  they  have  not  been 
positively  hostile  to  it.  I  must  repeat  here  what  I  have  said 
elsewhere :  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion  that  in  no  country 
in  the  civilized  world  have  the  laborers,  as  such,  been  so 
isolated  as  in  the  large  industrial  centres  of  the  United 
States.  Both  in  Germany  and  in  England,  many  of  the 
most  brilliant  and  renowned  and  highest-minded  men  of 
our  times  have  been  heart  and  soul  with  the  laborers  in  all 
their  aspirations  and  struggles.  Such  has  not  been  the  case 
in  the  United  States. 

Several  consequences  have  followed  the  isolation  of  the 
laboring  classes.  Legislators  have  given  so  little  intelligent 
attention  to  their  needs,  that  it  is  only  rarely  that  suitable 
laws  are  found  in  our  States,  under  which  co-operative  insti- 
tutions can  organize  and  conduct  business.  This  has  been 
a  frequent  cause  of  complaint.  Thus  the  commissioner  of 
the  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  of  Ohio  says,  on  page  9  of 
his  Report  for  1879  :  — 

"  Unfortunately  there  is  no  law  under  which  such  associa- 
tions can  organize  with  the  distinctive  idea  of  co-operation, 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  201 

which  is,  that  each  member  of  such  association  shall  have 
one  vote  and  no  more  without  reference  to  the  number  of 
shares  held." 

A  member  of  the  Co-operative  Board  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor  told  me  recently  that  a  difficulty  encountered  in 
Maryland  was  the  absence  of  suitable  laws,  while  General 
Mussey,  who  took  an  honorable  part  in  the  co-operative 
movement  inaugurated  by  the  Sovereigns  of  Industry,  entered 
a  like  complaint  with  respect  to  the  laws  of  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

As  important  as  this  is,  it  is  nevertheless  a  minor  matter. 
The  absence  of  the  participation  of  truly  great  minds  in  the 
American  labor  movement  has  kept  it  on  a  lower  ethical 
plane  with  us  than  in  England.  The  life  of  any  industrial 
body  or  any  movement  comes  from  its  indwelling  spirit,  and 
the  chief  element  in  successful  co-operation  must  be  invisi- 
ble, intangible  qualities,  such  as  devotion,  self-sacrifice, 
patience  in  the  pursuit  of  good  ends,  high  purpose,  a  noble 
esprit  de  corps  such  as  shall  make  the  maxim,  "  one  for  all, 
all  for  one,"  a  living  reality.  In  short,  if  co-operation  is  to 
succeed  as  a  practical  application  of  Christianity  to  business, 
there  must  be  breathed  into  it  a  spirit  of  Christian  consecra- 
tion. A  Congregational  clergyman,  not  unknown  in  Western 
Massachusetts,  recently  wrote  me  as  follows  concerning  his 
intention  to  join  the  Knights  of  Labor :  — 

"  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  a  duty  as  well  as  a  privilege 
to  join  the  order.  .  .  .  The  problem,  as  doctors  of  divinity 
tell  us,  is,  how  to  get  the  masses  into  the  Church.  I  think  a 
better  statement  of  the  problem  is,  how  to  get  the  Church 
into  the  masses.  The  Church  is  the  leaven,  the  masses  are 
the  meal.  You  cannot  put  a  barrel  of  flour  into  a  bottle  of 
yeast.  You  can  put  a  bottle  of  yeast  into  a  barrel  of  flour, 
and  with  some  result  too." 


202  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Such  a  spirit  as  this  has,  unfortunately,  not  been  so  gen- 
eral in  the  past  as  might  be  desired.  Other  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  the  success  of  co-operation  are  these  :  unsteady 
employment,  roving  habits,  the  heterogeneous  character  of 
our  population  —  all  preventing  that  consolidation  and  amal- 
gamation of  the  masses  which  co-operation  requires.  As  it 
is,  men  do  not  sufficiently  know  one  another,  and  are  not 
sufficiently  attached  to  one  another. 

The  multiplicity  of  openings  for  the  gifted  and  fortunate 
has  been  a  further  difficulty  with  which  co-operation  has  had 
to  contend.  In  older  countries  a  great  deal  of  talent  has 
been  found  among  the  laboring  classes  ready  to  assist  in  co- 
operative enterprises.  Those  members  of  the  working 
class  in  America,  whose  help  is  most  needed  among  those 
with  whom  their  early  associations  have  been  cast,  have 
often,  perhaps  generally,  left  their  early  position  for  a  higher 
one  —  at  any  rate,  for  one  which  they  thought  higher  and 
more  attractive ;  and  too  often  they  have  been  willing  to 
ignore  their  old  friends  and  neighbors.  Our  current  forms 
of  philanthropy  have  had  a  similar  effect.  Their  general 
aim  is  too  often  to  raise  some  one  from  a  class  into  which 
he  has  been  born,  into  a  higher  one,  and  that,  of  course,  to 
the  injury  of  the  masses.  The  result  is  that  innumerable 
doctors  and  lawyers  are  struggling  for  a  practice,  and  many 
clergymen  are  preaching  to  indifferent  congregations,  who 
might  have  promoted  the  welfare  of  the  masses  as  shoe- 
makers, carpenters,  and  masons.  The  fact  has  been  over- 
looked that  you  injure  the  mechanics  of  a  town  when  by 
artificial  means  you  encourage  the  ten  best  men  among 
them  to  leave  their  old  occupations.1  What  is  needed  is 

1  It  is  hoped  that  this  will  not  be  misunderstood.  Those  of  unusual 
talents  ought  to  be  assisted.  A  Grand  Duke  of  Germany  observed  artistic 
genius  in  a  kitchen  boy  in  his  palace  and  educated  him.  He  is  now 
one  of  the  foremost  sculptors  of  Germany.  Cases  like  this  are  rare. 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  203 

philanthropic  effort  designed  to  benefit  the  laborer  as  a 
laborer,  the  farmer  as  a  farmer,  the  mechanic  as  a  mechanic. 

These  many  openings  for  men  of  ability,  and  the  large 
returns  on  capital,  have  rendered  men  indifferent  to  the 
small  savings  which  co-operators  in  old  countries  consider 
ample  reward  for  their  labor  and  sacrifices.  Americans 
have  been  too  indifferent  to  small  economies.  This  is  seen 
everywhere,  and  a  striking  example  is  the  administration  of 
cities.  Men  of  large  property  have  deliberately  declared 
that  they  could  better  afford  to  bear  the  burden  of  munici- 
pal corruption  in  New  York  than  to  give  their  time  to  the 
duties  of  citizenship. 

The  masses  generally  are  poor  financiers,  and  especially 
poor  bookkeepers.  This  is  a  frequent  cause  of  ruin  which 
gifted  and  devoted  men  might  avert.  Frequently  all  that  a 
co-operative  concern  needs  to  make  it  a  complete  success, 
is  merely  a  little  friendly  counsel  by  the  right  man  at  the 
right  time.  The  counsel  has  not  been  forthcoming,  owing 
to  the  already  mentioned  isolation  of  the  laborers.  A  lack 
of  sufficient  capital  often  ruins  a  promising  co-operative 
business.  Here  the  remedy  is  obvious.  Capital  is  abun- 
dant, in  the  eastern  part  of  the  United  States,  at  least,  and 
well-disposed  men  of  means  can,  if  they  will,  find  opportu- 
nities to  help  laboring  men  to  help  themselves,  while  at  the 
same  time  receiving  a  return  on  their  investments. 

Venality  and  corruption  among  the  masses  have  often 
ruined  co-operative  enterprises.  The  remedy  suggests  itself, 
namely,  a  higher  ethical  development  of  the  masses ;  and 
those  labor-leaders  who  are  hostile  to  the  Christian  religion 
would  do  well  to  ask  themselves  whether  any  other  force 
than  Christianity  can  supply  the  training  in  practical  ethics 
which  is  to-day  the  greatest  need  of  the  labor  movement. 
Co-operation  must  become  a  religion  before  it  can  succeed 


204  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

in  its  aim,  which  is  the  reconstruction  of  society.  The  chief 
cause  of  success  in  Great  Britain  is  due  to  the  nearness  with- 
which  it  has  there  approached  the  character  of  a  true 
religion. 

The  need  of  superior  character  on  the  part  of  co-opera- 
tors is  even  more  indispensable  as  a  condition  of  success, 
than  on  the  part  of  those  who  participate  in  other  forms  of 
the  labor  movement ;  for,  as  Brentano  has  so  well  pointed 
out,  co-operation  is  adapted  to  those  who  intellectually 
belong  to  the  great  average  mass,  but  who,  in  their  moral 
natures,  are  far  above  the  average. 

Another  obstacle  to  the  success  of  co-operation  has  been 
the  want  of  a  tie  to  connect  various  co-operative  enterprises. 
In  England,  co-operation  did  not  become  a  decided  success 
until  a  central  board  was  formed,  and  men  like  Thomas 
Hughes  and  E.  Vansittart  Neale  were  given  positions  of 
influence  in  it.  The  co-operative  credit-banks  in  Germany 
have  become  a  great  power  because  they  always  acted 
unitedly  under  their  able  founder,  Schultze  Delitzsch,  a  man 
of  university  training  and  of  experience  both  in  the  law  and 
in  legislation.  Through  these  central  agencies,  past  experi- 
ence has  been  utilized ;  and  an  occasional  hint  or  warning 
from  the  central  office,  and  consultation  at  annual  con- 
gresses have  enabled  the  local  societies  to  avoid  the  rock  on 
which  others  have  made  shipwreck.  There  has  been  little 
utilization  of  previous  experience  in  the  United  States,  for 
co-operative  enterprises  have  been  too  scattered  and  irregu- 
lar, and  one  after  another  they  have  continued  to  repeat 
the  same  mistakes,  though  three-fourths  of  them  have  prob- 
ably been  avoidable.1 

1  Recent  publications  of  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics  of 
Labor,  have  in  view  the  utilization  of  past  experience.  The  Sociologic 
Society  of  America,  whose  President  is  Mrs.  Imogene  C.  Fales,  has 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  205 

One  large  field  for  co-operation  in  the  United  States  is  to 
be  found  in  the  coal  regions.  Here  we  find  a  comparatively 
homogeneous  population,  and  the  inhabitants  living  in  close 
proximity  to  one  another.  We  also  find  high  prices  paid  for 
poor  goods,  and  a  general  deficiency  in  the  supply  of  means 
of  distribution.  Yet  there  is  little  co-operation  among  the 
miners.  What  is  the  reason?  The  oppressive  and  generally 
illegal  truck  system  is  the  answer.  Corporations  force  their 
men  to  buy  at  the  "company  stores."  Here  is  a  place 
where  the  strong  arm  of  the  law  ought  to  be  exercised  with 
vigor. 

As  a  rule,  however,  outside  of  the  regions  of  monopoly, 
profits  are  not  large,  either  in  production  or  in  distribution. 
This  is  a  point  in  regard  to  which  people  deceive  them- 
selves. If  the  laboring  men  could  put  the  entire  profits  of 
their  grocer  into  their  own  pockets,  they  would,  in  many 
towns,  be  greatly  disappointed  in  the  smallness  of  the  addi- 
tion to  their  resources.  Sometimes  there  is  no  profit  at  all. 
When  the  profits  are  great,  it  is  probable  that  they  are  the 
results  of  large  transactions.  If  a  co-operative  store  is  estab- 
lished, it  will  frequently  be  discovered  that  it  is  not  possible 
to  distribute  goods  without  profits  so  cheaply  as  some  old- 
established  dealer  after  his  profits  have  been  added,  since 
the  latter  gains  only  the  savings  due  to  extraordinary  skill, 
diligence,  and  long  experience.  I  do  not  mean  that  this  is 
always  the  case,  but  it  is  a  description  of  what  often  happens. 

Let  us  turn  our  attention  to  an  illustration  taken  from  a 
productive  establishment.  It  is  said  that  sixty  thousand 
dollars  invested  in  a  shoe  factory  will  employ  two  hundred 
men.  If  profits  are  ten  per  cent,  the  owner  obtains  six 

established  a  Co-operative  Board  which  offers  information  to  those  who 
desire  to  start  co-operative  enterprises.  The  Chairman  of  the  Board  is 
Samuel  Whittles,  Jr.,  II  Ferry  Street,  Fall  River,  Mass. 


206  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

thousand  dollars  a  year  from  the  business.  If  the  employer 
labors  for  nothing,  and  distributes  the  entire  proceeds  among 
the  men,  it  will  amount  to  only  thirty  dollars  per  annum  for 
each.  If  for  each  man  in  a  foundry  a  capital  of  one  thou- 
sand dollars  is  required,  and  profits  are  still  ten  per  cent,  that 
would  be  one  hundred  dollars  for  each  employee.  These 
profits  are  by  no  means  to  be  despised,  but  they  are  not  so 
large  for  each  laborer  as  is  often  imagined.  The  large 
accumulations  of  employers,  and  their  handsome  incomes, 
are  frequently  derived  from  small  profits  on  the  work  of 
each  employee.  The  aggregate  is  large,  because  production 
is  carried  on  on  a  vast  scale.  The  income  of  a  man  who 
derives  five  cents  a  day  from  two  thousand  men  is  one  hun- 
dred dollars  a  day.  It  must  likewise  be  remembered  that  it 
is  nothing  uncommon  to  find  manufacturers  who  have  for 
some  time  derived  no  profits  from  their  enterprise,  or  who 
have  even  worked  at  a  loss.  When  laborers  start  co-opera- 
tive concerns,  there  is  danger  that  neglect  of  small  econo- 
mies will  dissipate  all  gains.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are 
superior  advantages  in  well-conducted,  well-disciplined  co- 
operative enterprises,  such  as  greater  energy,  watchfulness, 
thought,  prudence,  on  the  part  of  the  workingmen. 

Are  the  advocates  of  co-operation  wrong  when  they  point 
to  the  enormous  expenditures  and  terrible  wastefulness  of 
our  present  economic  system?  The  commissioner  of  the 
Ohio  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  in  his  report  for  1878,  esti- 
mated the  annual  cost  of  distributing  the  products  of  indus- 
try within  the  State  at  fifty  millions  of  dollars.  Was  it  an 
error  on  his  part  to  imply  that  a  large  portion  of  this 
expenditure  was  waste?  By  no  means;  nor  are  co-oper- 
ators in  error  when  they  claim  that  co-operation  might  save 
enough  to  bring  comfort  to  all  people  in  the  United  States. 
But  how  can  this  be  effected  ?  We  must  inquire  into  the 


CO-OPERATION  IN  AMERICA.  207 

nature   of  the  waste   before   we  can  return  a  satisfactory 
answer. 

This  needless  expenditure  of  economic  resources,  or  labor- 
force  and  capital-force,  is  the  result  of  competition.  Three 
men  are  engaged  in  the  distribution  of  groceries  and  dry- 
goods  where  one  might  answer  all  needs.  Twice  as  many 
men,  horses,  and  wagons  are  engaged  in  the  distribution  of 
milk  in  a  city  as  would  be  required  if  the  business  of  supply- 
ing milk  were  organized,  and  different  routes  assigned  to 
each  man,  so  that  four  or  five  milkmen  would  not  supply 
customers  on  each  block,  which  must  occasion  a  vast  amount 
of  travel  to  no  purpose.  The  postoffice  is  a  familiar  illustra- 
tion. Let  one  think  of  the  great  additional  cost  if  each 
letter-carrier  picked  up  indiscriminately  an  armful  of  unas- 
sorted letters  and  delivered  them.  Yet  this  is  much  like 
the  methods  of  competition.  In  all  this  the  advocates  of 
co-operation  are  quite  right.  But  how  can  this  waste  of 
competition  be  avoided  ?  Only  by  a  vast  national  organiza- 
tion of  co-operative  industry,  both  in  production  and  in  dis- 
tribution. This  organization  must  be  vast  and  powerful 
enough  to  exercise  a  controlling  influence  in  industry,  and 
repress  competition  and  its  wastes,  or,  at  any  rate,  competi- 
tion wherever  and  whenever  it  is  excessively  wasteful.  In  no 
other  possible  way  can  co-operation  accomplish  those  ends 
which  its  adherents  have  prophesied  it  would  bring  to  pass. 
But  this  is  not  all.  There  are  certain  fundamental  and  pri- 
mary conditions  of  economic  activity.  Why  grow  corn  if 
you  cannot  get  it  to  market?  Why  manufacture  steel  plows 
if  you  cannot  ship  them  to  the  consumer?  Why  engage 
in  business  if  your  rival  receives  transportation  at  lower 
rates  than  you?  Your  failure  is  only  a  matter  of  time, 
struggle  as  hard  as  you  may.  Away  back  of  ordinary  busi 
ness  enterprises,  behind  the  energy  and 


DEfVl    -AM5T  OF 


208  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ous,  there  are  governing,  indispensable  forces,  whose  control 
is  not  and  never  can  be  in  the  hands  of  the  private  indi- 
vidual. Suitable  harbors,  highways,  bridges,  the  proper  reg- 
ulation and  improvement  of  rivers,  the  establishment  of  the 
conditions  of  public  health  by  quarantine  and  other  sanitary 
arrangements,  —  all  fall  within  this  category.  But  the  most 
important  of  them  all  for  our  present  purposes  is  the  rail- 
way. Herein  lies  the  essence  of  the  railway  problem. 
Men  are  working  with  a  halter  about  their  necks,  and  the 
railway  power  holds  the  end  of  the  rope.  If  it  tightens  its 
hold,  the  victim  dies.  I  know  to-day  a  co-operative  coal 
mine  which  is  on  this  account  gasping  for  breath. 

Professor  E.  J.  James  is,  then,  quite  right  in  his  utterance  : 
"  No  system  of  co-operation  or  profit-sharing  can  succeed 
until  it  is  possible  to  make  some  estimate  of  the  railroad 
tax,  which  is  in  many  cases  destructive,  no  less  by  its 
amount  than  by  its  uncertainty."  The  Knights  of  Labor  are 
also  proceeding  with  a  clear  perception  of  the  nature  of  the 
conditions  which  surround  them  when,  with  the  proclama- 
tion of  their  desire  to  organize  co-operative  production  on  a 
vast  scale,  they  couple  the  demand  for  a  reconstruction  of 
our  railway  system. 

In  the  meantime,  while  waiting  for  a  more  fortunate  basis 
on  which  to  operate,  it  is  well  to  encourage  every  attempt  of 
working  people  and  of  others  to  co-operate.  It  is  a  train- 
ing, a  sowing  of  seed ;  and  even  now,  under  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, co-operation  can  accomplish  much  good.  We 
must  not  turn  aside  from  small  economies,  nor  must  we  be 
so  ready,  as  heretofore,  to  despise  the  day  of  small  things. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   BEGINNINGS  OF   MODERN    SOCIALISM   IN 
AMERICA. 

'HTTHERE  are  in  the  United  States  three  distinct  parties 
_L  of  socialists,  which  may  be  called  revolutionary,  since 
they  each  aim  at  an  overthrow  of  existing  economic  and 
social  institutions,  and  the  substitution  therefor  of  radically 
different  forms.  These  three  parties  are  known  as  the 
Socialistic  Labor  Party,  the  International  Working  People's 
Association,  and  the  International  Workmen's  Association, 
and  are  usually  designated  by  their  respective  initials,  S.  L.  P., 
I.  W.  P.  A.,  and  I.  W.  A.  One  sees  these  initials  continually 
in  their  publications,  and  upon  them  incessant  repetition 
seems  to  have  conferred  in  the  minds  of  socialists  a  peculiar 
cabalistic  quality.  Each  of  the  International  parties  has 
chosen  a  color,  by  which  it  is  sometimes  called.  The  color 
of  the  International  Working  People's  Association  is  black, 
and  one  hears  occasionally  of  the  "  Black  International,"  * 
while  the  International  Workmen's  Association  prefers  red, 
and  those  belonging  to  it  like  to  be  known  as  the  "  Reds." 

The  effort  was  once  made  by  John  Most,  to  bring  into 
use  the  term  the  "  Blues,"  as  the  designation  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party.  This  was  intended  as  a 
reproach  to  them  on  account  of  their  conservatism,  but  the 
name  has  never  been  generally  received. 

1  This  expression  was  used  originally  by  Bismarck,  as  a  name  for  the 
Roman  Catholic  Party  of  Germany. 


210  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

It  may  be  well  to  devote  a  few  words  to  the  general  char- 
acteristics of  these  parties,  and  to  a  short  account  of  their 
origin,  before  passing  over  to  a  more  detailed  description  of 
each.  These  parties  differ  in  most  important  particulars, 
although  they  agree  upon  certain  fundamental  propositions. 
Their  divergence  is,  first  and  foremost,  one  of  method. 
Both  the  "Black"  and  the  "Red"  Internationalists  are 
men  of  violence,  believing  in  the  use  of  dynamite  and  like 
weapons  of  warfare,  as  means  of  attaining  their  purposes ; 
while  the  adherents  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  condemn 
these  tactics,  and  some  of  them  have  not  renounced  all 
hope  of  a  peaceful  revolution  of  society.  The  next  differ- 
ence which  attracts  attention  is  one  of  character.  The 
Socialistic  Labor  Party  is  composed  of  men  of  better  bal- 
anced minds,  and,  it  has  always  seemed  to  me,  of  better 
training  than  those  who  comprise  the  other  parties.1  The 
Internationalists  cannot  be  denied  a  certain  keenness  of  per- 
ception, but  they  are  narrow  and  fanatical.  They  see 
clearly  within  a  certain  range  of  ideas,  but  the  moment  they 
are  drawn  without  the  limited  circle  with  which  they  are 
familiar,  they  are  like  men  blind  from  birth.  The  zeal  and 
devotion  with  which  they  pursue  their  ends  are  remarkable, 
and  may  be  explained  by  their  very  narrowness.  All  their 
intellect  and  all  the  force  of  their  moral  natures  are  concen- 
trated on  their  cause.  If  the  members  of  the  more  moder- 
ate Socialistic  Labor  Party  are  somewhat  less  earnest,  they 
are  broader  in  their  conceptions  and  more  capable  of  under- 
standing the  opinions  of  those  with  whom  they  differ.  For 

1  The  Internationalists  deny  strenuously  that  the  moderate  socialists 
are  better  educated,  and  one  who  ought  to  know  better  than  I  told  me 
once  that  the  Internationalists  had  all  the  brains.  They  have  able 
adherents  in  Europe,  like  Elisee  Reclus  and  Prince  Krapotkine,  but  I 
still  think  that  my  original  judgment  is  correct  for  our  country. 


BE  G  INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SO  CIALISM  IN  AMERICA.    2  1  1 

this  reason  among  others,  they  adopt  a  more  refined  tone 
and  have  less  sympathy  with  indiscriminate  abuse  of  all  who 
uphold  existing  institutions.  It  is  largely  due  to  this  diver- 
sity of  method  and  of  personal  qualities  that  the  members 
of  the  three  parties  have  found  it  impossible  to  act  harmo- 
niously together,  and  that  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  is  at 
present  at  sword's  points  with  the  Internationalists.  There 
are  also  important  differences  of  doctrine;  but  these,  as 
more  complicated,  will  be  described  in  the  detailed  treat- 
ment of  the  parties. 

The  points  of  agreement  are,  as  has  been  said,  funda- 
mental, and  it  is  well  at  the  start  to  clear  away  a  misappre- 
hension which  exists  in  the  minds  of  many  by  mentioning 
a  negative  particular,  in  which  all  socialists  agree.  It  seems, 
indeed,  to  be  necessary  to  begin  every  article,  monograph 
or  book,  on  the  theory  of  socialism,  by  the  statement  that  no 
one  advocates  or  even  de'sires  an  equal  division  of  produc- 
tive property.  What  they  wish  is  a  concentration  of  all  the 
means  of  production  in  the  property  of  the*^eople  as  a 
whole,  and  the  distribution  of  the  income,  that  is,  of  the 
products  only?  either  equally  or  unequally,  according  tn  {he, 
views  entertained  of  what  is  just  and  expedient.  It  is  pro- 
posed to  abolish  private  property  in  the  instruments  of  pro- 
duction, not,  however,  in  income  so  far  as  this  consists 
simply  of  articles  of  use  and  enjoyment  which  cannot  serve 
as  a  basis  of  further  production. 

Another  negative  in  which  all  socialists  agree  is  this  : 
None  of  them  wish  to  abolish  capital,  and  he  who  tries  to  con- 
vince thern  of  the  utilityoTcapital  rend_ejsJiimseirTidiculous 
to  them.  What  they  desire  is  to  do  away  with  ^distinct 
class  of  capitalists,  andjin  this_they.  agree 


although  they  propose  to  obtain  their  end  by  a  very  different 
course.     Positive  points  of  agreement  are  these,  —  all  social- 


212  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ists  advocate  the  use  of  the  best  machinery,  all  favor  the 
most  improver!  methods  of  prnr|nrtirm3  and  all  desire  to 
organize  production  on  a  vast  international  basis.  Thejsro^ 
gramme  of  American  socialism,  then,_iacludoo  primariiy- 
the  substitution  of  some  form  of  exclusive  rn-npfratinn  in 
production  and  exchange,  for  the  present  leadership  of 
"  Captains_jrfjnduj>tiy "  in  production  and  exchangerOr 
capitalistic  system,  as  it  is  termed,  and  the  abolition  of  pri- 
vate property  in  land  and  capital,  to  make  room  for  common 
property  in  the  instruments  of  production.  In  other  words, 
all  our  socialistic  parties  regarding  the  wage-receiver  as 
practically  a  slave,  desire  the  advent  of  a  time  when  co- 
operators  shall  take  the  place  both  of  industrial  master  and 
industrial  subordinate.  All  wish  to  abolish  the  possibility  of 
idleness,  and  to  make  of  universal  application  the  maxim : 
"  He  that  will  not  work,  neither  shall  he  eat."  The  leaders 
of  these  parties  are  materialists,  though  the  materialism  of 
the  Socialistic  Labor  Party1  is  less  gross  than  that  of  the 
Internationalists.  Having  abandoned  hope  of  a  happy 
hereafter  in  which  the  poor,  but  honest  and  God-fearing, 
laborer  shall  find  rich  reward  for  all  toil  and  suffering 
patiently  borne,  they  have  determined  to  enjoy  this  life, 
and,  as  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  to  believe  that  there  is 
no  blessedness  in  the  universe,  they  imagine  this  earth 
designed  to  be  a  paradise.  They  talk  of  its  beauties  and  of 
the  soul-satisfying  delights  of  life,  from  all  of  which  they  are 
needlessly  debarred,  not  so  much,  say  the  moderates,  by  any 
wilful  conspiracy  of  the  rich,  as  by  the  failure  of  man  to 

1  A  member  of  this  party  —  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  —  com 
ments  as  follows  on  their  materialism :  "  Not  to  be  understood  in  the 
pure  sense  of  the  word,  better  monism  as  taught  by  Darwin,  Haeckel, 
Kant,  and  Spinoza,  the  world  being  a  whole,  and  all  forces  being  in 
contact." 


BEGINNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA.   213 

perceive  that  the  time  has  come  for  a  complete  reconstruc- 
tion of  industrial  society. 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  the  general  view  all  modern 
socialists  take  of  society  as  a  growth.  Each  social  form  is 
regarded  as  an  era  in  the  development  of  society ;  useful  in 
its  time,  but  after  awhile  becoming  antiquated,  it  must  give 
way  to  an  advanced  organism.  Slavery,  serfdom,  and  wages 
were  not  unjustifiable,  they  hold;  but  the  Internationalists 
and  moderates  think  that  these  institutions  have  all  had  their 
day,  have  fulfilled  their  purpose,  and  are  no  longer  needed 
among  the  nations  of  civilization,  though  there  may  still  be 
regions  where  they  are  not  yet  antiquated.1  "  We  do  not 
deny,"  says  one  of  these  socialists,  "that  there  are  countries 
that  have  not  yet  outlived  the  wage-system ;  but  we  have 
certainly  outlived  it  in  the  United  States,  and  cannot  safely 
continue  it." 2  Socialism  is,  then,  coming  just  as  the  leaves 
are  coming  in  spring,  and  just  as  these  will  be  followed  by 
bloom  and  fruitage.  It  is  not  of  human  willing,  but  as 
inevitable  and  necessary  as  the  law  of  gravitation.  All  that 
the  more  sensible  among  them  profess  to  be  able  to  do,  is  to 
guide  and  direct  the  mighty  forces  of  nature,  which  manifest 
themselves  in  social  revolutions  and  convulsions.  Thus  it 
was  natural  that  the  resolutions  presented  to  the  meeting  of 
Anarchists  held  in  Chicago,  on  Thanksgiving  day  of  1884, 
should  begin,  "  Whereas,  we  have  outlived  the  usefulness  of 
the  wage  and  property  system,  that  it  now  and  must  here- 
after cramp,  limit,  and  punish3  all  increase  of  production,  and 

1  This  is  the  explanation  of  one  of  the  socialists :    "  Socialists  at 
large  consider  capitalism  a  necessary  means  for  reaching  a  higher  level 
of  civilization.      Socialism  cannot  be  established  without  developed 
capitalism,  the  value  of  which  consists  in  introducing  and  perfecting 
the  '  Great-Production.' " 

2  V.    The  Alarm,  Dec.  6,  1884.     Article,  Co-operation. 

8  The  author  gives  his  quotations  verbatim  et  literatim,  making  no 
attempt  to  improve  style  or  grammar. 


214  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

can  no  longer  gratify  the  necessities,  rights,  and  ambitions 
of  man,"  etc. 

It  may  be  stated  that  in  general  the  teachings  of  Carl 
Marx  are  accepted  by  both  parties,  and  his  work  on  capital 
("Das  Kapital ")  is  still  the  Bible  of  the  socialists.1  This 
work  has  not  as  yet  been  translated  into  English,  although  a 
translation  is  announced  for  the  near  future;  but  extracts 
from  it  have  been  turned  into  our  tongue  and  published ; 
and  brochures,  pamphlets,  newspapers,  and  verbal  expositions 
have  extended  his  doctrines,  while  H.  M.  Hyndman  has 
expounded  the  views  of  the  great  teacher  in  his  "  Historical 
Basis  of  Socialism  "  in  England. 

In  this  country  a  young  enthusiast,  Laurence  Gronlund, 
a  lawyer  of  Philadelphia,  has  written  a  recently  published 
work,  entitled  "The  Co-operative  Commonwealth,"  designed 
to  present  the  socialism  of  Marx,  as  it  appears  after  it  has 
been  digested,  to  use  the  author's  words,  "  by  a  mind  Anglo- 
Saxon  in  its  dislike  of  all  extravagances,  and  in  its  freedom 
from  any  vindictive  feeling  against  persons  who  are  from 
circumstances  what  they  are." 

The  use  of  the  red  flag,  and  also  of  the  color  red  in 
other  forms,  as  an  emblem  of  their  faith,  is  common  to 
socialists  the  world  over.  What  does  it  mean  ?  The  reply 
can  be  best  given  in  the  following  quotations,  which  have 
been  gathered  together  from  various  sources. 

The  red  flag.  — "  The  emblem  of  the  universal  brother- 
hood of  man." 

1  Recently  one  of  their  papers,  the  New  Yorker  Volkszeitung,  pro- 
tested against  this  epithet  as  applied  to  the  work  of  Marx,  as  it  was  not 
desired  that  any  book  should  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  an  infallible 
guide.  It  was  feared  that  this  would  hinder  progress.  Yet  the  term 
describes  better  than  anything  else  the  actual  feeling  towards  "Das 
Kapital,"  and  among  the  more  ignorant  socialists  reverence  for  a  great 
leader  has  ere  this  approached  idolatry. 


BE  G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA.    215 

It  is  "the  symbol  of  the  frequently  shed  blood  of  the 
proletariat,  and  at  the  same  time  the  sign  of  the  salvation 
of  the  suffering  and  starving  people."  —  Vorbote  of  Chicago, 
Sept.  9,  1885. 

"The  red  flag  signifies  the  gospel  Paul  preached  on  Mars 
Hill,  that  God  had  made  of  one  blood  all  nations,  and  that 
it  is  the  banner  of  one  blood,  the  emblem  of  fraternity."  — 
First  Report  of  the  Kansas  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor, 
p.  100. 

"  It  may  be  said  that  the  color  red,  which  for  decorative 
purposes  is  capable  of  magnificent  effects,  represents  to 
French  workmen  not,  as  some  have  absurdly  said,  violence 
in  any  way,  but  the  peaceful  republic  of  industry."  —  Fred- 
eric Harrison  in  the  Fortnightly  Review,  vol.  23,  New  Series 
(1878). 

"  The  red  flag  is  the  symbol  of  blood  shed  by  the  people 
for  liberty.  Adopted  by  socialists  of  all  countries,  it  repre- 
sents the  unity  and  fraternity  of  the  races  of  men,  while 
the  national  banners  represent  hostility  and  war  between  the 
different  States."  —  In  the  Preamble  adopted  by  the  English 
Internationalists  in  1873.  Quoted  from  Professor  de  Lave- 
leye's  "  Socialism  of  To-day,"  p.  210. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  red  flag  in  itself  is  innocent.  It 
may  be  in  the  minds  of  some  as  devoid  of  any  intent  to  do 
wrong  as  a  Sunday-school  banner.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
used  as  a  flag  of  actual  rebels,  it  may  be  terrible  indeed. 
There  is  no  reason  why  it  should  alarm  people  in  time  of 
peace.  It  is  with  the  red  flag  as  it  is  with  the  English  flag. 
It  would  to-day  give  no  anxiety  to  see  a  man  unfurl  a  British 
flag  in  New  York ;  possibly  one  year  from  to-day  it  would 
cost  him  his  life. 

It  is  difficult  and  perhaps  impossible  to  trace  out  the  first 
germs  of  Revolutionary  Socialism  in  America,  although  it  is 


216  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

certain  that  it  is  not  descended  from  early  American  com- 
munism, to  which  it  has  little  resemblance.  The  influence 
of  the  later  movement  on  the  earlier,  has,  however,  been 
more  perceptible,  but  even  that  has  been  comparatively 
slight.  The  first  cause  of  the  recent  acceptance  of  socialism 
by  parties  of  workingmen  in  America  must  be  sought  in  the 
economic  conditions  of  the  country,  for  no  theory  of  society 
ever  found  adherents  enough  to  attract  the  general  notice  of 
the  public,  which  did  not  have  some  close  connection  with  the 
historical  facts  of  the  period.  The  phenomena  must  have 
existed  to  give  rise  to  those  generalizations,  which,  taken 
together,  constituted  the  theory  of  society  in  question. 
True,  these  phenomena  may  have  been  unnaturally  separated 
from  other  unseen  phenomena,  and  their  true  import  may 
have  been  sadly  misunderstood ;  some  faulty  classification 
and  over-hasty  and  otherwise  imperfect  generalizations  may 
have  led  to  erroneous  conclusions,  and  mistaken  or  even 
criminal  actions ;  nevertheless,  it  holds  true,  that  no  philo- 
sophical or  social  system  can  be  understood  without  an 
examination  of  the  life  of  the  people  among  whom  it  arose, 
and  of  the  times  when  it  gained  adherents. 

Socialism  has  begun  to  excite  alarm  in  America,  and  its 
advocates  are  found  in  all  parts  of  the  country ;  but  it  is  a 
gross  mistake  to  treat  it  as  a  purely  artificial  or  imported 
product.  It  could  make  no  headway  until  the  march  of 
industrial  forces  had  opened  the  way  for  the  operation  of 
ideas,  new  and  strange  to  the  great  masses.  What  the 
nature  of  the  progress  of  these  forces  was,  is  well  known. 
A  wonderful  epoch  of  discovery  and  invention  had  brought 
to  the  service  of  man  the  mighty  powers  of  nature  in  such 
manner  as  to  accomplish  results  surpassing  the  dreams  of 
enthusiasts  and  the  operations  of  the  magician's  wand  in  the 
fairy  tale.  This  ushered  in  a  period  of  unparalleled  increase 


BE  G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SO  CIALISM  IN  AMERICA.   217 

of  wealth  which  was  sufficient  to  transform  the  face  of  the 
earth  in  a  single  generation,  and  its  magnificent  fruits  made 
optimists  of  men. 

But  all  the  products  of  the  age  were  not  beneficent.  The 
new  ways  required  a  displacement  and  readjustment  of  labor 
and  capital,  under  which  many  suffered  greviously.  Doubt- 
less progress  led  to  the  common  good  "in  the  end,"  as 
people  say,  but  many  perished  in  the  way  before  the  end  was 
reached.  Much  capital  which  could  not  be  withdrawn  from 
its  old  use,  was  lost,  to  the  impoverishment  of  its  owners. 
To  take  a  single  concrete  example,  let  one  think  of  the  inns 
which  fifty  years  ago  flourished  along  the  great  mail  and 
stage  routes.  How  many  were  ruined  in  the  improvements 
which  George  Stephenson  and  his  locomotive  have  finally 
made  a  daily  necessity?  Again,  advanced  processes  and 
labor-saving  machinery  frequently  throw  men  entirely  out  of 
employment,  though  after  a  time  the  demand  for  laborers 
may  increase  immensely,  as  has  occurred  in  the  case  of  spin- 
ning and  weaving.  Quite  as  serious  in  its  ultimate  conse- 
quences is  the  fact  that  acquired  skill  was  so  often  rendered 
superfluous.  A  few  rose  to  great  wealth,  but  the  masses 
knew  what  the  newspapers  did  not  chronicle,  namely,  the  fall 
of  many  small  producers  and  once-skilled  artisans  to  the 
condition  of  laborers.1  Great  good  comes  to  many  as  the 
result  of  progress,  for  if  the  picture  is  not  so  bright  as  some 
imagine,  it  is  not  so  dark  as  others  are  often  inclined 

1  I  have  seen  it  stated  that  the  number  of  servants  and  other  em- 
ployees in  the  United  States  has  increased  three  times  as  rapidly  as  the 
population.  There  are  no  statistics  which  could  be  relied  upon  to  give 
us  the  exact  data,  and  I  have  not  at  hand  those  which  would  enable 
me  to  form  even  an  approximate  estimate.  The  subject  deserves  atten- 
tion, and  I  simply  give  the  statement  for  what  it  is  worth  without  my 
indorsement. 


218  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

to  think  j  but  even  those  who  gained,  frequently  suffered 
temporarily. 

For  the  time  being  men  suffer,  and  the  time  being  is  an 
important  factor  to  men  who  live  from  hand  to  mouth,  as  is 
the  case  with  a  great  part  of  mankind.  Those  who  suffered, 
often  complained  bitterly,  and  at  times  uttered  dire  threats 
which  were  occasionally  executed  in  part  at  least.  All  this 
has  long  been  a  familiar  fact  in  Europe.  From  the  termina- 
tion of  the  Napoleonic  wars  till  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
California  and  Australia,  was  a  period  of  distress  in  England, 
and  what  Sismondi  saw  in  the  crisis  of  1819,  when  on  a  visit 
to  that  country,  produced  such  an  effect  upon  him  that  he 
felt  compelled  to  throw  overboard  the  political  economy  of 
Adam  Smith,  to  which  he  had  previously  adhered,  and  to 
write  his  "  Nouveaux  Principes  d'Economie  Politique."  The 
example  of  England  is  not  an  isolated  one. 

In  the  United  States,  however,  th°~.a;  was  abundance  of 
fertile,  unoccupied  land  on  every  side,  and  the  undeveloped 
resources  of  the  country  were  boundless,  both  in  extent  and 
in  their  potentialities  for  the  production  of  wealth.  While 
some  suffered  doubtless,  they  were  comparatively  few,  and 
the  tremendous  strides  with  which  America  was  advancing  in 
power  and  prosperity,  caused  them  generally  to  be  over- 
looked. The  bloom  and  fruitage  of  the  age  regarded  from 
a  materialistic,  economic  standpoint  seemed  almost  wholly 
beneficent,  and  Americans,  as  a  rule,  were  optimists.  But  a 
change  was  impending.  A  severe  crisis  in  1873,  with  all  its 
train  of  varied  disasters,  checked  economic  progress,  and 
brought  the  crushing  weight  of  poverty  upon  tens  of  thou- 
sands. This  was  not  the  first  industrial  crash  in  America,  to 
be  sure,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  any  other  followed  on  an 
era  of  such  prosperity. 

Then  the  wealth  of  a  few  had  increased  enormously  dur- 


BE G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA.   219 

ing  the  Civil  War,  while  luxury,  such  as  had  scarce  entered 
the  day-dreams  of  our  fathers,  extended  itself  over  the  land. 
Never  before  had  there  been  seen  in  America  such  contrasts 
between  fabulous  wealth  and  absolute  penury.  Population 
was  denser,  and  there  was  not  exactly  the  same  freedom,  the 
same  ease  of  movement.  In  short,  from  one  cause  and 
another,  in  many  quarters  bright  visions  gave  place  to  gloomy 
forebodings,  and  thus  Americans  were  better  prepared  than 
ever  before  to  listen  to  those  who  advocated  the  most  radical 
social  reconstruction,  and  repudiated  the  reforms  of  trades- 
unionists  and  others  who  desired  only  an  improvement  of 
existing  institutions.  It  is  now  left  to  inquire  who  sowed  the 
seeds  of  socialism,  which  have  sprung  up,  or  are  even  now 
sprouting  and  sending  forth  shoots  below  the  surface. 

The  socialism  of  to-day  may  be  said  to  date  from  the 
European  revolutions  of  I848,1  all  of  which  soon  terminated 
disastrously  for  the  people  as  opposed  to  their  rulers.  Many 
German  refugees  sought  our  shores,  and  some  of  them  were 
ardent  socialists  and  communists,  who  endeavored  to  propa- 
gate their  ideas.  Wilhelm  Weitling,  a  tailor,  born  in  Magde- 
burg in  1808,  was  prominent  among  these.  Weitling  visited 
France  and  Switzerland  as  a  journeyman,  during  his  "  Wan- 
derjahre,"  and  became  acquainted  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
French  communists.  German  as  he  was,  it  was  natural  that 
he  should  revise  the  work  of  his  predecessors,  and  strip 
French  communism  of  its  fantastic  garb  before  presenting  it, 
as  he  soon  did,  to  his  countrymen  in  various  works.2  It  was 

1  My  book,  "  French  and  German  Socialism  in  Modern  Times," 
carries  socialism  back  to  the  French  Revolution  of  the  last  century,  but 
the  earlier  socialistic  movements  therein  described  are  already  regarded 
as  defunct. 

2  "Das  Evangelium  des  armen  Sunders."  Bern,  1841 ;  "Garantien 
der  Harmonie  und  Freiheit."     Vivis,  1842;   "Die  Menscheit,  wie  sie 
ist  und  wie  sie  sein  sollte."     Bern,  1843. 


220  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

thus  that  Weitling,  who  is  occasionally  called  the  "  Father  of 
German  Communism,"  became  one  of  the  first  to  scatter 
those  seeds  of  economic  radicalism  which  have  brought 
forth  such  large  increase  in  the  social  democracy  of  our  own 
times.  The  Swiss  and  German  authorities  could  not  forego 
the  temptation  to  make  a  martyr  of  Weitling,  and  he  was 
thrown  into  prison  in  both  countries.  His  last  imprison- 
ment was  in  Germany,  and  he  was  given  his  freedom  on 
condition  that  he  should  emigrate  to  America,1  which  he 
accordingly  did.  Weitling  founded  a  workingman's  society 
in  New  York  not  long  after  his  arrival,  which  was  called  the 
Arbeiterbund,  with  headquarters  in  Beekman  Street.  A 
newspaper  was  published  by  these  men  for  three  or  four 
years,  called  Die  Republik  der  Arbeiter.  Associated  with 
Weitling  at  this  time  was  Dr.  Edmund  Ignatz  Koch,  a  man 
who  was  active  in  the  European  revolutionary  days  just 
passed,  and  who  had  brought  with  him  to  the  United  States, 
if  my  memory  serves  me  correctly,  a  thousand  copies  of  one 
of  the  works  of  the  French  communist,  Blanqui.  It  was 
the  intention  of  the  Arbeiterbund  to  establish  a  communistic 
settlement  in  Wisconsin,  but  internal  dissensions  prevented 
the  execution  of  this  plan.  Weitling,  however,  was  for  a 
short  time  connected  with  a  colony  of  communists  in  Clayton 
County,  Iowa,  which  had  been  formed  by  Henry  Koch,  an 
ardent  disciple  of  Fourier,  and  an  admirer  of  Albert  Bris- 
bane and  Horace  Greeley.2  Weitling  finally  abandoned  his 

1  The  date  of  his  liberation  on  this  condition  is  given  as  1845  in  a 
newspaper  article  which  lies  before  me.     Elsewhere  it  is  stated  that  he 
was  among  those  who  left  Germany  after  the  events  of  1848.     How- 
ever this  may  be,  the  emigrants  who  fled  after  the  latter  year  first  gave 
him  a  favorable  opportunity  to  continue  his  propaganda  in  America. 

2  Henry  Koch's  career  is  one  common  among  German  Americans. 
Born  in  Baireuth  in  1800,  he  learned  the  trade  of  watchmaker,  and 


BE  G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA.   221 

communistic  ideas,  and  devoted  himself  to  his  trade,  to 
inventions  designed  to  improve  the  sewing-machine,  and  to 
astronomical  studies  as  a  recreation. 

It  is  said  that  he  invented  several  valuable  contrivances, 
especially  one  for  making  button-holes,  which  were,  however, 
all  stolen  from  him.  His  efforts  to  protect  his  rights  involved 
him  in  lawsuits  which  consumed  what  little  property  he  had. 
His  death  took  place  in  1871. 

Another  one  of  these  refugees  was  Weydemeyer,  a  friend 
and  disciple  of  Carl  Marx,  in  the  dissemination  of  whose 
views  he  was  aided  by  H.  Meyer,  a  German  merchant.1 
Weydemeyer  served  with  distinction  in  the  Union  Army 
during  the  late  war,  and  after  its  close  was  elected  auditor 
of  St.  Louis,  where  he  died. 

The  first  large  society  to  adopt  and  propagate  socialism  in 
America  was  composed  of  the  German  Gymnastic  Unions 
(Turnvereine) .  The  Socialistic  Turnverein  of  New  York 
drew  up  a  constitution  for  an  association,  to  be  composed  of 
the  various  local  gymnastic  unions,  and  published  it  in  1850. 
A  preliminary  gathering  of  a  few  delegates  was  held  in  New 
York  in  the  Shakespeare  Hotel,  then  the  headquarters  of 
"  progressive "  elements  among  the  Germans.2  It  was 
finally  decided  to  call  a  meeting  of  delegates,  to  be  held  in 
Philadelphia,  on  Oct.  5  of  the  same  year,  to  effect  a  perma- 

followed  it  in  his  native  town  until  participation  in  politics  of  too  radi- 
cal a  character  brought  him  to  prison.  After  his  release  he  came  to 
America,  landing  in  Baltimore  in  1832.  He  spent  most  of  his  life  in 
Dubuque,  where  he  was  much  liked,  especially  among  the  children, 
who  called  him  "  Papa  Koch."  He  served  as  captain  in  the  Mexican 
War.  His  death  occurred  in  1879. 

1  For  several  of  these  data  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Mr. 
F.  A.  Sorge  of  Hoboken,  NJ. 

2  It  was  kept  by  Joseph  Fickler,  a  refugee  from  Baden,  who  was 
prominent  in  1848. 


222  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

nent  organization.  Several  Turnvereine  acted  on  the  sug- 
gestion, and  among  others,  delegates  were  present  from  New 
York,  Boston,  and  Baltimore.  The  first  name  adopted 
was  "  Associated  Gymnastic  Unions  of  North  America " 
(Vereinegte  Turnvereine  Nordamerikas) ,  which  was,  how- 
ever, changed  the  following  year  to  "  Socialistic  Gymnas- 
tic Union"  (Socialistischer  Turnerbund).  The  platform 
adopted  proclaimed  the  promotion  of  socialism  and  the 
support  of  the  social  democratic  party  to  be  its  chief  pur- 
pose. The  education  of  the  mind  was  to  accompany  the 
training  of  the  body,  that  the  whole  man  might  be  developed 
in  accordance  with  the  maxim,  mens  sana  in  corpore  sano ; 
and  this  idea  has  always  been  prominent  among  the  mem- 
bers of  this  society  in  America.  The  intention  at  first  seems 
to  have  been  to  prepare  men  to  return  to  Germany,  and 
take  part  in  the  struggles  for  liberty  which  they  thought 
would  ere  long  begin  again.  The  number  of  local  gymnastic 
unions  in  America,  in  1851,  so  far  as  known,  was  seventeen ; 
of  which  the  three  largest  were  the  Baltimore  Social  Demo- 
cratic Turnverein  with  278  members,  the  Cincinnati  Turnge- 
meinde  with  222  members,  and  the  New  York  Socialistic 
Turnverein  with  128.  A  monthly  organ  was  published, 
called  the  Turnzeitung.  The  Turnerbund  continued  to 
grow  slowly  in  strength  until  the  Civil  War,  although  internal 
dissensions  divided  it  for  a  few  years  into  two  sections.  As 
might  be  expected,  it  supported,  first,  the  free  soil  move- 
ment, then  the  Republican  party,  for  it  was  always  found  on 
the  side  of  freedom.  As  a  consequence  its  members  were 
obliged  to  contend  with  the  opposition  to  abolitionism  added 
to  a  wide-spread  hatred  of  foreigners.  They  were  time  and 
time  again  attacked  by  rowdies  who,  in  Philadelphia,  were 
even  assisted  by  the  police.  However,  they  generally  pro- 
tected themselves  vigorously  against  assault,  and  on  several 
occasions  used  their  arms. 


BEGINNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA.   223 

A  number  of  the  Turners  were  indicted  in  Philadelphia, 
but  were  not  brought  to  trial,  as  the  authorities  concluded 
that  it  was  best  to  let  the  matter  drop.  In  1855,  the 
Turners  were  again  attacked  by  the  rowdies  and  loafers  of 
Columbus,  and  several  were  wounded ;  but  they  turned  their 
firearms  against  their  enemies,  and  one  of  them  paid  the 
penalty  for  his  rashness  with  his  life.  Nineteen  Turners 
were  tried  for  assault  with  intent  to  kill,  but  were  found 
not  guilty.  The  Cincinnati  Turngemeinde  and  the  unions 
in  Newport  and  Covington,  Ky.,  held  a  celebration  in 
May,  1856,  in  Covington,  and  were  attacked  by  a  mob 
armed  with  clubs,  stones,  and  slungshots  j  and  among  the 
assailants  were  a  police  marshal  and  deputy  marshal,  both 
of  whom  were  wounded,  together  with  others  on  both  sides. 
One  hundred  and  seven  Turners  were  arrested,  and  thirty- 
five  indicted  by  the  grand  jury  and  tried;  but  again  all 
were  pronounced  innocent. 

The  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  offered  the  Turnerbund 
the  opportunity  they  desired,  to  earn  a  good  name  for 
themselves  and  for  their  fellow-countrymen.  The  Turners 
from  every  quarter  responded  to  Lincoln's  call  for  troops, 
some  of  the  unions  sending  more  than  half  their  mem- 
bers. In  New  York  they  organized  a  complete  regiment 
in  a  few  days,  and  in  many  places  they  sent  one  or 
more  companies.  There  were  three  companies  in  the  First 
Missouri  Regiment,  while  the  Seventeenth  consisted  almost 
altogether  of  Turners.  The  Turners  of  Leavenworth 
and  Cincinnati  also  deserve  honorable  mention.  It  is 
estimated  that  from  forty  to  fifty  per  cent  of  all  Turners 
capable  of  bearing  arms  took  part  in  the  war.  Prominent 
among  them  was  General  Franz  Sigel.  This  depletion  of 
the  local  unions  suspended  all  activities  on  the  part  of  the 
socialistic  Turnerbund,  until  the  close  of  the  war,  when  it 


224  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

was  reorganized  under  the  name  of  the  North  American 
Gymnastic  Union  (Nordamerikanischer  Turnerbund).  It 
now  numbers  about  22,000  members,  owns  property  valued 
at  $2,409,3  75,1  including  140  gymnasiums  (Turnhallen) ,  and 
instructs  over  16,000  boys  and  girls  in  schools,  and  supports 
in  Milwaukee  the  best  school  for  training  teachers  of  gym- 
nastics in  the  United  States.  The  Turnerbund  is  no  longer 
nominally  socialistic ;  but  it  recommends  the  careful  study 
of  social  questions,  and  has  adopted  resolutions  in  favor  of 
radical  reforms.  In  its  platform  the  aims  of  the  Board  are 
stated  to  be  these  :  the  development  of  men  strong  in  mind 
and  body,  and  the  development  of  a  true  democracy.  In 
accordance  with  its  general  conservative  character2  it  de- 
clares that  social,  religious,  and  political  reforms  can  only 
be  secured  by  the  spread  of  education  and  morality. 

The  sovereignty  of  the  people  is  declared  to  be  inalien- 
able, and  reforms  are  recommended  which  aim  to  realize 
this  doctrine,  "  As  everything  is  for  the  people,  everything 
should  happen  through  the  people."  Many  of  the  polit- 
ical changes  recommended,  aim  at  the  introduction  of  Swiss 
democratic  institutions  among  us ;  in  particular,  the  replace- 
ment of  Senate  and  President  by  a  Federal  council.  The 
recall  of  legislators  by  the  people  is  further  recommended, 
and  also  the  abolition  of  all  complicated  modes  of  repre- 
sentation and  artificial  delegation  of  power. 

The  general  convention  likewise  recommends,  "the  pro- 
tection of  labor  against  spoliation,  and  the  adoption  of 
means  to  secure  to  it  its  real  product ;  the  sanitary  protec- 
tion of  citizens  by  control  over  factories,  by  protection 
against  adulteration  of  food,  and  sanitary  inspection  of 

1  These  statistics  are  all  taken  from  the  report  of  1885. 

2  I  mean,  that  it  advocates  the  attainment  of  radical  reforms  only  by 
conservative  methods. 


BE  G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SOCIALISM  IN  AMERICA.    225 

houses."  Further,  "  the  right  of  the  several  States  to  adopt 
laws  or  to  take  measures  which  conflict  with  the  spirit  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  especially  such  as 
relate  to  the  liberty  of  the  press,  to  religious  affairs,  or  to 
the  right  of  assembly,  should  be  abolished."  Child  labor  is 
condemned.  Debates  and  lectures  are  held  to  improve  the 
mind,  and  to  educate  the  people  to  a  comprehension  of  the 
true  nature  of  the  topics  of  the  day.  One  question  recom- 
mended for  discussion  is,  "  whether  or  not  a  shortening  of 
the  hours  of  labor,  and  the  establishment  by  law  of  a 
normal  working  day,  are  effective  means  of  ameliorating  social 
disorders." 

A  Club  of  Communists  was  founded  in  New  York  in  1857, 
by  Germans,  mostly  refugees ;  and  in  June  of  the  following 
year  its  members  instituted  a  celebration  to  commemorate 
the  insurrection  in  Paris,  in  June,  1848.  Several  thousand 
men  and  women  of  various  nationalities  participated  in  the 
ceremonies.  Their  club  came  near  suspension  during  the 
Civil  War,  but  in  1866  and  1867  a  union  was  effected  with 
followers  of  Lassalle,  a  small  band  of  whom  had  effected  an 
organization  in  New  York  in  1867  ;  for  a  ripple  on  the  sur- 
face of  the  waters  which  Ferdinand  Lassalle  had  troubled 
reached  even  our  shores.  The  "Social  Party"  was  thus 
started  in  1868,  and  in  1869  it  became  affiliated  with  the 
International  Workingmen's  Association  through  the  General 
Council  of  London.  This  was  the  old  International  founded 
by  Carl  Marx,1  many  "  sections  "  of  which  sprang  up  in 
different  parts  of  the  United  States,  between  1870  and  1873, 
and  connections  were  sought  with  the  trades-unions  of  the 
country,  and  indeed  actually  formed.  As  early  as  1869  a 

1  It  is  necessary,  for  brevity's  sake,  to  assume  that  the  reader  is 
already  familiar  with  the  history  of  the  old  International.  A  descrip- 
tion of  it  is  given  in  Ely's  "  French  and  German  Socialism,"  chap.  x. 


226  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

delegate  of  the  North  American  Central  Committee  of  the 
International  attended  regularly  the  New  York  City  Work- 
ingmen's  Union,  composed  of  delegates  from  trades-unions 
aggregating  a  membership  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand.  A 
German  daily  newspaper,  Die  Arbeiter  Union,  was  pub- 
lished in  New  York,  from  1868  to  1871,  but  I  do  not  know 
whether  it  was  an  outspoken  advocate  of  socialism  or  not. 
German  weeklies  were  established  in  New  York  and  Chi- 
cago in  1873.  The  Chicago  weekly,  Der  Vorbote,  is  still 
alive,  and,  although  originally  socialistic,  has  become  in 
recent  years  a  pronounced  advocate  of  anarchy.  The  Inter- 
national of  Marx  charged  several  secretaries  with  the  work 
of  forming  connections  with  American  labor  organizations, 
and  J.  George  Eccarius,  the  General  Secretary  of  the  Central 
Council,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  National  Labor  Union,  when 
in  session  in  Philadelphia  in  1869,  inviting  that  body  to  send 
a  delegate  to  the  congress  of  the  International  Working- 
men's  Association  to  be  held  in  Basle,  Switzerland,  in  Sep- 
tember of  the  same  year.  The  invitation  was  accepted,  a 
delegate,  Cameron  by  name,  was  sent ;  and  thus  an  apparent 
union  was  effected  between  European  Socialism  and  an  Amer- 
ican labor  organization,  representing  half  a  million  laborers." 1 
But  this  union  was  more  apparent  than  real,  and  implied 
anything  rather  than  the  conversion  of  American  laborers  to 
socialism.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  old  Interna- 
tional sought  a  federation  of  labor  and  actually  secured 
the  co-operation  for  a  time  of  the  English  trades-unions  as 
well  as  many  American  societies ;  but  it  insisted  on  the 
acceptance  of  no  social  philosophy  on  the  part  of  these 
various  bodies.2  The  letter  of  Eccarius,  for  example,  based 

1  The  number  represented  by  the  delegates  to  the  anuual  meeting 
of  the  National  Labor  Union  in  New  York  in  1868  is  said  to  have 
been  640,000. 

*  Professor  de  Laveleye  calls  these  adhesions  "  purely  Platonic." 


BE  G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SO  CIALISM  IN  AMERICA.    227 

the  arguments  in  favor  of  the  representation  of  the  National 
Labor  Union  at  the  congress  of  the  International  on  the 
desirability  of  a  co-operation  between  the  workingmen  of 
Europe  and  America  to  help  regulate  emigration.  "  There 
is  a  particular  reason,"  wrote  Eccarius,  "why  you  should 
strain  a  point  to  send  a  delegate,  —  the  emigration  mania. 
Once  a  year  during  our  congress  week  all  the  scribes  of 
Europe  are  busy  with  our  doings.  A  sketch  of  what  things 
are  in  the  New  World,  given  by  an  American,  would  not  only 
find  its  way  into  all  the  papers,  but  would  greatly  tend  to  dis- 
abuse many  of  their  illusions  of  the  happiness  in  store  for 
them  if  they  could  only  manage  to  cross  the  big  lake.  It  is 
the  policy  of  those  who  have  an  interest  in  keeping  things  as 
they  are,  to  induce  as  many  as  possible  to  leave,  since  their 
very  presence  endangers  the  continuance  of  the  existing  vil- 
lainy, and  in  the  New  World  they  are  used  to  perpetuate  the 
existing  villainy,  and  their  presence  tends  to  hamper,  if  not 
to  frustrate,  the  onward  march  of  the  labor  movement." 

In  1871  a  new  impulse  was  received  from  the  French  ref- 
ugees who  came  to  America  after  the  suppression  of  the 
uprising  of  the  commune  of  Paris,  and  brought  with  them  a 
spirit  of  violence,  but  a  more  important  event  in  this  early 
period  was  the  order  of  the  congress  of  the  International 
held  in  the  Hague  in  1872,  which  transferred  to  New  York 
the  "  General  Council "  of  the  Association.  Modern  social- 
ism had  then  undoubtedly  begun  to  exist  in  America.  The 
first  proclamation  of  the  council  from  their  new  headquar- 
ters was  an  appeal  to  workingmen  "  to  emancipate  labor  and 
eradicate  all  international  and  national  strife." l 

1  The  authority  for  this  statement  may  be  found  in  an  interview 
which  a  New  York  Herald  reporter  held  with  Mr.  Leopold  Jonas,  a 
leading  New  York  number  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party.  See  "  Our 
American  gpcialjs£s;"  tfw>  York  Herald,  May  19,  1884. 


228  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

In  the  spring  ot  1872  "an  imposing  demonstration"  in 
favor  of  eight  hours  took  place  in  New  York  City.  The 
paper  before  me  estimates  the  number  of  those  taking  part 
in  the  procession  through  the  principal  streets  at  twenty 
thousand,  and  among  the  other  societies  were  the  various 
New  York  sections  of  the  International  Workingmen's 
Association  bearing  a  banner  with  their  motto  "  Working- 
men  of  all  Countries,  Unite  ! "  The  following  year  wit- 
nessed the  disasters  in  the  industrial  and  commercial  world, 
to  which  reference  has  already  been  made ;  and  the  dis- 
tress consequent  thereupon  was  an  important  aid  to  the 
socialists  in  their  propaganda.  The  "  Exceptional  Law " 
passed  against  socialists,  by  the  German  Parliament  in  1878, 
drove  many  socialists  from  Germany  to  this  country,  and 
these  have  strengthened  the  cause  of  American  socialism 
through  membership  in  trades-unions  and  in  the  Socialistic 
Labor  Party. 

There  have  been  several  changes  among  the  socialists  in 
party  organization  and  name  since  1873,  and  national  con- 
ventions or  congresses  have  met  from  time  to  time.  Their 
dates  and  places  of  meeting  have  been  Philadelphia,  1874, 
Pittsburg,  1876,!  Newark,  1877,  Allegheny  City,  1880,  Balti- 
more and  Pittsburg,  1883,  and  Cincinnati,  1885.  The  name 
Socialistic  Labor  Party  was  adopted  in  1877  at  the  Newark 
Convention.  In  1883  the  split  between  the  moderates  and 
extremists  had  become  definite,  and  the  latter  held  their 
congress  in  Pittsburg,  and  the  former  in  Baltimore. 

The  separation  between  the  two  bodies  of  socialists  is  a 
matter  of  interest.  A  similar  separation  took  place  in  the 
congress  of  the  International  at  the  Hague  in  1872,  between 

1  In  July  of  the  same  year  an  international  meeting  of  labor  organi- 
zations was' held  in  Philadelphia  on  occasion  of  the  Centennial  Expo- 
sition. 


BE  G INNINGS  OF  MODERN  SO  CIALISM  IN  AMERICA .    229 

the  followers  of  Marx,  who  represented  in  many  respects  the 
spirit  and  methods  of  the  present  Socialistic  Labor  Party, 
and  those  of  Bakounine,  who  were  anarchists  like  the  mem- 
bers of  the  existing  international  in  the  United  States.  It  is 
altogether  probable  that  the  feeling  of  animosity  between 
the  adherents  of  the  two  directions  was  present  in  New 
York  from  the  beginning  of  the  operations  of  the  "  Council " 
transferred  in  the  same  year  to  that  city.  But  for  some  time 
they  succeeded  in  working  together,  and  hopes  of  a  perma- 
nent union  were  certainly  not  abandoned  until  after  the 
advent  of  John  Most  on  our  shores  in  December,  1882. 
Most  has  proved  a  firebrand  among  American  socialists,  and 
was  early  denounced  by  those  who  felt  repelled  by  his  mad 
expressions  of  violence,  and  saw  that  he  was  doing  their 
cause  much  harm ;  but  it  was  still  impossible  to  pass  a 
formal  vote  repudiating  him  in  the  congress  of  the  Social- 
istic Labor  Party  in  Baltimore  in  1883.  During  the  follow- 
ing year  the  San  Francisco  Truth  still  thought  it  worth  while 
to  advocate  a  union  of  all  discontented  proletarians,  but 
acrimony  and  bitterness  between  representatives  of  opposing 
views  continued  to  increase ;  and  when  the  terrible  outrages 
in  London,  in  January  of  1885,  were  condemned  in  terms 
of  severity  by  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  and  applauded  by 
the  Internationalists,  all  hopes  of  united  action  vanished,  and 
the  animosity  between  the  two  became  so  intense  that  they 
came  to  blows  in  a  meeting  called  in  New  York  by  the  mod- 
erates to  protest  against  the  recent  use  of  dynamite.  Shortly 
after  that  there  was  a  disturbance  between  the  International- 
ists and  the  members  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  in  a 
public  meeting  in  Baltimore  ;  and  the  terrible  affair  of  May 
4,  1886,  when  the  Chicago  Internationalists  endeavored  to 
resist  the  police  by  the  use  of  dynamite,  terminated  all  pos- 
sibility of  joint  action —  even  if  there  could  previously  have 


230  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

been  any  remote  hope  of  it ;  for  that  was  denounced  as  crim- 
inal folly  by  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party.  The  warfare  be- 
tween the  two  factions  has  now  become  quite  as  bitter  as 
between  them  and  the  competitive  society  they  seek  to  over- 
throw. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  INTERNATIONALISTS. 
I.    THE  INTERNATIONAL  WORKING  PEOPLE'S  ASSOCIATION. 

THE  Internationalists,  at  their  congress  in  Pittsburg, 
adopted  unanimously  a  manifesto  or  declaration  of 
motives  and  principles,  often  called  the  Pittsburg  Procla- 
mation, in  which  they  describe  their  ultimate  goal  in  these 
words :  — 

"What  we  would  achieve  is,  therefore,  plainly  and 
simply,  — 

"First,  Destruction  of  the  existing  class  rule,  by  all 
means,  i.  e.,  by  energetic,  relentless,  revolutionary,  and  inter- 
national action. 

"Second,  Establishment  of  a  free  society  based  upon 
co-operative  organization  of  production. 

"Third,  Free  exchange  of  equivalent  products  by  and 
between  the  productive  organizations  without  commerce 
aud  profit-mongery. 

"Fourth,  Organization  of  education  on  a  secular,  scien- 
tific and  equal  basis  for  both  sexes. 

"  Fifth,  Equal  rights  for  all  without  distinction  to  sex  or  race. 

"  Sixth,  Regulation  of  all  public  affairs  by  free  contracts 
between  the  autonomous  (independent)  communes  and 
associations,  resting  on  a  federalistic  basis." l 

1  Free  contract,  it  is  to  be  observed,  in  the  language  of  the  Inter- 
nationalists, means  not  freedom  of  contract  in  the  present  sense,  but  a 
contract  which  may  be  fulfilled  or  not,  according  to  the  good  pleasure 
of  the  parties  concerned.  The  one  who  breaks  it,  suffers  no  legal 
penalty. 


232  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Here  we  have  in  a  few  words  the  dream  of  the  Anar- 
chists, as  these  Internationalists  call  themselves,  and  it  has 
been  well  characterized  by  Mr.  Hyndman,  as  "individu* 
alism  gone  mad."  It  may  be  well  to  explain  the  ideas  con- 
tained in  this  programme  under  the  two  heads,  political  and 
economic. 

First,  Their  political  philosophy  is  pure  negation  or 
nihilism  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word.  It  is  the  doctrine 
of  laissezfaire  carried  to  its  logical  outcome.  What  say  our 
advocates  of  the  "  let-alone  "  policy  about  government  and 
the  state?  They  assure  us  that  the  less  government  the 
better,  and  that  the  state  is  but  a  necessary  evil  at  best.  To 
this  the  Anarchists  reply  :  Very  true,  but  why  should  we  tol- 
erate the  least  needless  evil  ?  We  hold  that  government  of 
any  kind  is  worse  than  useless,  and  that  the  state  is  but 
another  name  for  oppression.  "  One  of  Jefferson's  maxims 
was  '  the  best  government  is  that  which  governs  least.'  If 
this  be  true,  then 

'  The  very  best  government  of  all 
Is  that  which  governs  not  at  all.' "  * 

We  recognize  no  right  of  any  individual  or  of  any  body  of 
men  to  interfere  with  us,  and  we  will  have  neither  state  nor 
laws.  We  are  prepared  to  fight  for  liberty  without  restraint 
or  control.  Our  ideal  is  anarchy.  It  is  a  holy  cause,  and 
to  it  we  have  devoted  our  lives. 

Each  member  of  society  is,  in  this  new  world,  to  be  abso- 
lutely free.  As  gregarious  animals,  and  for  the  sake  of  vol- 
untary co-operation,  men  will  naturally  form  themselves  into 
independent  self-governing  communes  or  townships,  into 
which  the  whole  of  mankind  will  be  ultimately  resolved. 

1  Quoted  with  approval  by  the  London  Anarchist,  under  the  head' 
ing,  "  Sound  Sense,"  from  the  American  newspaper  Lucifer. 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  233 

These  communes  will  for  the  sake  of  convenience  be 
grouped  loosely  into  federations,  which,  however,  will  have 
no  authority  whatever.  While  each  commune  is  at  liberty 
to  sever  its  connection  with  the  common  body  at  pleasure, 
it  is  thought  that  the  social  nature  of  man  will  be  a  sufficient 
adhesive  force  to  hold  them  together.  All  regulation  and 
control  centre  in  free  and  voluntary  and  self-enforced  contract. 
Second,  The  economic  ideas  of  the  Internationalists  as 
expressed  in  their  resume  of  their  aims,  are  "  co-operative 
organization  of  production,"  and  "  free  exchange  of  equiv- 
alent products  by  and  between  the  productive  organizations 
without  commerce  and  profit-mongery."  But  when  devel- 
oped, these  brief  propositions  imply  several  radical  de- 
mands, viz.,  "  free  lands,"  "  free  tools  "  and  "  free  money." 
Rent  falls  away,  as  there  is  no  authority  to  enforce  its  pay- 
ment, and  laborers  lay  hold  of  and  use  freely  the  means  of 
production  (capital),  as  anarchism  recognizes  no  power  to 
prevent  this.  Possession  takes  the  place  of  property,  and 
possession  lasts  only  so  long  as  means  of  production  pos- 
sessed are  actually  used  by  their  possessor.  This  ends  at 
once  "  capitalism "  and  "  landlordism,"  and  leaves  room 
only  for  united  labor.  Workingmen,  it  is  supposed,  will 
naturally  group  themselves  into  "productive  organizations," 
where  each  one  will  work  as  long  as  he  pleases  and  receive 
"labor-money,"  or  credits  indicating  the  length  of  labor- 
time.  If  our  present  terms  should  be  retained,  a  dollar 
might  represent  the  toil  of  one  hundred  minutes,  and  one 
dollar  would  always  equal  another.  "Socialism  advocates 
that  the  time  and  service  of  one  man  is  equal  ultimately  to 
the  time  and  service  of  any  other  man ;  hence,  the  nearest 
approach  to  exact  justice  is  equal  pay  for  equal  time  and 
expenditure  of  equal  energy." l 

1  From  "  Socialism  "  by  Starkweather  and  Wilson  in  Lovell's  Li- 
brary, No.  461,  p.  29,  cf.  also  pp.  78-80.    This  doctrine  of  equality 


234  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Commerce  is  replaced  by  a  common  store-house  to  which 
all  social  products  are  carried,  and  where  their  value  is 
determined  by  labor-time.  A  bushel  of  potatoes  might  be 
quoted  at  twenty-five  minutes,  for  example,  in  which  case 
any  purchaser  presenting  a  note  for  one  hundred  minutes 
would  receive  his  potatoes,  and  seventy-five  minutes  in 
change. 

Thus  the  laborer  receives  the  full  value  of  all  he  produces, 
and  profits,  called  legalized  robbery  or  unpaid  labor,  are 
abolished.  It  is  supposed  that  a  few  hours  a  day  —  one 
writer  mentions  three1 — would  suffice  to  produce  all  the 
goods  needed  by  society.  In  the  words  of  the  Pittsburg 
Proclamation :  "  This  order  of  things  allows  production  to 
regulate  itself  according  to  the  demands  of  the  whole  people, 
so  that  nobody  need  work  more  than  a  few  hours  a  day,  and 
that  all  nevertheless  can  satisfy  their  needs.  Hereby  time 
and  opportunity  are  given  for  opening  to  the  people  the  way 
to  the  highest  civilization ;  the  privileges  of  higher  intelligence 
fall  with  the  privileges  of  wealth  and  birth." 

Another  point  which  deserves  attention  is  the  preponderat- 
ing influence  the  Internationalists,  even  more  than  other 
socialists,  give  to  external  circumstances  in  the  formation  of 
character.  If  their  attention  is  called  to  the  crime  and 
wrong-doing  in  present  society  as  a  proof  of  the  need  of  a 
repressive  authority,  they  reply  that  it  will  be  quite  different 
in  a  condition  of  anarchy,  because  our  existing  institutions 
are  the  cause  of  the  evil  which  afflicts  us  now ;  in  particular 
do  they  necessitate  the  poverty  of  the  many,  and  poverty 
is  the  chief  source  of  what  we  call  sin.  "  Socialism,"  say 

seems  to  be  unanimously  accepted  by  the  Anarchists,  though  it  is  not 
maintained  by  all  socialists,  and  it  must  in  fairness  be  acknowledged 
that  it  forms  no  necessary  part  of  socialism. 

1  Benjamin  Franklin,  I  believe,  said  four  hours. 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  235 

Starkweather  and  Wilson,  in  their  pamphlet,1  "  would  abolish 
poverty  by  preventing  it,  by  removing  its  causes.  As  poverty 
is  the  cause  directly  or  indirectly  of  all  crime,  therefore,  by 
the  abolition  of  poverty,  crime  would  become  almost  un- 
known, and  with  the  crime  would  disappear  all  the  lice, 
leeches,  vampires,  and  vermin  that  fatten  on  its  filth ;  such 
as  the  entire  legal  fraternity,  soldiers,  police,  spies,  judges, 
sheriffs,  priests,  preachers,  quack  doctors,  etc.,  etc."  Never- 
theless, even  an  Anarchist  is  forced  to  admit  the  possibility 
of  an  occasional  crime  against  individual  or  society,  and  in 
such  case  has  nothing  better  to  offer  than  the  unrestrained 
exercise  of  brute  force.  As  they  now  advocate  the  extermi- 
nation of  opponents  and  admire  mob  law,  there  is  nothing  left 
for  them  save  the  destruction  of  those  whom  they  consider 
.  their  enemies  in  any  and  every  form  of  society. 

The  truth  is,  however,  that  most  Anarchists  object  in 
reality  only  to  present  state-forms  and  wish  to  replace  them 
with  new  institutions  of  equal  authority.  Some  of  them  ap- 
parently picture  the  future  to  themselves  as  the  exclusive 
domination  of  labor  organizations,  and  overlook  two  facts : 
first,  if  all  should  not  be  embraced  in  these  associations, 
those  outside  of  them  would  be  in  subjection  to  a  power  in 
the  creation  of  which  they  would  have  no  voice,  and  over 
which  they  could  exercise  no  control ;  second,  the  state 
would  by  no  means  be  abolished,  even  if  all  were  included 
in  some  labor  organization,  for  then  labor  organizations 
would  themselves  constitute  the  state.2  It  is  thus  not 

1  L.  c.,  p.  30. 

2  I  think  the  English  co-operators  fall  into  a  similar  error.     They 
protest  strenuously  that  they  repudiate  state  socialism,  and  yet  they 
expect   co-operation   to   absorb   all  the  industry  of  the  country.     In 
this  event  co-operative  societies  would  practically  constitute  the  state, 
and  the  result  would  be  socialism,  though  the  goal  would  be  reached 
by  a  different  route  from  that  proposed  by  others. 


236  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  state  in  itself  to  which   they  object,   but  our  present 
state.1 

Yet  tnere  is  a  difference  among  the  Anarchists  with 
respect  to  authority.  Some  perceive  the  weakness  of  the 
Anarchistic  Communists  and  repudiate  all  authority  for  the 
future  as  well  as  for  the  present.  These  believe  in 
"  Individual  Sovereignty,"  and  call  themselves  Individual 
Anarchists.  Their  general  principle  is  that  each  person 
is  to  do,  without  let  or  hindrance,  absolutely  what  seems 
good  to  him,  and  no  public  authority  is  ever  on  any 
account  to  interfere.  There  shall,  for  example,  be  no 
public  banks,  or  bank  regulations,  nc  public  mint,  no 
public  post-office;  but  whosoever  pleases  may  carry  let- 
ters, issue  paper  money,  or  coin  silver  and  gold.  These 
Individual  Anarchists  or  "  Boston  "  Anarchists,  as  they  are 
also  called,  from  their  strongest  centre,  have  formed  no 
party,  and  could  consistently  form  no  party  in  the  ordi- 
nary sense.  As  tolerance,  however,  it  is  frequently  said, 
can  tolerate  everything  save  intolerance,  so  liberty,  in  their 
opinion,  can  tolerate  everything  save  an  invasion  of  liberty, 
and  that,  they  hold,  may  be  repelled  by  voluntary  organ- 
ization in  any  practicable  way,  even  by  the  use  of  dynamite, 
if  it  be  necessary.  Voluntary  associations  are  contemplated 
by  the  Boston  Anarchists  for  the  defence  of  person  and  of 
property  of  individuals,  but  common  property  is  condemned 
as  communism.  Those  who  belong  to  these  associations 
will  submit  voluntarily  to  their  rules,  and  disobedience  will 
constitute  a  withdrawal.  Absolutely  free  competition  is  the 
ideal  of  Individual  Anarchy,  but  the  present  competition  is 
rejected  as  unfair.  "  Competition  under  liberty  is  beneficent 

1One  Anarchist  writes  me  that  the  first  chapter  of  Stepniak's 
"  Russia  Under  the  Tzars  "  contains  a  description  of  what  he  considers 
an  ideal  society.  This  chapter  treats  of  the  "  Mir." 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  237 

co-operation.  It  makes  cost  the  limit  of  price.1  It  opens 
thf,  way  for  every  man  to  prove  his  fitness  and  survive  on  his 
merits.  The  present  order  of  competition  under  the  state 
permits  the  unfittest  to  survive  on  his  demerits." 

"  The  all  important  principle  at  this  juncture,"  writes  one 
of  this  school,  "  is  Liberty,  which  as  soon  as  sufficient  co- 
operation offers,  the  Anarchists  propose  to  make  a  reality  by 
passive  resistance  to  its  violation  through  suffrage,  taxation, 
and  monopoly."  What  is  our  present  government  which 
must  be  overthrown  ?  It  is  "  a  compulsory  association  prin- 
cipally for  invasion  of  person  and  property,  dependent  for 
its  very  existence  upon  the  bottom  invasion,  compulsory 
taxation."  2 

A  Boston  Anarchist  writes  me  this :  "  The  disciples  of 
Josiah  Warren  and  Proudhon  are  the  only  real  Anarchists, 
and  the  only  men  in  the  labor  movement  who  start  with 
certain  fundamentals,  and  test  every  question  by  them,  —  in 
other  words,  who  act  in  accordance  with  a  definite  philosophy." 

The  present  chief  representative  of  the  Individual  Anar- 
chists, is  Benjamin  R.  Tucker,  the  editor  of  Liberty.  Tucker 
is  a  devoted  disciple  of  Proudhon,  and  proposes  to  translate 
his  complete  works.  He  has  already  published  volume  I., 
a  translation  of  the  celebrated  treatise  "What  is  Property?  " 

In  response  to  a  letter  of  inquiry,  a  friend  writes  me  as 
follows :  —  3 

1  By  means  of  "  free  banking,"  as  advocated  by  Proudhon.    See 
"  Mutual  Banking,"  by  William  B.  Greene,  for  sale  at  the  office  of 
Liberty,  Boston. 

2  Liberty  of  Boston,  Jan.  3,  1885. 

8  This  extreme  courtesy  on  the  part  of  a  busy  man  is  only  one  of 
the  many  instances  of  kindness  with  which  I  have  met  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  book.  My  experience  in  authorship  as  well  as  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  other  duties  of  life,  has  borne  out  anything  rather  than 
the  hypothesis  that  men  are  actuated  only  by  motives  of  selfishness. 


238  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

"  Warrer  was  a  descendant  of  General  Warren  of  Bunker 
Hill  fame.  He  was  born  in  either  Brookline  or  Brighton 
(near  Boston),  and  at  the  time  of  his  death  in  1874  he  was 
nearly  seventy-five  years  old.  He  developed  an  unusual 
musical  genius  at  an  early  age,  and  was  a  skilful  player  on 
several  instruments. 

"  The  first  event  of  importance  in  his  life,  according  to 
Tucker,  was  when  Robert  Owen,  the  socialist  and  manufac- 
turer, came  to  this  country  and  founded  a  communistic 
colony  at  New  Harmony,  Ind.  Owen  was  backed  by  his 
own  millions  and  by  a  fine  class  of  supporters,  and  among 
others  Warren  was  carried  away  by  his  scheme,  and  joined 
the  community.  In  a  year  or  two  the  famous  experiment 
failed,  because  the  projectors  spent  their  time  in  making  and 
re-making  constitutions  instead  of  planting  potatoes. 

"  Warren  was  discouraged  and  went  into  the  woods,  sat 
on  a  log,  and  thought  the  matter  over.  He  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  scheme  failed  because  the  individual  had 
been  sunk  in  the  community,  because  there  were  no  in- 
dividual interests,  rights,  and  responsibility.  It  occurred  to 
him  that  the  real  social  reform  lay  in  more  individualization 
than  is  found  in  the  existing  social  system,  in  a  separation 
of  individual  interests.  The  sovereignty  of  the  individual 
was  the  first  fundamental  principle  of  his  social  philosophy. 
John  Stuart  Mill  in  his  autobiography  acknowledges  his  in- 
debtedness to  Warren  and  to  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  for  the 
basic  idea  of  his  own  work  on  liberty.  Warren's  second 
fundamental  principle  was  an  economic  one,  —  that  cost  is 
the  true  basis  of  price,  or  '  cost  the  limit  of  price.' 

"This  was  about  1827.  Warren  then  determined  to  test 
the  cost  theory,  and  he  started  a  store  in  Cincinnati  (at  the 
corner  of  Fourth  and  Elm  Streets?),  which  he  conducted  for 
two  years,  doing  business  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  and 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  239 

fifty  thousand  dollars.  The  plan  and  history  of  the  store  are 
found  detailed  in  Warren's  work  on  '  Practical  Details  of 
Equitable  Commerce  '  (now  out  of  print) .  The  store  was 
open  during  1828-29.  It  was  in  a  new  country  when  busi- 
ness was  not  centralized  as  now,  and  the  retailer  realized 
large  profits.  Warren  marked  his  goods  with  the  cost  and 
added  seven  per  cent  for  rent,  fuel,  etc.,  exclusive  of  the 
labor  of  himself  and  the  employees.  This  seven  per  cent 
was  carefully  computed,  and  was  invariable,  but  it  allowed 
no  profit.  A  clock  was  kept  in  the  store,  and  every  cus- 
tomer was  timed  and  charged  so  much  an  hour  for  the  time 
of  the  salesman.  The  charge  for  time  was  reduced  with  the 
increase  of  business.  Finally  Warren  issued  his  own  money 
in  the  shape  of  labor  notes  (described  in  his  works) ,  which 
he  exchanged  for  the  labor  notes  of  his  customers.  His 
notes  became  a  popular  circulating  medium. 

"  The  experiment  satisfied  him,  and  he  closed  his  store, 
and  later  published  his  principal  work,  '  True  Civilization,' 
in  which  he  announced  and  developed  these  principles. 
The  book  was  published  somewhere  in  the  '305,  and  War- 
ren set  the  type  for  it  himself.  It  is  now  in  print.1  He  was 
the  inventor  of  the  present  system  of  stereotyping  for  book 
work.  He  also  invented  a  system  of  musical  notation  which 
was  pronounced  by  Lowell  Mason  superior  to  that  now  in 
use. 

"Warren  then  went  to  a  place  in  Ohio,  and  started  a  com- 
munity on  his  peculiar  principles.  In  1850  or  thereabouts, 
he  converted  Stephen  Pearl  Andrews,  who  wrote  'The 
Science  of  Society,'  which  Warren  called  a  better  statement 
of  his  principles  than  his  own.  Later  he  founded  '  Modern 
Times,'  a  community  on  Long  Island,  but  neither  community 
amounted  to  much.  His  followers  thought  the  community 
1  Part  I.  only;  for  sale  at  office  of  Liberty. 


240  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

idea  a  mistake.  After  1860  he  published  Part  II.  of  'True 
Civilization,'  which  is  out  of  print,  the  plates  having  been 
destroyed  in  the  great  Boston  fire  in  1872.  Part  III.  was 
published  later,  and  is  also  out  of  print.  Part  L,  which  is 
now  on  the  market,  is,  however,  the  most  important  and 
valuable. 

"  Warren  in  his  later  years  lived  a  sort  of  hermit  life,  but 
spent  his  time  in  the  propagandism  of  his  ideas.  He  died 
in  Charlestown,  now  a  part  of  Boston,  at  the  house  of  E.  D. 
Linton,  one  of  his  disciples.  Some  years  previously  he  had 
lived  at  Princeton,  Mass. 

"  Out  of  his  teachings  has  grown  the  school  of  social 
reformers  in  this  country  known  as  the  Individualistic  Anar- 
chists, who  consider  him  as  the  thinker  in  this  country  corre- 
sponding with  Proudhon.  The  two  were  almost  identical  in 
their  fundamental  ideas.  Warren's  greatest  strength  as  an 
agitator  lay  in  his  conversation  with  individuals,  and  most 
of  his  converts  were  made  in  the  parlor,  where  he  displayed 
the  greatest  keenness  in  explanations  and  answering  objec- 
tions." 

To  return  from  the  digression  concerning  the  Boston 
Anarchists,  it  may  be  noticed,  as  an  external  peculiarity  of 
the  International  Working  People's  Association,  that  they 
occasionally  use  the  black  flag  as  an  emblem  of  their  cause. 
When  it  was  unfurled  on  Thanksgiving  day  in  1884  in  Chi- 
cago, August  Spies,  one  of  the  anarchists  now  on  trial  for 
the  murder  of  policemen  on  May  4,  addressed  the  assembled 
people  in  these  words,  — 

"  It  is  the  first  time  that  emblem  of  hunger  and  starvation 
has  been  unfurled  on  American  soil.  It  represents  that 
these  people  have  begun  to  reach  the  condition  of  the  older 
countries.  We  have  got  to  strike  down  these  robbers  that 
are  robbing  the  working  people." 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  241 

While  the  economic  ideas  of  the  Anarchists  are  so  vague 
that  it  is  difficult  to  describe  them  more  precisely  than  has 
been  done  already,  it  is  the  less  necessary  to  do  so  from  the 
fact  that  the  chief  part  of  their  programme  is  a  plea  for 
action,  for  revolution ;  for  destruction,  rather  than  construc- 
tion, as  they  hold  that  the  former  must  precede  the  latter. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  they  attempt  to  realize  their  politi- 
cal ideal  as  far  as  possible  in  their  own  plan  of  organization. 
The  International  is  composed  of  independent  "  groups," 
with  no  central  authority  or  executive,  both  of  which  expres- 
sions many  of  them  detest.  The  only  bond  of  union  between 
them  is  found  in  their  common  ideas,  in  their  press,  their 
congresses  and  local  organizations,  and  a  Bureau  of  Informa- 
tion, formed  by  the  Chicago  Groups,  which  appears  to  be 
the  nearest  approach  to  a  centre  of  life  and  activity. 

The  manifesto  of  the  Internationalists  has  been  mentioned, 
and  quotations  from  it  given.  It  is,  however,  necessary  to 
consult  their  press  to  obtain  a  more  complete  survey  of  their 
views.  They  have  several  newspapers,  of  which  the  follow- 
ing are  the  most  prominent :  Die  Freiheit,  Most's  New  York 
weekly,  now  in  its  eighth  year ;  De r  Vorbote,  a  weekly,  Die 
Fackel,  a  Sunday  paper,  and  Die  Chicagoer  Arbeiterzeitung, 
a  daily,  all  three  published  by  the  Socialistic  Publishing  Com- 
pany of  Chicago.  The  Vorbote,  in  its  thirteenth  year,  is  the 
oldest  of  their  organs.  The  Alarm,  a  weekly,  in  its  second 
year,  is  published  at  the  same  place,  and  is  edited  by  A.  R. 
Parsons.1  Its  purpose  is  to  disseminate  the  most  extreme 
revolutionary  teachings  among  English-speaking  laborers. 
Kansas  sends  us  Lucifer,  the  Light-Bearer,  a  journal  of  like 
tendencies.  Truth,  "  a  Journal  of  the  Poor,"  was  published 

1  Perhaps  it  ought  now  to  be  said  was  edited.  I  have  not  seen  a 
copy  since  May  4,  and  Parsons  Js  now  on  trial  with  the  other  Chicago 
leaders. 


242  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

in  San  Francisco  for  three  years,  when  it  was  changed  in 
form,  and  became  a  monthly  magazine,  of  which  six  issues 
appeared,  the  last  in  July,  1884.  The  "  good  will "  of  Truth 
was  finally  made  over  to  the  Enquirer,  of  Denver,  Col.,  which 
now  takes  its  place,  although  more  conservative  in  tone,  and 
not,  as  was  Truth,  the  acknowledged  organ  of  the  "  Red 
International."  These  journals  supply  abundant  evidence 
touching  the  doctrines  of  the  anarchist  in  respect  to  the 
family  and  religion,  and  it  is  these  doctrines  which  are  now 
to  engage  our  attention. 

The  Internationalists  attack  both  religion  and  the  family, 
and  that  with  what  may  be  considered  practical  unanimity. 
While  it  is  not  right  to  connect  this  attitude  with  socialism 
per  se,  the  fairest  minded  person  cannot  blame  a  writer  for 
holding  up  to  condemnation  any  concrete,  actually  existing 
party  which  wages  war  against  all  that  we  consider  most 
sacred,  and  which  seeks  to  abolish  those  institutions  which 
we  hold  to  be  of  inestimable  value,  both  to  the  individual 
and  to  society. 

Religion  and  the  family  are  not  only  attacked  by  the 
extremists,  but  the  onslaught  on  them  is  made  in  language  of 
unparalleled  coarseness  and  shocking  impiety.  Here  are 
two  quotations  from  Truth,1  which  are  indicative  of  the  gen- 
eral tone  of  the  paper :  "  Heaven  is  a  dream  invented  by 
robbers  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  victims  of  their  brig- 
andage ; "  "  When  the  laboring  men  understand  that  the 
heaven  which  they  are  promised  hereafter  is  but  a  mirage, 
they  will  knock  at  the  door  of  the  wealthy  robber  with  a 
musket  in  hand,  and  demand  their  share  of  the  goods  of  this 
life  now."  Freiheit,  the  most  blasphemous  of  all  socialistic 
papers,  concludes  an  article  on  the  "  Fruits  of  the  Belief  in 

1  Although  Truth  was  the  organ  of  the  "  Red  International,"  these 
quotations  characterize  the  "  Black  International "  equally  well. 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  243 

God  "  with  the  exclamation,  "  Religion,  authority,  and  state 
are  all  carved  out  of  the  same  piece  of  wood :  to  the  devil 
with  them  all !  "  The  Vorbote  speaks  of  religion  as  de- 
structive poison.  The  Pittsburg  manifesto  —  unanimously 
adopted,  te  it  remembered  —  contains  this  sentence,  "  The 
church  finally  seeks  to  make  complete  idiots  out  of  the  mass, 
and  to  make  them  forego  the  paradise  on  earth  by  promising 
a  fictitious  heaven." 

There  appears  to  be  scarcely  the  same  unanimity  concern- 
ing the  family.  It  was  not  directly  condemned  in  the  Pitts- 
burg  manifesto,  nor  does  Truth  say  much  about  it.  But 
there  is  no  doubt  about  the  general  policy  of  their  journals. 
They  sneer  incessantly  at  the  "  sacredness  of  the  family,"  and 
dwell  with  pleasure  on  every  vile  scandal  which  is  noticed 
by  the  "  capitalistic  press."  Especial  attention  is  given  to 
divorces,  to  show  that  the  family  institution  is  already  under- 
mined ;  and  they  are  thorough-going  sceptics  regarding  the 
morality  of  the  relations  between  the  sexes  in  bourgeois  soci- 
ety. The  Vorbote  for  May  12,  1883,  contains  an  article  on 
the  "  Sacredness  of  the  Family,"  from  which  these  sentences 
are  extracted :  — 

"  In  capitalistic  society,  marriage  has  long  become  a  pure 
financial  operation,  and  the  possessing  classes  long  ago  estab- 
lished community  of  wives,  and,  indeed,  the  nastiest  which  is 
conceivable.  .  .  .  They  take  a  special  pleasure  in  seducing 
one  another's  wives.  ...  A  marriage  is  only  so  long  moral 
as  it  rests  upon  the  free  inclination  of  man  and  wife."  A 
poem  which  appeared  in  Truth,  Jan.  26,  1884,  is  in  the 
same  spirit.  It  is  entitled, 

MARRIAGE 

UNDER  THE  COMPETITIVE  SYSTEM. 

"  Oh,  wilt  thou  take  this  form  so  spare, 

This  powdered  face  and  frizzled  hair, 


244  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

To  be  thy  wedded  wife; 
And  keep  her  free  from  labor  vile,  — 
Lest  she  her  dainty  fingers  soil,  — 
And  dress  her  up  in  gayest  style, 

As  long  as  thou  hast  life?  " 
"I  will." 

«  And  wilt  thou  take  these  stocks  and  bonds, 
This  brown-stone  front,  these  diamonds, 

To  be  thy  husband,  dear? 
And  wilt  thou  in  this  carriage  ride, 
And  o'er  his  lordly  home  preside, 
And  be  divorced  while  yet  a  bride, 
Or  ere  a  single  year?  " 
"I  will." 

"Then  I  pronounce  you  man  and  wife; 
And  with  what  I've  together  joined 
The  next  best  man  may  run  away, 
Whenever  he  a  chance  can  find." 

Host's  Freiheit  habitually  attains  the  superlative  of  coarse- 
ness and  vileness  in  its  attacks  on  the  family.  It  objects  to 
the  family  on  principle,  because  it  is  the  State  in  miniature, 
because  it  existed  before  the  State,  and  furnished  a  model  for 
it  with  all  its  evils  and  perversities.  Freiheit  advocates  a 
new  genealogy  traced  from  mothers,  whose  names,  and  not 
that  of  the  fathers,  descend  to  the  children,  since  it  is  never 
certain  who  the  father  is.  Public  up-bringing  of  children  is 
likewise  favored  in  the  Freiheit,  in  order  that  the  old  family 
may  completely  abandon  the  field  to  free  love. 

We  have  now  a  complete  picture  of  their  ideals,  —  com- 
mon property,  socialistic  production  and  distribution,  the 
grossest  materialism,  free  love,  in  all  social  arrangements 
perfect  individualism,  or,  in  other  words,  anarchy ;  negatively 
expressed, — away  with  private  property,  away  with  all  author- 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  245 

ity,  away  with  the  State,  away  with  the  family,  away  with 
religion  !  " 

The  question,  Who  have  been  the  teachers  of  the  Inter- 
nationalists ?  opens  upon  an  interesting  and  instructive  field 
of  research.  Nevertheless,  the  inquiry  is  a  delicate  one,  for 
it  involves  names  highly  honored.  While  I  cannot  go  into 
this  subject  at  length,  I  will  throw  out  a  few  remarks  merely 
of  a  suggestive  nature,  but  I  must  protest  that  I  intend  to 
cast  no  personal  reproach  on  names  I  mention,  even  should 
it  seem  to  me  that  the  Anarchists  had  in  some  instances  only 
drawn  the  logical  conclusion  of  the  teachings  of  their  masters. 
A  man  is  bound  to  speak  what  he  regards  as  the  truth,  and  it 
is  a  generally  accepted  maxim  that  a  public  teacher  cannot 
be  held  responsible  for  "  inferences." l 

First,  in  political  science  they  have  drawn  inspiration  from 
the  teachings  of  the  old  school  political  scientists  who 
preached  laissez  faire  and  taught  the  inherent  badness  of 
all  government.  Not  to  go  outside  of  England,  Buckle  and 
Herbert  Spencer  may  be  the  two  thinkers  on  social  topics 
whose  writings  are  most  familiar  to  them.  Both  of  these 
men  are  studied  and  quoted  by  them  with  approval. 
"  Herbert  Spencer,"  says  the  Alarm?  "  has  done  much  to 
break  attachment  to  the  principle  of  authority  in  attempting 
to  specify  the  limits  of  the  state."  An  Anarchist  of  Michigan 
writes  as  follows  :  "  The  opinions  that  I  form  from  reading 
Anarchistic  literature  —  notably  the  writings  of  Herbert 
Spencer,  Josiah  Warren,  Proudhon,  Reclus,  etc.  —  are  that 
the  kind  of  destruction  they  intend  will  not  be  destruction 

1  Manifestly  it  would  stop  all  speaking  and  writing  on   scientific 
topics,  if  every  one  were  first  to  inquire  what  inferences  various  mem- 
bers of  the  community  would  draw  from  doctrines  put  forth,  and  should 
keep  silence  until  convinced  that  no  misconstruction  was  possible. 

2  Nov.  14,  1885. 


246  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

of  justice  and  morality.  No  injustice  has  sprung  from  the 
destruction  of  the  institution  of  chattel  slavery  here.  It 
was  the  destruction  of  a  bad  system.  Of  course,  the  de- 
struction of  wealth  in  itself  is  an  evil  and  I  am  in  hopes 
that  a  better  social  system  will  be  established  without  the 
destruction  of  life  and  wealth.  ...  Of  course  you  are  aware 
that  many  Anarchists  hope  to  reach  the  goal  of  their  ideal 
only  through  the  slow  process  of  evolution.  ...  I  believe 
we  have  too  much  respect  for  statute  law.  My  expe- 
rience last  winter  at  Lansing,  the  capital,  while  the  Legis- 
lature was  in  session,  has  given  me  an  utter  contempt  for 
what  is  commonly  called  law.  I  am  positive  that  not  one 
in  ten  of  the  one  hundred  and  thirty  members  of  the  Legis- 
lature ever  in  all  his  life  read  a  book  on  political  economy. 
.  .  .  What  would  we  expect  from  one  who  claimed  to  be  a 
surgeon  who  never  studied  surgery  ?  " 

Edmund  Burke's  "Vindication  of  Natural  Society"  has 
attracted  favorable  notice  on  the  part  of  Anarchists,  and  is 
advertised  in  the  London  Anarchist  in  these  words  :  "  The 
Inherent  Evils  of  all  State  Governments  Demonstrated.  .  .  . 
This  work  not  only  attacks  the  various  forms  of  government, 
but  the  principle  of  government  itself."  The  American 
economist,  Cooper,  said  early  in  this  century  that  a  nation 
was  nothing  but  a  grammatical  conception,  —  a  convenience 
of  language  to  designate  a  collection  of  individuals.  This 
has  been  repeated  in  many  forms.  An  Italian  delegate  to 
the  congress  of  the  old  International  in  Ghent,  in  1867, 
asked  "Where,  then,  is  the  State?"  and  replied,  "An  ex- 
crescence 1  which  lives  at  the  expense  of  the  social  body,  and 
which  has  no  other  object  and  no  other  effect  than  to  organ- 
ize and  keep  up  the  exploitation  of  the  workers.  .  .  .  Our 
single  aim  must  be  to  destroy  the  state.  It  will  then  be  for 

1  Professor  de  Laveleye  remarks,  "  The  economists  say  a  canker/' 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  247 

the  free  and  fertile  action  of  the  natural  laws  of  society  to 
accomplish  the  destinies  of  humanity."  Professor  de  Lave- 
leye  adds  :  "  The  influence  of  positivism  and  Herbert  Spen- 
cer is  manifest." 

One  of  the  chief  heroes  of  the  Internationalists  is  Darwin, 
whose  portrait  is  considered  worthy  to  be  associated  with  that 
of  their  greatest  leaders  ;  while  all  the  more  renowned  natural 
scientists  are  admired,  and  their  writings  studied  with  sur- 
prising diligence.  Whatever  else  may  fail  in  the  lists  of 
books  recommended  by  the  Anarchists  for  the  education  of 
their  followers,  one  may  count  for  certainty  on  finding  a 
goodly  number  of  works  of  Darwin  and  Huxley ;  and  no 
newspapers  in  the  United  States  have  given  so  much  space 
to  natural  science  and  its  great  lights  as  those  published  by 
the  Chicago  Internationalists.  Nearly  all  social  democrats 
and  anarchists  are  thorough-going  Darwinians,  and  in  this 
they  seem  inconsistent,  for  as  Professor  de  Laveleye  remarks, 
"  It  is  impossible  to  understand  by  what  strange  blindness 
socialists  adopt  Darwinian  theories,  which  condemn  their 
claims  of  equality,  while  at  the  same  time  they  reject  Chris- 
tianity, whence  those  claims  have  issued  and  whence  their 
justification  may  be  found." 

A  partial  explanation,  however,  is  possible,  though  a  little 
complicated.  It  is  connected  on  the  one  hand  with  hostility 
to  the  church,  on  the  other  with  the  influence  of  European, 
and  in  particular  of  Russian,  leaders.  Internationalism,  which 
is  much  the  same  thing  as  the  older  Nihilism,  sprang  up 
among  educated  Russians  at  about  the  time  when  Darwin 
and  his  friends  were  beginning  to  be  talked  about ;  and  that 
order  of  mind  which  rendered  one  accessible  to  new  and 
strange  doctrines  of  one  sort  was  not  closed  to  those  of  a 
different  kind.  At  any  rate  Nihilism  made  converts  among 
scientists,  and  the  influence  of  these  leaders  was  felt  on  their 


248  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

more  humble  followers.  Then  Russian  influence,  which  ha* 
everywhere  been  perceptible,  was  felt  in  opposition  to  the 
church,  and  the  cultivation  of  natural  science  as  taught  by 
Darwin,  Huxley,  and  Haeckel  appeared  to  them  like  a  force 
which  might  be  turned  against  supernatural  religion.  Now 
the  hottility  to  the  church  is  something  easily  understood  in  a 
country  like  Russia  where  it  is  used  as  the  tool  of  despotism, 
and  as  the  sanctification  of  damnable  oppression.  Is  not  the 
Czar  the  arch-enemy  of  freedom,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
head  of  the  church  ?  Is  it,  then,  so  strange  as  it  would  at 
first  appear,  that  educated  Russians  should  renounce  the  only 
form  of  Christianity  which  they  know  ?  The  hostility  to  the 
church  is  largely  due  to  foreign  influence,  I  think,  although 
the  attitude  which  some  of  the  prominent  representatives  of 
Christianity  in  this  country  assumed  on  the  slavery  question, 
has  weakened  her  materially  among  the  masses  in  America ; 
and  nowhere  has  her  voice  been  raised  with  sufficient  clear- 
ness against  such  barbarous  atrocities  as  those  perpetrated 
in  Russia  and  elsewhere  in  the  name  of  religion.1  The  oppo- 
sition to  the  church  can,  then,  be  explained  only  on  historical 
grounds.  Another  reason  for  the  cultivation  of  natural 
science  is  the  really  strong  desire  for  mental  improvement. 

A  similar  partial  explanation  of  the  hostility  to  the  state 
may  be  found.  The  only  state  known  in  Russia  is  bad; 
hence  the  overhasty  generalization  —  away  with  the  state  ! 
This  is  the  more  easily  understood  when  it  is  remembered 
that  abolitionists  like  William  Lloyd  Garrison  became  Anar- 
chists,— to  be  sure,  peaceful  Anarchists,  and  this  with  far  less 

1  No  one  is  acquainted  with  American  churches  who  would  pretend 
that  these  abuses  were  sanctioned  by  them.  Many  clergymen  like  Dr. 
Rylance  and  Dr.  Heber  Newton  have  spoken  in  the  plainest  terms,  but 
too  few  have  followed  their  example  to  make  the  real  attitude  of  oul 
churches  as  plain  as  it  ought  to  be. 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  249 

cause.  What  were  they  fighting?  Slavery.  What  upheld 
slavery  ?  The  state  —  that  is,  government ;  hence  the  con- 
clusion, government  is  an  evil !  Away  with  it ! l 

Anarchy  has  received  some  further  support  in  America  — 
just  about  enough  to  be  perceptible  —  from  the  general  in- 
clination to  take  the  law»in  one's  own  hand,  as  seen  in 
examples  of  lynch  law.  The  miscarriage  of  justice  is  so  fre- 
quent that  men  lose  patience  at  times ;  even  educated  men 
do  this  too  often,  and  feel  that  redress  of  wrong  can  be 
found  only  in  violent  self-defence.  Lawlessness  is  prescribed 
for  lawlessness  !  I  have  heard  a  gentleman  of  character  and 
standing  say  that  he  thought  the  people  in  a  city,  which  I 
shall  not  name,  ought  to  have  arisen  in  anger  and  lynched 
a  railway  president,  whom  he  personally  liked,  for  a  flagrant 
case  of  corruption  of  public  authorities.  Even  a  conserva- 
tive like  Thurlow  Weed  could  use  these  words  :  — 

"In  some  emergencies  vigilance  committees  have  been 
found  to  be  not  only  a  necessity  but  a  salutary  remedy  for 
universal  and  overwhelming  crimes  and  vices.  The  highest 
and  most  beneficent  expressions  of  justice  have  occasionally 
been  revealed  by  an  unwritten  code  familiarly  known  as 
lynch  law.  If  the  chief  gamblers  who  occasioned  the  gold 
panic  of  1869  and  the  '  North- West'  corner  of  1872,  together 
with  the  usurers  who  brought  about  a  state  of  things  which 
enabled  them  to  loan  money  at  one  per  cent  a  day,  had 
been  suspended  by  the  neck  in  the  streets  which  they  des- 
ecrate, the  city  would  now  be  exempt  from  present  and 
prospective  sufferings." 2 

These  extracts  are  by  no  means  quoted  with  approval, 
but  simply  as  a  partial  explanation  of  current  phenomena. 

1  Any  one  who  will  read  Stepinak's  "  Russia  Under  the  Tzars  "  wilj 
understand  how  modern  Nihilism  could  originate  in  Russia. 

2  Memoir,  p.  499. 


250  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  error  is  that  familiar  one  of  generalization  on  the  basis 
of  insufficient  data. 

The  doctrine  of  revolution  as  held  by  good  men,  and  as 
justified  by  American  history,  might  seem,  at  first  thought,  to 
give  some  support  to  the  teachings  of  the  Internationalists. 
Take  this  passage,  for  example,  from  Frederick  Denison 
Maurice's  work  "  Social  Morality  "  :  "  There  may  be  a  civil- 
ization which  is  destructive  of  social  morality,  of  social 
existence.  War  may  be  —  so  far  as  we  know  has  been  — 
the  only  means  of  reforming  it."  Then  take  this  extract 
from  the  Constitution  of  Maryland  :  — 

"  ART.  VI.  That  all  persons  invested  with  the  legislative  or 
executive  powers  of  government  are  the  trustees  of  the  public, 
and,  as  such,  accountable  for  their  conduct;  wherefore, 
whenever  the  ends  of  government  are  perverted,  and  public 
liberty  manifestly  endangered,  and  all  other  means  of  redress 
ineffectual,  the  people  may,  and  of  right  ought  to,  reform 
the  old  and  establish  a  new  government ;  the  doctrine  of 
non-resistance  against  arbitrary  power  and  oppression  is 
absurd,  slavish,  and  destructive  of  the  good  and  happiness 
of  mankind." 

Yet  when  we  come  to  look  at  the  matter  more  carefully, 
we  find  nothing  in  the  world's  history  or  in  the  doctrines  of 
her  best  teachers  to  substantiate  the  Anarchistic  theory  of  revo- 
lution, which  contains  but  a  mere  kernel  of  truth.  Revolu- 
tion, indeed,  under  certain  extreme  circumstances,  which 
happily  occur  rarely  in  the  history  of  a  nation,  may  be  both  a 
right  and  a  duty,  but  its  justification  lies  in  this  :  That  it  is, 
then,  a  revolution  to  restore  the  authority  of  law,  not  to  over- 
throw it,  for  the  sad  crisis  comes  only  when  right  and  justice 
have  been  trampled  under  foot,  and  when  brave  and  true 
men,  after  patient  waiting  and  long-continued  remonstrance,, 
find  that  existing  authorities  can  never  be  persuaded  to  yield 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  251 

to  the  voice  of  reason  by  peaceful  means.  And  if  at  times 
revolution  against  human  law  is  advocated,  it  is  because  men 
have  felt  that  only  through  the  sacrifice  of  life  could  the 
supremacy  of  a  higher  law  be  secured.  The  world's  bene- 
factors have  never  intended  to  violate  law,  but  have  simply 
striven  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  law; 
and  the  grandest  men  of  history  have  been  among  those 
who  have  been  most  conscious  of  the  sublime  authority  oi 
that  law  to  which  they  yielded  obedience.  It  is,  then,  cor- 
rectly, that  Maurice  explains  Milton's  approval  of  the  execu- 
tion of  Charles  I.  in  these  words  :  "  Milton,  with  his  stern 
conception  of  the  awfulness  of  Law,  of  its  celestial  origin, 
could  rejoice  in  a  death  which  seemed  to  him  the  vindica- 
tion of  it,"  for  he  believed  with  all  his  soul  "  in  the  govern- 
ment of  a  King  of  kings."  * 

II.    THE  INTERNATIONAL  WORKMEN'S  ASSOCIATION. 

This  association,  designated  by  the  initials,  I.  W.  A., 
differs  in  a  few  particulars  only  from  the  I.  W.  P.  A.,  just 
described.  It  lays  greater  stress  on  education  and  is  some- 
what less  inclined  to  favor  violence  in  the  present,  holding 
that  a  revolution  in  the  minds  of  men  must  precede  the 
political  revolution.  Many  if  not  most  of  its  members 
are  state  socialists,  not  Anarchists.  A  union  between  the 
Black  and  Red  has  been  urged,  but  has  not  as  yet  been 
brought  about.  The  following  explanation  of  its  principles 
and  methods  is  taken  from  the  "  First  Report  of  the  Kansas 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics." 

"  To  print  and  publish  and  circulate  labor  literature ;  to  hold 
mass  meetings  ;  to  systematize  agitation ;  to  establish  labor  libra- 
ries, labor  halls,  and  lyceums  for  discussing  social  science ;  to 

1  Maurice,  1.  c.,  pp.  15,  16. 


252  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

maintain  the  labor  press ;  to  protect  members  and  all  producers 
from  wrong ;  to  aid  all  labor  organizations ;  to  aid  the  establish- 
ment of  unity  and  the  maintenance  of  fraternity  between  all 
labor  organizations  ;  to  bring  about  an  alliance  between  the  man- 
ufacturing and  agricultural  producers  ;  to  encourage  the  spirit  of 
brotherhood  and  inter-dependence  among  all  producers  of  every 
state  and  country;  to  ascertain,  segregate,  classify,  and  study 
the  habits  and  acts  of  their  enemies ;  to  secure  information  of 
the  wrongs  perpetrated  against  them,  and  to  record  and  circulate 
the  same ;  to  arouse  a  spirit  of  hostility  against  and  ostracism  of 
the  capitalistic  press;  to  prepare  the  means  for  directing  the 
coming  social  revolution  by  enlightening  public  opinion  on  the 
wrongs  perpetrated  against  the  producers  of  the  world ;  to  oblit- 
erate national  boundary  lines  and  sectional  prejudices,  with  a 
view  to  the  international  unification  of  the  producers  of  all 
lands;  and  to  eradicate  the  impression  that  redress  can  be 
obtained  by  the  ballot. 

"  The  Internationalists  believe  that  if  universal  suffrage  had 
been  capable  of  emancipating  the  working  people  from  the  rule 
of  what  they  call  the  *  loafing  classes,'  that  it  would  have  been 
taken  away  from  them  before  now,  and  they  therefore  have  no 
faith  in  the  ballot  as  a  means  of  righting  the  wrongs  under  which 
the  masses  groan,  because  the  *  district '  system,  the  division  of 
the  people  into  political  parties,  the  manipulation  of  primaries, 
caucuses,  and  elections,  the  use  of  money,  and  the  influence  of 
bourgeoisie  priests,  press,  and  politician  make  it  impossible  for 
real  and  honest  representatives  of  the  people  to  be  elected; 
because  no  means  exist  to  punish  or  recall  unfaithful  public 
servants ;  because  there  are  n«.  means  by  which  the  people  them- 
selves can  pass  such  laws  as  they  may  desire ;  because  participa- 
tion in  politics,  as  at  present  conducted,  not  only  corrupts  the 
leaders,  but  the  rank  and  file  as  well ;  because,  in  order  to  accom- 
plish their  aims,  it  is  necessary  that  in  the  hearts  and  minds  of 
the  people,  there  shall  be  developed  the  greatest  courage,  the 
loftiest  unselfishness,  and  the  most  heroic  devotion,  and  that  the 
'  dirty  pool  of  politics '  does  not  elevate  or  refine.  They  believe 
that  the  spoliation  of  the  producing  classes  can  only  be  termi 


THE  INTERNATIONALISTS.  253 

nated  by  a  bloody  and  universal  revolution ;  that  this  revolution 
will  be  precipitated  upon  them  by  the  ruling  class,  or  monopo- 
lists, as  soon  as  they  understand  that  the  producers  are  being 
educated  to  such  a  degree  as  to  make  their  continued  *  legal ' 
robbery  dangerous  to  themselves  and  their  institutions;  and 
they  hold  that  only  by  the  education  of  the  masses  can  they  gain 
their  social  and  economic  freedom.  They  therefore  declare  that 
their  first  duty  is  to  educate  the  masses;  to  prepare  for  the 
coming  universal  revolution,  and  to  endeavor  to  so  direct  it  that 
there  may  be  secured  as  its  results  a  system  of  co-operative 
society  which  will  insure  justice  to  all.  The  organization  is 
formed  on  the  '  group '  system ;  that  is,  any  person  who  sub- 
scribes to  these  principles  may  become  an  organizer.  He  organ- 
izes a  group  of  eight  besides  himself.  When  this  group  becomes 
thoroughly  conversant  with  the  principles  and  methods  of  the 
organization,  each  member  becomes  an  organizer  and  forms  a 
group  of  his  own  ;  and  this  goes  on  indefinitely.  North  America 
is  divided  into  ten  divisions,  the  Canadian,  the  British  Columbia, 
the  Eastern  States,  the  Middle  States,  the  Western  States,  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  the  Pacific  Coast,  the  Southern  States,  the 
Mexican,  and  the  Missouri  Valley.  Each  division  is  presided 
over  by  a  division  executive  of  nine  persons.  The  International 
was  organized  on  its  present  basis  on  July  15,  1881,  with  fifty- 
four  delegates,  representing  320  '  divisions,'  or  groups,  composed 
of  600,000  members.  The  countries  represented  were  France, 
Belgium,  Holland,  Germany,  Austria,  Italy,  Spain,  Switzerland, 
Russia,  Siberia,  Bulgaria,  Roumania,  Turkey,  Egypt,  England, 
Mexico,  and  the  United  States." 

This  I.  W.  A.  is  composed  chiefly  of  English-speaking 
laborers,  and  its  main  strength  is  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
Its  membership  is  probably  small,  and  fifteen  thousand  is  a 
generous  estimate. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE    PROPAGANDA    OF   DEED   AND   THE    EDUCA- 
TIONAL   CAMPAIGN. 

OUR  attention  must  now  be  devoted  to  an  inquiry  into 
the  means  by  which  the  Internationalists  propose  to 
attain  their  ends.  Having  abandoned  all  faith  in  the  ballot, 
their  present  method  is  to  sow  the  seeds  of  discontent,  bit- 
terness and  hate  in  the  minds  of  the  laborers  as  a  preparation 
for  that  violence  and  revolution  which  are  to  inaugurate  a 
new  era  of  peace  and  good-will  among  men.  The  following 
quotation  from  their  manifesto  makes  this  sufficiently  plain. 

"  Agitation  for  the  purpose  of  organization ;  organization 
for  the  purpose  of  rebellion.  In  these  few  words  the  ways 
are  marked  which  the  workers  must  take  if  they  want  to  be 
rid  of  their  chains,  as  the  condition  of  things  is  the  same  in 
all  countries  of  so-called  '  civilization.'  .  .  .  We  could  show 
by  scores  of  illustrations  that  all  attempts  in  the  past  to 
reform  this  monstrous  system  by  peaceable  means,  such  as 
the  ballot,  have  been  futile,  and  all  such  efforts  in  the  future 
must  necessarily  be  so  for  the  following  reasons  :  — 

"  The  political  institutions  of  the  time  are  the  agency  of 
the  property  class ;  their  mission  is  the  upholding  of  the 
privileges  of  their  masters ;  any  reform  in  your  own  behalf 
would  curtail  their  privileges.  To  this  they  will  not  and 
cannot  consent,  for  it  would  be  suicidal  to  themselves.  .  .  . 

"  There  remains  but  one  recourse  —  force  !  Our  fore- 
fathers have  not  only  told  us  that  against  despots  force  is 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  255 

justifiable,  because  it  is  the  only  means,  but  they  themselves 
have  set  the  immemorial  example." 

In  their  resume,  they  express  their  purpose  in  these 
words  :  "  Destruction  of  the  existing  class  rule,  by  all  means, 
i.e.,  by  energetic,  relentless,  revolutionary  and  international 
action." 

The  newspapers  of  the  Internationalists  proclaim  a  similar 
doctrine,  of  which  the  following  specimen  quotation  from 
Truth  may  serve  as  an  example  :  — 

"  It  is  beyond  doubt  that  if  universal  suffrage  had  been  a 
weapon  capable  of  emancipating  people,  our  tyrants  would 
have  suppressed  it  long  ago. 

"  Here  in  America,  it  is  proved  to  be  but  the  instrument 
used  by  our  masters  to  prevent  any  reforms  ever  being 
accomplished.  The  Republican  party  is  run  by  robbers  and 
in  the  interest  of  robbery.  The  Democratic  party  is  run  by 
thieves  and  in  the  interest  of  thievery.  Therefore  vote  no 
more." 

Further,  the  International  Labor  Association  which  met 
in  London  in  July,  1881,  declared  its  hostility  to  all  political 
action,  and  their  resolution  on  this  subject  was  printed  in 
Host's  Freiheit  with  approval.  It  is  also  in  keeping  with 
Host's  recent  advice  to  laborers  in  his  speeches. 

The  fact  is,  the  Internationalists  put  their  faith  in  dynamite 
and  other  explosives.  Dynamite,  a  cheap  product  and  the 
poor  man's  natural  weapon,  is  glorified,  and  songs  are  sung 
in  its  praise.  "  Hurrah  for  science  !  hurrah  for  dynamite, 
the  power  which  in  our  hands  shall  make  an  end  of  tyranny," 
is  the  sentiment  of  a  poem  entitled  "  Nihilisten  "  published 
in  the  Vorbote.  It  is  explained  that  powder  and  musket 
broke  the  back  of  feudalism  and  made  way  for  the  rule  of 
the  bourgeoisie.  Fire-arms  are,  however,  too  expensive  for 
the  proletariat,  but  just  as  the  proletariat  was  awaking  to  a 


256  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

consciousness  of  its  position,  in  the  very  nick  of  time,  dyna- 
mite was  discovered.  Consequently  such  squibs  as  these 
may  be  found  in  the  San  Francisco  Truth :  "  Truth  is  five 
cents  a  copy  and  dynamite  forty  cents  a  pound."  "  Every 
trade-union  and  assembly  ought  to  pick  its  best  men  and 
form  them  into  classes  for  the  study  of  chemistry." 

But  we  have  not  yet  come  to  the  worst ;  for  there  is  no 
conceivable  crime  or  form  of  violence  against  individuals  or 
masses  which  the  Internationalists  as  a  party  do  not  indorse, 
provided  these  crimes  and  acts  of  violence  aid  them  to  ac- 
complish their  ends.  Hypocrisy,  fraud,  deceit,  adultery, 
robbery,  and  murder  are  held  sacred,  when  beneficial  to  the 
revolution.  Not  every  individual  member  certainly  main- 
tains this  view,  but  it  is  upheld  unreservedly  by  the  extremists 
and  more  or  less  explicitly  by  their  leaders  and  journals. 
The  following  quotations  from  their  newspapers  supply 
abundant  proof. 

From  Truth :  "  War  to  the  palace,  peace  to  the  cottage, 
death  to  luxurious  idleness  ! " 

"  We  have  no  moment  to  waste.  Arm  !  I  say,  to  the 
teeth  !  for  the  Revolution  is  upon  you  !  "  * 

An  attack  on  Mr.  Abram  S.  Hewitt  concludes  with  these 
words :  "  Mr.  Hewitt  ought  to  be  turned  over  to  some  re- 
cruit, whose  services  will  be  paid  for  out  of  Patrick  Ford's 
emergency  fund." 

The  following  characteristic  sentiments,  a  distinct  revival 
of  Babouvism,  the  communistic  climax  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution, are  taken  from  one  of  their  papers :  "  Plundered  as 
we  are  by  the  proprietor  who  limits  our  air  and  light,  we 
must  come  forth  from  the  cellars  and  attics  in  which  our 
families  struggle  for  existence  and  establish  ourselves  in 
those  splendid  buildings  which  have  been  raised  at  the  cost 
1  Truth,  Nov.  17,  1883. 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  257 

of  so  much  toil  and  suffering,  and  in  those  spacious  apart- 
ments in  which  there  is  an  abundance  of  pure  air,  and  where 
the  sunlight  will  throw  its  life-giving  radiance  upon  our  little 
ones.  We  must  take  possession  of  the  great  warehouses  and 
stores  in  which  the  rich  man  now  finds  the  means  of  gratify- 
ing his  caprices,  and  lay  our  hands  for  the  common  good 
on  the  enormous  quantity  of  products  of  all  kinds  necessary 
for  our  nourishment  and  for  our  protection  from  the 
weather." 

Assassination  of  members  of  the  ruling  classes  is  thus 
spoken  of  in  one  of  their  journals.  "It  does  not  at  all 
appear  so  terrible  to  us  when  laborers  occasionally  raise  their 
arm  and  lay  low  one  and  another  of  this  clique  of  robbers 
and  murderers."  *  In  another  issue  of  the  same  paper  a 
writer  describes  the  circumstances  which  would  justify  the 
assassination  of  men  like  Gould  or  Vanderbilt : 2  "If  at 
present  a  man  should  kill  Jay  Gould  or  Vanderbilt  without 
special  occasion,  this  would  produce  a  very  unfavorable  im- 
pression, and  would  be  of  no  use  and  would  not  satisfy  the 
popular  sense  of  justice. 

"  If,  on  the  contrary,  a  railroad  accident  should  again 
happen  in  consequence  of  the  clearly  proved  criminal  greed 
of  these  monopolists,  and  many  men  should  be  killed  and 
crippled  thereby,  and  the  jury  should,  as  usual,  pro- 
nounce the  real  criminals,  Vanderbilt  or  Gould,  '  not  guilty,' 
and  the  husband  or  father  of  one  of  the  killed  or  one  of  the 
crippled  should  arise  and  obtain  justice  for  himself  in  the 
massacre  of  these  monsters  (diese  Scheusale),  a  cry  of  joy 
would  resound  through  the  whole  land,  and  no  jury  would 
sentence  the  righteous  executioner  ( Vollstrecker) .  .  .  . 
Whether  one  uses  dynamite,  a  revolver,  or  a  rope,  is  a  matter 
of  indifference." 

1  Vorbote,  Jan.  16,  1881.  2  April  14. 


258  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

The  Fackel,  German  for  torch,  is  a  most  dangerous-ap- 
pearing sheet,  inciting  by  its  very  appearance  to  incendi- 
arism. The  letters  of  the  title  die  Fackel  are  in  flames,  and 
are  printed  in  a  background  of  fire  and  smoke.  It  does  not 
look  like  the  torch  which  gives  light,  but  the  torch  which 
kindles  a  general  conflagration.1 

Lynching  is  advocated  by  these  journals,  and  admired  as, 
a  form  of  popular  justice.  One  writer  expresses 2  his  opinion 
in  this  manner :  "  Judge  Lynch  is  the  best  and  cheapest 
court  in  the  land ;  and  when  the  sense  of  justice  in  the  peo- 
ple once  awakes,  may  the  judge  hold  court  in  every  place, 
for  nowhere  is  there  a  lack  of  unhanged  honorables  and 
prominent  sharps." 

As  one  hundred  years  ago  in  France,  so  now,  revolution 
has  become  a  religion, — "our  religion,  the  grandest  religion 
that  ever  suffered  for  supporters  and  propagandists."  There 
are  those  ready  to  die  for  it,  as  there  were  in  the  great 
French  Revolution,  —  an  eternal  witness  to  the  need  of  the 
human  mind  for  some  form  of  religion,  and  a  proof  that  if 
a  worthy  one  is  not  accepted,  an  unworthy  one  is  sure,  sooner 
or  later,  to  force  its  entrance  into  the  longing  heart,  and  find 
there  a  capability  of  devotion  often  grand.  The  terrible 
condition  of  a  soul  which  has  thus  elevated  the  trinity  — 
envy,  hatred,  and  destruction — to  the  position  of  a  god  to 
be  served,  cannot  better  be  brought  home  to  the  reader  than 
by  means  of  a  quotation  from  the  Freiheit.  The  article  from 

1  I  have  been  informed  that  this  interpretation,  which  appeared  in  my 
Recent  American  Socialism,  and  has  since  then  been  often  repeated  by 
others,  is  an  error  on  my  part.    The  true  interpretation  I  did  not  under- 
stand, as  it  involved  some  old  German  symbolism,  about  which  I  knew 
nothing.     I  believe,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  drawing  for  the  title  was 
made  before  the  Fackel  became  an  advocate  of  violence. 

2  In  Die  Freiheit. 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  259 

which  it  is  extracted  is  called  "  Revolutionary  Principles," 
and  appeared  in  the  issue  for  March  18,  1883  : l  — 

"The  revolutionist  has  no  personal  interest,  concerns, 
feelings,  or  inclinations,  no  property,  not  even  a  name. 
Everything  in  him  is  swallowed  up  by  the  one  exclusive 
interest,  by  the  one  single  thought,  by  the  one  single  passion, 

—  the  revolution. 

"  In  the  depths  of  his  nature,  not  only  in  words,  but  also 
in  deeds,  has  he  fully  broken  with  the  civil  order,  with  the 
laws  currently  recognized  in  this  world,  with  customs,  morals, 
and  usages.  He  is  the  irreconcilable  enemy  of  this  world ; 
and  if  he  continues  to  live  in  it,  it  only  happens  in  order  to 
destroy  it  with  the  greater  certainty. 

"  The  revolutionist  despises  all  dogmas,  and  renounces  the 
science  of  the  present  world,  which  he  leaves  for  future 
generations.  He  knows  only  one  science,  namely,  destruc- 
tion. For  this  purpose,  and  for  this  alone,  he  studies  me- 
chanics, physics,  chemistry,  and  possibly  also  medicine. 
For  this  purpose,  he  studies,  day  and  night,  living  science, 

—  men,  characters,  relations,  —  as  well  as  all  conditions  of 
the  present  social  order  in  all  its  ramifications. 

"  He  despises  public  opinion.  He  despises  and  hates  the 
present  social  morality  in  all  its  leadings  and  in  all  its  mani- 
festations ;  for  him,  everything  is  moral  which  proves  the 
triumph  of  the  revolution,  everything  immoral  and  criminal 
which  hinders  it.  Severe  against  himself,  he  must  likewise 
be  severe  against  others.  Every  affection,  the  effeminating 
sensations  of  relationship,  friendship,  love,  gratitude,  all 
must  be  smothered  in  time  by  the  one  cold  passion,  the  revo- 
lutionary work.  For  him  there  is  only  one  pleasure,  one 

1  It  is  evidently  an  interpretation,  perhaps  slightly  changed,  of 
Bakounine's  "Revolutionary  Catechism."  Cf.  Laveleye's  "Socialism 
of  To-day,"  pp.  204,  205, 


^60  THE  LA$OR  MOVEMENT. 

comfort,  one  recompense,  —  the  success  of  the  revolution. 
Day  and  night  may  he  cherish  only  one  thought,  only  one 
purpose,  viz.,  inexorable  'destruction.  While  he  pursues  this 
purpose,  without  rest  and  in  cold  blood,  he  must  be  ready  to 
die,  and  equally  ready  to  kill  every  one  withjns  own  hands 
who  hinders  him  in  the  attainment  of  this  purpose.  .  .  . 

"  For  the  sake  of  unrelenting  destructioh,  the  revolutionist 
can,  and,  indeed,  often  must,  live  in  the  midst  of  society,  and 
appear  to  be  different  from  what  he  really  is.  The  revolu- 
tionist must  gain  access  to  the  higher  circles,  the  church,  the 
palace.  .  .  .  This  entire  lewd  official  society  is  divided  into 
several  categories.  The  first  consists  of  those  who  are  forth- 
with to  be  consecrated  to  Death"  —  and  much  more  like 
this. 

The  most  violent  society  in  America  has  recently  been 
formed,  and  has  issued  a  proclamation.  It  is  called  the 
Black  Hand,  and  its  purpose  is  immediate  violence.  A  few 
sentences  from  the  proclamation l  will  prove  instructive  : 2  — 

"THE  BLACK  HAND. 

"A    PROCLAMATION    ISSUED    BY    AN    AMERICAN    BRANCH. 
"BE  UP  AND  DOING. 

"  Fellow  workmen :  The  social  crisis  is  pointing  in  all  coun- 
tries of  modern  civilization  towards  a  fast  approaching  crisis. .  . . 
Only  through  daring  will  we  be  victorious.  .  .  . 

1  Published  in  Truth,  Jan.  26,  1884. 

2  This  is  the  comment  of  a  socialist  on  what  I  say  about  *he  Black 
Hand :  "  It  should  be  omitted,  as  there  did  never  exist  in  America  such 
a  thing  as  a  Black  Hand.     John  Most,  liking  sensation,  published  only 
an  appeal  for  forming  the  Black  Hand,  and  with  exception  of  a  few  fur- 
ther cranks,  there  was  never  an  organization  of  such  a  kind."     I  leave 
it,  though  the  fact  is,  I  believe,  correctly  stated  by  the  socialist.     It  is 
worth  something,  even  as  the  expression  of  the  ideas  of  a  very  few. 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  261 

"  The  masses  will  only  be  with  us  when  they  trust  us,  and 
they  will  trust  us  if  they  have  proofs  of  our  power  and  ability. 

"  WE  WILL  GIVE  THEM. 

"  This  involves  the  necessity  of  revolutionary  skirmishes,  of 
daring  deeds,  of  those  acts  which  are  the  forerunners  of  every 
great  revolution.  This  is  the  name  of  our  International  Organi- 
zation —  the  Black  Hand. 

"  Proletarians !  .  .  .  We  appeal  herewith  to  all  our  associates 
in  regard  to  the  propaganda  of  deed  in  every  form.  .  .  . 

"  War  to  the  Knife  ! 

"  The  Executive  of  the  Black  Hand." 

The  power  of  the  revolutionary  and  violent  socialists  in 
countries  where  they  exist  in  numbers,  is  a  kind  of  imperium 
in  imperio,  whose  leaders  regard  reverence  for  nationality  as 
worthy  to  rank  with  old  wives'  superstitions,  and  consider 
patriotism  a  criminal  weakness  unworthy  of  a  free  man.  This 
socialistic  imperium  is  therefore  thoroughly  cosmopolitan 
and  one  and  indivisible  in  all  parts  of  the  world ;  but  two  or 
more  of  its  chief  seats  are  evidently  in  America,  for  New 
York  and  still  more  Chicago  seem  entitled  to  such  a  posi- 
tion. 

The  Internationalists  look  at  their  power  as  an  imperium, 
loyalty  to  which  is  worthy  of  the  highest  praise,  and  they 
confer  distinguished  honor  upon  all  those  who  suffer  in  their 
cause.  Terms  are  used  whose  aim  is  to  pervert  the  mind 
and  blind  the  eyes  of  sympathizers  to  the  true  character  of 
their  deeds.  The  leaders  issue  their  decrees,  couched  in 
language  proper  to  the  civil  authorities  of  the  State,  and 
pass  "  sentence  of  death  "  upon  offenders.  Assassination  is 
called  "  execution,"  while  the  death  penalty,  when  inflicted 
upon  one  of  thejr  members  in  due  course  of  law,  is  called 
judicial  murder,  Thus  the  fulfilment  of  the  mandates  of 


262  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Anarchistic  committees  appear  as  righteous  to  those  intrusted 
therewith,  as  it  does  to  a  federal  marshal  to  assist  in  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States.  The  power 
in  New  York,  for  example,  sends  instructions  to  the  social- 
ists of  Vienna  in  1883,  admonishing  them  to  pass  over  to 
the  propaganda  of  deed  and  exterminate  the  Royal  House 
of  Austria  and  all  who  uphold  them,1  and  when  their  "  com- 
rades," Stellmacher  and  others,  murder  officers  of  the 
Viennese  police,  a  grand  demonstration  is  held  in  Irving 
Hall  in  New  York,  to  glorify  these  heroes  of  crime.2  The 
mind  of  man  has  conceived  no  out-pourings  of  cruel  vin- 
dictiveness  and  malignant  hate  which  surpass  the  utter- 
ance of  these  mad  souls,  which  one  is  tempted  to  believe 
are  the  spirits  of  the  lost  returned  to  torment  the  earth 
for  sin.  Most  tells  the  faithful  followers  that  what  has  hap- 
pened in  Austria  ought  not  be  called  murder,  because 
"  murder  is  the  killing  of  a  human  being,  and  I  have  never 
heard  that  a  policeman  was  a  human  being."  Then  he  goes 
on  to  say  that  spies  and  all  members  of  the  police  ought  to 
be  exterminated,  one  after  another,  they  all  long  ago  having 
been  declared  outlaws  by  every  decent  man.  "  With  shouts 
of  joy,"  continues  he,  "  does  the  proletariat  learn  of  such 
deeds  of  vengeance.  The  propaganda  of  deed  excites  in- 
calculable enthusiasm.  When  Hodel  and  Nobiling  shot  at 
the  accursed  Lehmann,3  there  were  indeed  those  among  the 
laborers  who  did  not  then  understand  those  brave  deeds, 
but  to-day  the  German  proletariat  has  only  one  objection  to 
raise  to  them :  viz.,  that  better  aim  was  not  taken.  ...  As 
for  America,  the  people  of  that  land  will  learn  one  day  that 
an  end  is  to  be  made  of  the  mockery  of  the  ballot,  and  that 

1  See  Die  Freiheit,  Feb.  24,  1883. 

2  See  Die  Freiheit,  Feb.  16,  1884. 
*  I.e.t  the  Emperor  William. 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  263 

the  best  thing  one  can  do  with  such  fellows  as  Jay  Gould 
and  Vanderbilt  is  to  hang  them  on  the  nearest  lamp-post."" 
Then  a  series  of  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted, 
expressing  sympathy  with  the  aims  of  the  Austrian  revolu- 
tionists, approving  of  their  means,  and  urging  them  to  spare 
no  life  which  stood  in  the  way  of  the  extinguishment  of  the 
aristocracy  and  bourgeoisie,  in  particular  to  destroy  the 
emperor.  The  comrades  were  told  that  they  must  make 
themselves  more  terrible  than  terror  itself.  The  resolutions 
closed  with  these  words  :  "  Brothers  !  Your  affair  is  that  of 
the  oppressed  against  their  tyrants.  It  is  not  the  affair  of 
Austria.  It  is  the  most  sacred  affair  of  the  people  of  all 
lands. 

"  Comrades,  we  applaud  most  heartily  your  acts  and  your 
tactics.  .  .  .  Kill,  destroy,  annihilate  your  aristocracy  and 
bourgeoisie  to  the  last  man. 

"  In  dealing  with  this  canaille,  show  neither  love  nor  pity, 
.  .  .  Vive  la  revolution  so  dale" 

At  the  door  a  collection  was  taken  up  to  form  a  "  revolu- 
tionary action-fund."  The  proceeds  were  stated  to  be 
thirty-six  dollars. 

When  the  wretched  August  Reinsdorf  was  executed  for  an 
attempt  on  the  life  of  the  German  emperor,  Most's  Freiheit 
appeared  with  a  heavy  black  border  about  the  first  page,  on 
which  was  an  engraving  of  this  "martyr,"  accompanied  by 
a  biographical  notice  in  which  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of 
an  immortal  hero  and  a  devoted  saint.  "  One  of  our  noblest 
and  best  is  no  more.  In  the  prison  yard  at  Halle  under  the 
murderous  sword  of  the  criminal  Hohenzollern  band,  on  the 
7th  of  February,  August  Reinsdorf  ended  a  life  full  of  battle 
and  of  self-sacrificing  courage,  as  a  martyr  to  the  great 
revolution.  All  who  knew  the  comrade  personally,  know 
what  this  loss  signifies.  Every  one  who  is  able  to  value 


264  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

manly  worth  and  self-sacrifice,  needs  only  to  know  how 
Reinsdorf  conducted  himself  before  the  court,  in  order  to 
possess  the  highest  regard  for  him  beyond  the  grave.  As 
for  us,  we  have  taken  Reinsdorf  into  our  heart  and  there 
he  will  remain  for  all  time."  Language  of  this  kind  is  con- 
tinued through  three  columns,  and  it  is  mentioned  with 
pride  that  Reinsdorf  had  been  connected  with  the  Freiheit 
from  the  beginning  of  its  existence.1 

It  might  be  supposed  that  these  Anarchists  would  have 
been  stricken  with  remorse  when  they  heard  the  news  of  the 
horrible  dynamite  explosions  in  London  in  January,  1885, 
but  their  consciences  had  already  been  seared  as  with 
a  hot  iron,  and  the  editor  of  Liberty  had  the  audacity  to 
write  such  words  as  these  :  "  It  is  glorious  news  that  comes 
to  us  from  England ;  sad  enough  if  it  were  unnecessary,  sad 
enough  that  it  should  be  necessary,  but  having  been  made 
necessary  by  its  victims,  none  the  less  joyful  and  glorious. 
The  dynamite  policy  is  now  definitely  adopted  in  England, 
and  must  be  vigorously  pushed  until  it  has  produced  the 
desired  effect  of  abolishing  all  the  repressive  legislation  that 
denies  the  freedom  of  agitation  and  discussion,  which  alone 
can  result  in  the  final  settlement  of  social  questions  and 
make  the  revolution  a  fixed  fact.  ...  An  explosion  that 
should  blow  every  atom  of  the  English  Parliamentary  Build- 
ings into  the  Thames  River  ought  to  be  as  gratifying  to 
every  lover  of  liberty  as  the  fall  of  the  Bastile  in  1789. 
.  .  .  Why,  by  endangering  the  lives  of  innocent  people, 
alienate  the  sympathy  of  many  who  would  appreciate  and 
applaud  a  prompt  visitation  of  death  upon  a  Gladstone 
immediately  after  the  passage  of  a  Coercion  Act?  .  .  . 
How  much  better  and  wiser  and  more  effective  in  this  re- 
spect the  course  of  the  Russian  and  German  Terrorists? 
1  Die  Freiheit,  Feb.  14,  1885. 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  265 

Witness,  for  instance,  the  telling  promptness  with  which  the 
police  commissioner  Rumpff  was  found  dead  on  his  door- 
step the  other  day,  just  after  he  had  accomplished  the  death 
sentence  of  the  brave  Reinsdorf  and  his  anarchistic  com- 
rades?  I  commend  this  relentless  directness  to  the  Irish 
dynamiters." l 

While  the  European  practices  of  the  revolutionists  have 
not  as  yet  been  adopted  in  America,  they  themselves  claim 
that  our  respite  is  a  short  one,  since  they  are  waiting  for 
an  opportune  moment  to  begin  the  tactics  of  violence,  and 
the  favorable  time  is  expected  in  a  very  near  future.2 

While  one  method  of  preparing  for  the  revolution  is,  as 
is  seen,  the  propaganda  of  deed,  as  the  use  of  dynamite  and 
personal  violence  to  individuals  are  euphemistically  termed, 
another  is  the  "  Educational  Campaign "  which  accom- 
panies it  and  which  some  even  of  the  Anarchists  think 
ought  to  precede  it,  though  the  tendency  now  is  strongly  in 
the  direction  of  immediate  action. 

In  the  last  days  of  the  newspaper  Truth,  its  incessant  cry 
was  the  "  Educational  Campaign  "  which  was  considered 
the  pressing  need  of  the  moment.  It  was  urged  that  tracts 
be  published,  existing  journals  encouraged,  new  ones  founded, 
and  teachers  sent  out  into  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth  to 
spread  the  doctrines  of  socialism  far  and  near.  Instructions 
to  agitators  were  published,  of  which  the  following  are  sam- 
ples :  — 

"  Bring  right  home  to  him  [the  wage-worker]  the  ques- 
tion of  his  servitude  and  poverty.  .  .  . 

"  Create  disgust  with,  and  rebellion  against,  existing 
usages,  for  success  lies  through  general  dissatisfaction. 

"  The  masses  must  have  something  to  hate.  Direct  their 
hatred  to  their  condition." 

1  Liberty,  Jan.  31,  1855.         2  See  Die  Freiheit,  Feb.  18,  1884. 


266  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

These  instructions  and  others  like  them  are  now  being 
carried  out  by  the  propagandists  of  anarchy.  "  Groups  " 
are  formed  to  which  text-books  constituting  a  course  of 
study  in  socialism  are  recommended.  It  is  urged  that 
members  of  existing  groups  continue  the  work  by  formation 
of  new  groups  of  seven  or  eight  or  more,  and  that  these 
latter  in  similar  manner  carry  forward  the  movement  which 
thus  becomes  self-propagating. 

The  ingenuity  displayed  in  nourishing  hate  is  remarkable. 
A  number  of  Truth  published  two  years  ago  contained 
the  bill  of  fare  of  a  rich  man's  dinner,  which  laborers  are 
advised  to  cut  out  and  paste  on  their  "  old  tin  coffee-pot  at 
home."  Long  and  apparently  accurate  lists  of  rich  men  in 
the  chief  cities  of  the  United  States  are  published  with 
headings  like  this  :  — * 

"  DOLLARS. 
"  More  men  in  the  United  States  who  have  robbed  us. 

"  THE  GRAND  LARCENISTS  OF  AMERICA. 

"  THE  PEOPLE  WHO  HAVE  LEGALLY  STOLEN  THE  UNPAID 

WAGES  OF  THE  WORKERS. 

«« [Official.] 

"  Headquarters  Division  Executive,  Pacific  Coast  Division, 
International  Workmen's  Association,  San  Francisco.  [Supple- 
ment to  Circular  No.  10,  Series  B.,  1883]." 

This  also  marks  out  the  rich  men  for  attention  in  the 
upheaval  for  which  they  are  preparing.  Perhaps  they  will 
be  turned  over  to  "  recruits  "  to  be  paid  out  of  emergency 
funds  now  being  collected,  unless,  indeed,  these  should  in 
the  meanwhile  mysteriously  disappear;  which  fate,  it  is 
said,  has  ere  this  overtaken  certain  Irish  emergency  funds. 

While  the  labor  leaders  and  the  labor  press  generally  con- 
demn these  sentiments  of  the  Internationalists  in  terms  of 
1  Truth,  Jan.  16,  1884. 


THE  PROPAGANDA    OF  DEED.  267 

merited  severity,  and  while  they  are  happily  abhorrent  to 
the  vast  mass  of  our  laboring  population,  a  serious  mistake 
is  sometimes  made  by  writers  who  would  only  call  attention 
to  existing  wrongs  and  to  the  dangers  of  enormous  fortunes, 
and  yet  do  so  in  language  which  is  too  likely  to  arouse 
merely  envy  and  hate.  More  care  ought  to  be  exercised  in 
this  regard.  If  the  cause  of  some  of  these  most  unfortunate 
expressions,  indeed,  is  to  be  found  in  the  evil  passions  of  the 
human  heart,  which  no  one  can  deny  to  be  at  least  occasion- 
ally the  case,  those  who  utter  them  ought  to  begin  a  work  of 
reform  at  once  within  their  own  souls,  for  they  can  never 
exert  a  thoroughly  good  influence  until  their  own  natures 
are  actuated  by  right  feelings. 

The  writer  of  a  poem  on  Vanderbilt's  wealth  which 
appeared  in  John  Swinton's  paper  of  Oct.  28,  1883,  may 
himself  perhaps  have  been  animated  only  with  the  wish 
to  arouse  the  attention  of  the  careless  and  indifferent  to 
what  he  believed  to  be  evil  in  our  social  system ;  yet  there 
is  reason  to  fear  that  those  who  read  such  productions  are 
more  harmed  than  benefited  by  them.  The  poem  is  enti- 
tled "  Wm.  H.  Vanderbillion,  the  song  to  be  sung  in  the 
Reign  of  the  Billionaire.  Song  of  the  Billionaire." 

The  following  are  three  stanzas  :  — 

"  I'm  a  bloater,  I'm  a  bloater, 

By  my  millions  all  are  dazed; 
I'm  a  bloater,  I'm  a  bloater, 

On  the  '  water '  I  have  raised ! 
***** 

*  I'm  a-drumming,  I'm  a-drumming 

Up  the  millions,  right  or  wrong; 
I'm  a-coming,  yes,  a-coming, 

With  a  thousand  millions  strong ! 


268  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

"  I'm  a-nursing,  fondly  nursing 

Well  my  wealth  in  coffers  crammed; 
Public  's  cursing,  loudly  cursing, 

But '  the  public  may  be  damned  1 ' M 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE    SOCIALISTIC   LABOR   PARTY. 

THE  "Manifesto  of  the  Congress  of  the  Socialistic 
Labor  Party,"  held  at  Baltimore  in  December,  1883,* 
contained  these  principles  which  had  been  unanimously 
adopted  as  the  result,  both  of  their  own  researches  and  of 
the  studies  of  their  brothers  in  Europe : 

"  Labor  being  the  creator  of  all  wealth  and  civilization,  it 
rightfully  follows  that  those  who  labor  and  create  all  wealth 
should  enjoy  the  full  result  of  their  toil.  Therefore  we 
declare :  . 

"  That  a  just  and  equitable  distribution  of  the  fruits  of 
labor  is  utterly  impossible  under  the  present  system  of  soci- 
ety. This  fact  is  abundantly  illustrated  by  the  deplorable 
condition  of  the  working  classes,  which  are  in  a  state  of  des- 
titution and  degrading  dependence  in  the  midst  of  their 
own  productions.  While  the  hardest  and  most  disagreeable 
work  brings  to  the  worker  only  the  bare  necessaries  of  life, 
others  who  labor  not  riot  in  labor's  production.  We  further- 
more declare : 

"  That  the  present  industrial  system  of  competition,  based 
on  rent,  profit-taking,  and  interest,  causes  and  intensifies 
this  inequality,  concentrating  into  the  hands  of  a  few  all 
means  of  production,  distribution,  and  the  results  of  labor, 

1  A  platform  somewhat  different  was  adopted  at  the  Fifth  National 
Convention  held  in  Cincinnati  in  October  (5-8),  1885.  This  will  be 
found  in  the  Appendix. 


270  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

thus  creating  gigantic  monopolies  dangerous  to  the  people's 
liberties ;  and  we  further  declare  : 

"  That  these  monster  monopolies  and  these  consequent 
extremes  of  wealth  and  poverty  supported  by  class  legisla- 
tion, are  subversive  of  all  democracy,  injurious  to  the  na- 
tional interests,  and  destructive  of  truth  and  morality.  This 
state  of  affairs,  continued  and  upheld  by  the  ruling  political 
parties,  is  against  the  welfare  of  the  people. 

"  To  abolish  this  system,  with  a  view  to  establish  co-oper- 
ative production,  and  to  secure  equitable  distribution,  we 
demand  that  the  resources  of  life,  namely  land,  the  means 
of  production,  public  transportation,  and  exchange  become 
as  fast  as  practicable  the  property  of  the  whole  people." 

The  form  of  society  which  the  members  of  the  Socialistic 
Labor  Party  desire  is  quite  different  from  the  voluntary  asso- 
ciation of  the  Anarchist,  since  they  are  unable  to  understand 
how  there  can  be  social  ownership  of  capital,  rational  pro- 
duction in  the  interest  of  all,  and  an  equitable  distribution  of 
products  without  control  or  regulation.  Consequently  they 
are  not  opposed  to  the  state  in  itself  (an  sicJi),  but  wish  to 
substitute  the  socialistic  state,  the  people's  state,  for  the 
present  state-form.  Combatting  anarchy  and  individualism, 
they  are,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  socialists.  While 
they  believe  in  the  state,  they  do  not  think  that  national 
boundaries  should  constitute  barriers  to  combined  action, 
either  now  or  hereafter,  but  hold  that  the  interests  of  the 
mass  of  humanity  are  one  in  all  lands  of  civilization.  The 
moderates  are  as  strictly  internationalists  in  theory  and  feel- 
ing as  the  members  of  the  party  bearing  that  name,  and,  in 
fact,  more  nearly  resemble  the  old  International  of  Marx 
in  their  organization. 

The  Socialistic  Labor  Party  is  composed  of  local  sections, 
of  which  there  may  be  only  one  in  any  city,  although  this 


THE  SOCIALISTIC  LABOR  PARTY.  273 

one  may  be  subdivided  into  "  branches."  The  head  of  the 
party  is  a  "  National  Executive  Committee,"  which  is,  how- 
ever, in  some  respects,  subject  to  a  Board  of  Supervisors. 
The  final  decision  of  conflicts,  of  course,  rests  with  the 
members  of  the  party,  who  manifest  their  wishes  by  their 
votes.  A  wide  sphere  of  action  is  also  reserved  for  their 
conventions  or  congresses  which  meet  every  two  or  three 
years. 

In  opposition  to  the  "  reds,"  the  "  blues  "  enforce  the 
necessity  of  unity  in  organization  as  the  indispensable  pre- 
liminary of  harmonious  activity.  The  workmen  isolated,  it 
is  held,  can  accomplish  nothing,  but  combined  in  a  closely 
united  whole  they  can  carry  everything  before  them  and  re- 
construct the  world.  "  Fellow- workmen,"  thus  the  laborers 
are  addressed  in  their  manifesto,  "you  must  rally  in  one 
great  invincible  phalanx,  if  you  hope  to  gain  a  foot  of 
ground." 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  this  party  of  socialists  is  also  a 
political  party,  which  has  in  times  past  taken  an  active  part 
in  politics,  in  a  few  cases  electing  their  candidates,  and 
which  hopes  for  greater  success  in  the  future,  though  only 
a  few  of  them  indulge  the  hope  that  their  reforms  can  be 
accomplished  peaceably  by  the  ballot.  But  they  advise 
participation  in  politics  because  they  regard  it  as  an  educa- 
tional aid,  bringing  their  principles  before  the  people  and 
thus  becoming  a  useful  means  of  propagandism.  It  is  also 
considered  helpful  in  securing  an  efficient  organization  of 
their  own  party.  "  Universal  suffrage  must  be  regarded  as 
a  weapon  in  battle,  not  as  a  means  of  salvation." 1  Again, 
the  ballot  is  the  best  visible  evidence  of  strength,  and  the 
growth  which  it  registers  must  encourage  adherents  to  re- 
newed efforts  for  an  extension  of  their  principles.  They 
1Der  Sozialist,  Jan.  24,  1885. 


272  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

appear  to  hope  further  that  it  may  assist  them  in  securing 
certain  reforms  not  incompatible  with  existing  economic  in- 
stitutions. But  this  is  not  all.  As  the  laborers  gain  political 
power,  they  will  attempt  to  use  it  in  their  own  behalf; 
and  the  ruling  classes,  it  is  thought,  not  being  able  to  con- 
sent to  this,  will  rebel  and  bring  on  the  revolution,  which  is 
expected  in  the  end. 

The  difference  between  the  two  parties  in  respect  to  revo- 
lution, then,  is  this :  the  Internationalists  desire  to  begin  the 
revolution  and  do  not  shrink  from  an  active  initiative  in 
deeds  of  violence.  This  the  moderates  regard  as  madness, 
holding  that  a  revolution  comes  in  the  natural  course  of  evo- 
lution and  cannot  be  "  made."  The  Socialistic  Labor  Party 
believes  in  peaceful  agitation  and  lawful  means  in  behalf  of 
their  principles  until  their  enemies  force  the  struggle  upon 
them ;  as  their  manifesto  puts  it,  — 

"  We  must  expect  that  our  enemies  —  when  they  see  our 
power  increasing  in  a  peaceful  and  legal  way  and  approach- 
ing victory  —  will  on  their  part  become  rebels,  just  as  once 
did  the  slave-holders,  and  that  then  the  time  will  come,  for 
the  cause  of  labor,  when  that  old  prime  lever  of  all  revolu- 
tions, FORCE  .  .  .  must  be  applied  to,  in  order  to  place  the 
working  masses  in  control  of  the  state,  which  then  for  the 
first  time  will  be  the  representative,  not  of  a  few  priv- 
ileged classes,  but  of  all  society.  .  .  .  We  surely  do  not 
participate  in  the  folly  of  those  men  who  consider  dynamite 
bombs  the  best  means  of  agitation  to  produce  the  greatest 
revolution  that  transpired  in  the  social  life  of  mankind.  We 
know  very  well  that  a  revolution  in  the  brains  of  men  and 
the  economical  conditions  of  society  must  precede,  ere  a 
lasting  success  can  be  obtained  in  the  interest  of  the  working 
classes." 

The  doctrine  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  is  not  that  it 


THE  SOCIALISTIC  LABOR  PARTY.  273 

is  necessary  to  secure  unanimity  of  opinion,  or  even  the  ad- 
herence of  the  majority  before  their  principles  can  be  estab- 
lished, but  they  think  it  essential  that  a  large  leaven  of 
socialism  and  a  very  general  understanding  of  their  principles 
should  precede  the  successful  revolution.  It  is  believed  that 
uprisings  will  occur  without  their  intervention,  and  these 
they  hope  to  be  able  to  guide.  They  desire  to  raise  up 
leaders  for  the  proletariat  who  may  seize  on  the  fruits  of 
upheavals  in  society ;  for  they  argue  that  after  the  masses 
have  hitherto  accomplished  revolutions,  the  lack  of  intelli- 
ligent,  determined  leaders  with  definite  aims  has  enabled 
others  to  step  in  and  enjoy  the  advantages  purchased  by  the 
blood  of  the  toiling  many.  Thus  the  bourgeoisie  captured 
the  French  Revolution.  They  do  not  mean  that  this  shall 
occur  again. 

The  moderates  expect  the  laborers,  in  the  one  way  or  the 
other,  to  gain  the  political  power  of  the  state,  which  they  will 
then  use  to  reconstruct  the  state,  both  politically  and  eco- 
nomically, in  the  interest  of  the  entire  people.  The  state, 
they  hold,  is  now  a  capitalistic  state,  because  the  small  but 
well-organized  class  of  capitalists  virtually  rule  the  large 
but  divided  class  of  wage-workers,  who  constitute  four-fifths 
of  the  population,  and  because  they  do  this  in  such  manner 
as  to  promote  their  own  welfare  at  the  expense  of  the  masses. 
The  struggle  for  power  hitherto,  it  is  maintained,  has  been 
a  class-struggle,  and  the  result  has  always  been  the 
triumph  of  a  class  in  a  class-state.  The  conflict  is  still 
between  classes,  the  only  two  great  remaining  classes,  namely, 
between  capitalists  and  laborers.  This  has  been  the 
course  of  development  up  to  the  present  time,  and  there  is 
no  reason  to  quarrel  with  it.1  It  were  as  wise  to  get 

1 1  trust  it  is  sufficiently  plain  that  I  am  simply  endeavoring  to  pre- 
sent the  opinions  of  others,  not  my  own. 


274  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

angry  with  the  laws  of  motion.  But  the  evolution  of  pre- 
ceding ages  is  soon  to  terminate  in  a  higher  product  than 
the  world  has  yet  seen,  for  when  the  masses  obtain  power 
there  will  be  constituted  for  the  first  time  not  a  class-state, 
not  a  form  of  society  designed  to  benefit  any  groups  of  indi- 
viduals, but  the  true  people's  state,  the  folk-state,  designed 
to  elevate  all  alike. 

It  is  maintained  that  democracy,  to  be  real,  must  be  eco- 
nomic as  well  as  political,  and  it  is  this  kind  of  democracy 
which  it  is  desired  to  establish.  An  inconsistency  is  discov- 
ered in  the  democracies  of  the  present  age,  which  grant  equal- 
ity in  political  affairs  without  any  attempt  to  realize  justice 
in  distribution  of  products.  But  this  logical  contradiction 
is  regarded  as  even  worse  than  it  appears  at  first  sight,  from 
the  fact  that  economic  servitude  renders  political  equality  a 
deceit,  a  snare  for  the  unwary,  since  those  who  control  the 
means  of  life  control  the  votes.  Thus,  a  disastrous  climax 
is  reached,  —  the  equality  of  all  men  is  proclaimed,  and  then 
the  hopes  raised  are  frustrated  by  the  restriction  of  this 
equality  to  the  political  sphere  of  action;  but  it  does  not 
rest  with  this  curtailment,  as  indirect  means  are  soon  dis- 
cerned for  robbing  the  people  of  even  political  equality. 
Democracy  thus  becomes  a  simulacrum. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  add  much  to  what  has  already  been 
said  in  explanation  of  their  economic  ideas,  which,  indeed, 
are  not  peculiar.  These  socialists  believe  in  a  universal 
system  of  co-operation,  extending  itself  over  the  entire 
civilized  world,  and  embracing,  doubtless,  in  the  end,  those 
countries  which  are  not  now  so  far  advanced  as  to  be 
included  within  the  regions  of  civilization.  The  means  of 
production,  the  basis  of  co-operative  labor,  are  to  be  the 
property  of  the  people  as  a  whole,  —  like  the  post-office  in 
the  United  States  now,  and  railroads  and  telegraph  lines  in 


THE  SOCIALISTIC  LABOR  PARTY.  275 

other  lands,  —  and  the  products  for  consumption  are  to  be 
distributed  "  equitably,"  which  can  be  differently  interpreted 
according  to  one's  notions  of  justice.  Some  would  doubtless 
say  "  according  to  deeds,"  which  is  socialism  ;  others,  "  ac- 
cording to  needs,"  which  might  better  be  called  com- 
munism. 

The  Socialistic  Labor  Party,  composed  of  abler  and  better- 
educated  men,  is  far  more  decent  than  the  International. 
Its  adherents  do  not  indulge  to  the  same  extent  in  the  so- 
called  "  strong  phrases  "  of  the  Internationalists,  which  mean 
vulgar  blackguardism  such  as  would  cause  a  Billingsgate  fish- 
woman  to  hang  her  head  in  envious  shame.  Again,  they  do 
not  take  such  an  extreme  attitude  in  regard  to  religion  and 
the  family,  neither  of  which  is  mentioned  in  their  manifesto, 
though  the  Sozialist,  their  official  organ,  has  rejected  all 
supernatural  religion.  The  abandonment  of  all  hope  of  a 
union  with  the  extremists  has  had  a  most  salutary  effect  upon 
the  moderates.  It  is  likely  that  before  the  separation  became 
final,  the  better  men  of  the  party  tolerated  much  of  which 
they  must  inwardly  have  disapproved,  in  order  not  to  estrange 
their  more  violent  brethren. 

The  adherents  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  do  not  regard 
the  present  state  as  so  utterly  bad  that  it  is  not  worth  while 
to  advocate  specific  reforms  at  once,  among  which  their 
manifesto  of  1883  mentions  the  following:  "Bureaus  of 
Labor  Statistics,  Reduction  of  the  Hours  of  Labor,  Abolition 
of  Contract  Convict  Labor,  Employers'  Liability  Law,  Pro- 
hibition of  Child  Labor,  Compulsory  Education,  Factory, 
Mine,  and  Workshop  Inspection,  Sanitary  Inspection  of  Food 
and  Dwellings,  and  Payment  of  Wages  in  Cash."  They  also 
frequently  demand  the  referendum,  as  in  Switzerland,  and 
such  arrangements  as  are  calculated  to  give  the  people  an 
initiative  in  legislation.  Such  constitutional  changes  are  ad- 


276  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

vocated  as  will  abolish  the  Senate,  and  substitute  a  federal 
council,  as  in  Switzerland,  for  our  presidency. 

The  three  most  prominent  organs  of  the  moderates  are 
Der  Sozialisf,  the  official  weekly  already  mentioned,  started 
Jan.  3,  1885,  the  Philadelphia  Tageblatt,  and  the  New 
Yorker  Volkszeitung,  a  daily,  which  also  issues  a  weekly  and 
a  Sunday  edition.  The  Volkszeitung  is  in  its  eighth  year,  and 
is  decidedly  the  cleanest  and  ablest  socialistic  sheet  in  the 
United  States.  A  similar  newspaper  in  the  English  language, 
called  the  Voice  of  the  People,  was  started  early  in  1883.  It 
appeared  as  a  weekly,  but  promised  a  daily  edition,  which 
remained  an  unfulfilled  hope,  while  even  the  weekly  soon 
died. 

An  attempt  is  being  made  to  win  English-speaking  follow- 
ers, and  the  National  Executive  Committee  advertises  six 
pamphlets  and  a  series  of  socialistic  tracts  in  the  English 
language.  An  English  organ  is  contemplated.  Some  prog- 
ress has  been  made  in  winning  English-speaking  adherents 
to  the  party,  and  large  success  has  met  their  efforts  to  diffuse 
their  ideas  among  the  laboring  classes ;  but,  as  the  Sozialist 
frankly  acknowledges,  they  are  still  a  "  German  colony,  a 
branch  of  the  German  social  democracy."  Indeed,  one  bond 
of  union  holding  them  together  is  their  interest  and  active 
participation  in  the  election  of  members  to  the  Imperial 
Parliament  of  Germany. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

THE   STRENGTH    OF   REVOLUTIONARY   SOCIALISM 
ITS    SIGNIFICANCE.1 

THE  character,  aims,  and  methods  of  the  parties  rep- 
resenting socialism  in  America  have  now  been  de- 
scribed, but  a  yet  unanswered  question  is,  What  have  we  to 
fear  from  them  ? 

The  first  step  in  the  reply  to  this  query  is  the  ascertain- 
ment of  their  strength.  While  it  is  extremely  difficult  to 
make  even  an  approximate  estimate,  and  more  than  this  is 
impossible,  there  are  several  indications  of  the  extent  of 
their  power  which  must  be  noticed. 

One  of  these  signs  is  their  press.  The  number  of  papers 
already  enumerated  is  considerable,  and  others  might  be 
mentioned.  Starkweather  and  Wilson,  in  their  pamphlet, 
give  three  lists  of  journals.  The  first  includes  those  which 
are  "  socialistic,"  and  under  this  head  sixteen  journals  are 
mentioned,  of  which  three  are  dailies.  The  second  list  is 
composed  of  ten  "  semi-socialistic  "  newspapers,  of  which 
two  appear  daily.  "  Socialistically  inclined  "  periodicals  to 
the  number  of  eight  constitute  the  third  class.  While  some 
of  the  journals  enumerated  have  ceased  to  appear,  new  ones 
have  sprung  up  to  take  their  place.  It  is  a  point  worthy  of 
note  that  a  tireless,  persistent  effort  is  making  to  disseminate 
the  most  radical  views  by  means  of  a  press  which  appears, 

1  In  the  perusal  of  this  chapter  it  should  be  remembered  that  there 
are  peaceful  as  well  as  violent  revolutions. 


278  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

on  the  whole,  to  be  increasing  in  power.  The  larger  number 
of  pronounced  socialistic  papers  belong  to  the  extremists, 
which  may  be  considered  as  ominous  an  indication  as  the 
fact  that  they  appear  in  all  sections  of  the  country,  not  ex- 
cluding those  which  are  supposed  to  offer  the  most  favorable 
opportunities  to  the  laborer.  Denver,  Col.,  sends  us  the 
Labor  Enquirer,  with  the  motto,  "  He  who  would  be  free 
himself  must  strike  the  blow  "  ;  and  not  long  ago  the  Tocsin, 
a  Herald  of  the  Coming  Revolution,  rang  out  no  uncertain 
war-cry  in  Dallas,  Tex.  The  only  one  of  the  parties  hav- 
ing an  English  official  organ  is  the  International,  with  its 
Alarm ;  while  the  Voice,  representing  the  Socialistic  Labor 
Party,  a  comparatively  modest  and  decent  newspaper,  failed 
for  lack  of  support. 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  strength  of  the  socialistic 
newspapers.  As  already  stated,  the  Vorbote,  the  oldest  of 
them,  is  in  its  twelfth  year.  Their  advertising  patronage  is 
often  fair,  which  would  seem  to  indicate  a  respectable  circu- 
lation. Truth  claimed  a  circulation  of  six  thousand,  which 
must  be  placed  over  against  the  fact  that  it  finally  ceased  to 
appear  for  lack  of  sufficient  support  and  the  proprietor's 
statement  that  he  sank  twelve  thousand  dollars  of  his  own 
money  in  the  concern.  The  Sozialist  in  its  fourth  number 1 
claimed  3,389  subscribers,  in  addition  to  five  hundred  cop- 
ies sent  in  response  to  inquiries  and  distributed  to  different 
news  companies.  The  strongest  socialistic  newspaper  in 
the  country  is  the  New  Yorker  Volkszeitung,  which  has  been 
already  mentioned.  It  is  claimed  that  the  three  editions  of 
this  journal  together  have  a  circulation  of  over  thirty  thou- 
sand, which  is  larger  than  that  of  any  other  German  news- 
paper in  the  country  with  the  single  exception  of  the 
Staatszeitung  of  New  York. 

1  Jan.  24,  1885. 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.        279 

But  we  must  not  confine  ourselves  to  journals  nominally 
socialistic  in  our  attempts  to  estimate  the  influence  of  the 
press  in  the  diffusion  of  socialism  among  American  laborers. 

There  are  several  organs  of  trades-unions  which  advocate 
the  general  principles  of  socialism,  although  they  do  not  make 
that  their  chief  concern,  for  their  aim  is  first  of  all  to  pro- 
mote the  interest  of  their  particular  trades.  Among  these 
may  be  mentioned  Der  Hammer,  the  official  organ  of  the 
Metal  Workers'  Union  of  North  America;  the  Deutsch- 
Amerikanische  Baecker-Zeitung,  the  organ  of  the  Journey- 
man Bakers'  Union ;  the  Furniture  Workers'  Journal,  the 
official  organ  of  the  International  Furniture  Union ;  Prog- 
ress, the  official  organ  of  the  Cigar  Makers'  Progressive 
Union.  The  Carpenter,  the  official  organ  of  the  Brother- 
hood of  Carpenters  and  Joiners,  and  some  other  papers,  are 
described  by  the  Sozialist  as  "  well  on  the  road  to  social- 
ism," but  this  is  a  doubtful  expression.  A  person  who 
recognizes  the  full  strength  of  socialism  and  acknowledges 
the  good  there  is  in  it,  and  yet  sees  clearly  its  weakness, 
may  be,  and  often  is,  further  from  an  acceptance  of  that 
economic  system  than  its  most  pronounced  but  bigoted 
opponent.  Many  of  the  labor  papers,  however,  open  their 
columns  for  a  free  discussion  of  socialism  as  well  as  of  other 
questions  of  the  day,  and  thus  give  an  opportunity  for  the 
presentation  of  socialistic  opinions,  while  taking  no  definite 
position  either  for  or  against  them.  A  few  are  undoubtedly 
socialistic,  even  when  they  do  not  take  the  position  of 
formal  advocates.  Such  is  the  Workmen's  Advocate  of  New 
Haven.  The  Irish  World  and  Industrial  Liberator,  which 
is  said  to  have  an  immense  circulation,  has  been  claimed  as 
an  exponent  of  socialism,  but  with  how  much  truth  I  am 
unable  to  say.  Finally,  it  must  be  noticed  that  foreign 
journals  like  Le  Socialiste  of  Paris  and  Der  Sozial-Demokrat, 


280  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  official  organ  of  the  German  social  democracy,  published 
in  Zurich,  Switzerland,  circulate  to  a  limited  extent  among 
our  French  and  German  laborers.  Several  organs  of  social- 
ism have  recently  begun  to  appear  in  England,  like  the 
Christian  Socialist,  the  monthly  To  Day,  and  the  weekly 
Commonweal,  to  which  the  English  poet,  Morris,  contrib- 
utes regularly.  These  come  to  our  country  and  are  read  by 
a  few.  The  English  organ  of  the  Anarchists,  called  the 
Anarchist,  also  finds  its  way  to  our  shores,  but  its  circulation 
in  the  United  States  is  doubtless  limited. 

Nevertheless,  it  cannot  be  said  that  either  socialism  or  an- 
archism has  a  strong  press  in  this  country,  and  it  is  to  be 
noticed  as  a  welcome  sign  that  the  moderate  socialists  con- 
trol both  the  most  influential  organ  and  a  larger  number  of 
newspapers  than  the  extremists.  Indeed,  it  may  be  said 
that  outside  of  their  own  organs  the  Anarchists  and  Inter- 
nationalists control  at  most  the  general  policy  of  but  two  or 
three  labor  newspapers.  The  Miners'  journal,  of  Scam- 
monville,  Kan.,  was  mentioned  two  years  ago  in  Liberty  as 
the  first  instance,  so  far  as  the  editor  could  call  to  mind, 
of  a  newspaper  "  published  in  the  interest  of  a  special  class 
of  workers  and  pointing  them  to  complete  liberty  as  their 
only  hope." 

The  socialists  in  Germany  almost  universally  believe  in 
the  ballot  and  participate  in  elections  very  generally,  so  that 
the  results  of  the  elections  for  members  of  the  Imperial 
Parliament  give  one  some  notion  of  their  strength  and  of 
their  progress.  It  was,  for  example,  a  reliable  indication  ot 
growth  when  the  social-democrats  sent  twenty- four  members 
to  the  German  Parliament  in  the  fall  of  1884,  while  up  to  that 
time  they  had  never  elected  more  than  thirteen  representa- 
tives. But  in  this  country  a  large  part  of  the  socialists  hav- 
ing abandoned  the  use  of  the  ballot  as  a  means  of  agitation, 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.       281 

the  fact  that  they  have  achieved  little  success  as  politicians 
is  not  so  significant,  and  the  constantly  recurring  elections 
give  no  gauge  with  which  to  measure  their  growth. 

While  there  may  have  been  those  in  Congress  who  sympa- 
thized with  many  of  their  teachings,  the  socialists  have  never 
had  a  representative  in  that  body  who  was  elected  nominally 
as  their  candidate.  They  have,  however,  elected  municipal 
councillors  in  Chicago,  and  have  elsewhere  gained  a  few 
victories  through  the  ballot-box.  In  1879  four  socialistic 
aldermen  were  elected  in  that  city,  and  the  party's  candidate 
for  mayor  received  twelve  thousand  votes.  Three  of  their 
candidates  for  the  House  of  Representatives  and  State 
Senate  of  Illinois  were  elected  the  same  year.  In  1878 
they  went  into  the  field  in  Ohio  with  a  State  ticket,  which 
received  over  twelve  thousand  votes,  and  this  seems  to  have 
been  their  high-water  mark  in  politics  in  that  State.  The 
following  year  their  State  ticket  in  New  York  received  ten 
thousand  votes,  or  less,  and  this  discouraged  them.1 

At  their  last  congress,  in  Baltimore,  1883,  the  Socialistic 
Labor  Party  reported  the  existence  of  thirty-eight  "  sec- 
tions" which  were  united  in  the  central  organization,  in 
addition  to  a  few  independent  sections.  Rapid  progress 
appears  to  have  been  made  since  then,  however,  as  fifty- 
eight  "  sections  "  publish  notices  of  their  places  and  days  of 
meeting,  in  the  Sozialist  for  March  7,  1885,  and  seventy- 
two  in  the  issue  for  July  3,  1886.  There  is  no  means  of 
obtaining  the  exact  number  of  members  in  each  section. 
The  one  in  New  York  seems  to  be  quite  large,  as  it  is  com- 
posed of  four  branches,  and  Branch  One  recently  numbered 
two  hundred  and  seventy-five  members,  while  there  were 
thirty  applicants  for  membership.  But  most  of  the  sections 

1  Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  National  Convention,  held  in 
Allegheny,  Pa.,  1879-80. 


282  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

are  evidently  small,  and  the  total  number  of  enrolled 
names  can  be  safely  estimated  as  under  ten  thousand. 
This  is,  however,  comparatively  a  small  matter.  These 
sections  are  simply  gathering  points  for  the  more  ardent 
promoters  of  the  cause.  It  has  been  recently  stated  that 
there  were  twenty-five  thousand  adherents  of  the  party  in 
New  York,  and  if  I  wished  to  venture  a  guess,  —  a  rash  thing 
to  do,  —  I  should  say  that  there  might  be  half  a  million 
adherents  of  the  general  principles  of  moderate  and  peace- 
ful socialism  in  the  United  States. 

The  several  unions  whose  organs  have  already  been  men- 
tioned in  this  chapter  are  composed  largely  of  socialists,  and 
there  are  socialists  in  all  the  labor  organizations.  This  could 
not  be  otherwise,  for  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  expect  a 
labor  organization  to  refuse  admission  to  a  workman,  otherwise 
unexceptionable,  because  he  held  a  certain  theory  of  indus- 
trial society  which  might  not  accord  with  the  opinions  of 
the  majority.  It  must  also  be  remembered  that  socialists 
who  are  fired  with  missionary  zeal  join  the  organization  pur- 
posely to  make  converts  to  their  faith.  Again,  when  various 
theories  of  government  are  discussed  earnestly  by  men  whose 
circumstances  render  them  comparatively  unprejudiced,  it 
is  in  the  nature  of  things  that  some  should  adopt  one  set  of 
ideas,  and  some  another,  and  there  is  no  cause  of  alarm  in 
this.  The  intellectual  stagnation  which  would  follow  the 
cessation  of  debate  and  discussion  is  something  far  more  to 
be  dreaded. 

The  Declaration  of  Principles  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
means,  undoubtedly,  socialism,  if  one  draws  the  logical  con- 
clusion of  these  statements,  and  one  might  be  inclined  to 
class  them  all  as  socialists  at  once  ;  but  this  would  be  a  serious 
mistake.  They  do  not  bring  their  socialism  forward  promi- 
nently; many  do  not  even  see  that  their  principles  imply 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.        283 

socialism ;  some  of  them  are  violently  opposed  to  the  theory 
itself,  and  many  more  to  the  name ;  while  some  do  not  think 
at  all  on  the  subject.  I  imagine  the  best  thinkers  among 
them  might  object  to  a  classification  of  the  Knights  as  social- 
ists somewhat  in  these  words :  "  Yes,  our  Declaration  of 
Principles  undoubtedly  means  socialism,  but,  after  all,  it  is 
not  fair  to  call  us  socialists,  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the 
word.  Like  John  Stuart  Mill,  we  contemplate  socialism  only 
as  a  dim  and  distant  ideal,  but  not  as  anything  capable  o{ 
realization  in  the  present." 

What  is  said  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  holds  equally  with 
reference  to  the  North  American  Gymnastic  Union,  although 
it  may  be  that  the  socialism  of  this  body  is  more  pronounced. 
Some  of  the  local  unions  are  avowedly  socialistic. 

The  theory  of  the  inalienable  right  of  the  people  to  the 
original  properties  of  the  soil,  as  advocated  by  Henry  George 
in  his  remarkable  book,  "  Progress  and  Poverty,"  cannot  be 
omitted  in  an  account  of  American  socialism,  although  the 
realization  of  the  plans  of  George  and  his  followers  would 
inaugurate  only  a  partial  socialism,  not  complete  or  pure 
socialism.  It  is  proposed  that  society  should  resume  owner- 
ship of  the  soil  by  a  tax  equal  to  the  rental  value  of  land. 
The  revenues  obtained  are  to  be  used  to  benefit  the  people 
as  a  whole,  and  this  would  involve  an  enormous  increase  of 
State  functions  along  certain  lines.  I  believe  the  ownership 
of  the  means  of  communication  and  transportation  is 
regarded  by  Henry  George  as  an  essential  part  of  his  theory. 
It  must  be  noticed  that  the  intervention  of  government  would 
be  decreased  in  many  fields  of  industry,  inasmuch  as  all  taxa- 
tion, except  that  on  land,  would  be  abolished.  This  feature 
of  the  theory  may,  perhaps,  commend  it  to  manufacturers. 
"  Progress  and  Poverty  "  has  not  been  published  ten  years, 
yet  it  is  now  possible  to  affirm  without  hesitation  that  the  ap- 


284  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

pearance  of  that  one  book  formed  a  noteworthy  epoch  in  the 
history  of  economic  thought  both  in  England  and  America. 
It  is  written  in  an  easily  understood  and  brilliant  style,  is 
published  in  cheap  editions  both  in  England  and  America, 
and  in  each  country  has  attained  a  circulation  which  for  an 
economic  work  is  without  precedent.  Tens  of  thousands  of 
laborers  have  read  "  Progress  and  Poverty  "  who  never  before 
looked  between  the  covers  of  an  economic  book,  and  its 
conclusions  are  widely  accepted  articles  in  the  workingman's 
creed.  But  there  is  reason  to  think  that  the  number  of  ad- 
herents outside  of  the  laboring  classes  is  relatively,  quite  as 
large.  Men  of  all  occupations  are  included,  —  manufac- 
turers, lawyers,  merchants,  physicians,  divines.  An  organ- 
ization for  the  realization  of  the  principles  of  "  Progress 
and  Poverty"  has  been  formed,  called  the  "Tax  Reform 
League."  Several  newspapers,  including  at  least  one  daily, 
support  the  theory  of  "  Tax  Reform,"  as  it  is  inadequately 
but  rather  euphemistically  called. 

Mention  must  further  be  made  of  the  fact  that  socialists 
not  connected  with  any  party  are  found  in  all  ranks  of  soci- 
ety. One  comes  upon  them  everywhere,  —  in  the  theological 
seminary,  in  the  law  school,  in  the  merchant's  counting- 
room,  in  the  manufacturer's  office ;  and,  though  all  together 
they  constitute  a  small  fraction  of  the  people,  one  whose  atti- 
tude is  not  such  as  to  repel  all  confidence  will  be  surprised 
to  find  so  many.  College  graduates  are  "included  among 
the  socialists,  and  (I  mention  it  for  what  it  is  worth)  I  am 
inclined  to  think,  judging  from  such  observations  as  I  have 
been  able  to  make,  that  those  institutions  of  learning  will 
be  found  to  turn  out  the  most  socialists  where  the  students 
are  taught  so  to  abhor  it  that  any  frank  and  full  discussion 
of  its  merits  and  its  defects  becomes  impossible. 

Socialism  has  made  but  slight  progress  among  agricul- 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.       285 

turists ;  yet  the  ground  is  ripe  for  it  in  parts  of  this  country. 
A  gentleman  of  most  careful  habits  of  observation,  and  a 
representative  of  the  class  of  large  landholders  in  Illinois, 
assures  the  writer  that  although  there  is  no  organized  social- 
ism or  understanding  of  any  theoretical  body  of  socialistic 
doctrines  among  the  agricultural  laborers  in  his  State,  three- 
fourths  of  them  are  in  such  a  frame  of  mind  as  to  be  easy 
converts  even  to  quite  radical  socialism.  Wherever  there 
are  latifundia,  agricultural  laborers  will  be  found  accessible 
to  the  arguments  of  socialists.  It  has  been  the  case  in 
Spain  and  Italy,  and  there  is  reason  to  fear  that  it  will  prove 
to  be  so  in  our  own  West  to  an  even  more  alarming  extent  in 
future  years.1 

The  reader  now  has  the  more  important  data  used  in  my 
estimate. 

Passing  on  to  the  Internationalists,  it  may  be  safely 
said  that  no  one  knows  their  precise  strength.  There 
are  groups  in  every  part  of  the  United  States;  but  the 
ties  connecting  them  are  so  loose  that  there  is  no  reason 
to  think  that  even  the  "  Bureau  of  Information  "  could  have 
ever  given  the  location  of  all  of  them,  much  less  the  total 
number  of  their  adherents.  It  is  possible  that  each  of  the 
two  parties  of  the  Internationalists  may  have  embraced  ten 
or  fifteen  thousand  members,  including  all  conected  with 
them  by  even  a  loose  tie,  and  quite  likely  there  are  two  or 
three  hundred  thousand  people  among  us  who  sympathize 
with  their  general  aims. 

It  is  frequently  stated  that  we  have  nothing  to  fear  from 
socialism,  because  most  socialists  in  America  are  foreigners. 
What  is  the  significance  of  this  fact  ?  It  means  something, 
but  not  so  much  as  a  superficial  observer  would  suppose. 
We  did  not  have  socialists  of  our  present  type  in  the  earlier 
1  See  Laveleye's  "  Socialism  of  To-day,"  pp.  222,  23* 


286  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

period  of  our  history,  because  the  socialism  of  to-day  is  itself 
something  new.  This  theory  of  society,  which  is  now  a 
subject  of  much  grave  anxiety  to  the  civilized  world,  is 
scarcely  forty  years  old.  The  conditions  were  not  ripe  for  it 
in  other  countries  in  earlier  ages,  much  less  in  the  United 
States.  To-day  one  of  the  principal  reasons  why  our  social- 
ists are  for  the  most  part  foreigners  is  because  our  laboring 
population  consists  chiefly  of  men  and  women  of  foreign 
birth  or  foreign  parentage,  and  the  bulk  of  socialistic  parties 
is  always  composed  of  working  people.  Some  lines  of  pro- 
duction in  industrial  centres  are  almost  entirely  carried  on 
by  laborers  of  European  birth  or  parentage.  Is  there  any- 
thing in  our  institutions  to  change  the  sentiments  of  our 
laboring  classes,  and  to  induce  them  to  abandon  socialism  ? 
Let  us  indulge  in  no  illusions.  There  is  no  valid  reason  to 
suppose  that  a  republican  form  of  government  is  in  itself  less 
congenial  to  socialism  than  a  monarchical ;  and  if  socialists 
disappear  in  the  United  States,  it  will  be  something  else  than 
our  existing  political  institutions  which  will  bring  about  this 
consummation.  They  are  far  more  likely  to  increase  than 
decrease  in  number  as  population  grows  denser,  and  the  try- 
ing times  prophesied  by  Macaulay  and  Huxley *  come  upon 
us.  Nevertheless,  there  is  ground  for  the  hope  that  in  time 
the  violent  hostility  of  Anarchists  to  the  most  cherished  pos- 
sessions of  our  civilization  will  become  less  pronounced  in 
America.  American  workmen  will  sooner  or  later  perceive 
that  the  Christian  Church  is  not  hostile  to  their  just  aspira- 
tions, but  rather  their  best  friend.  There  is  much  that  is 
cheerful  and  promising  in  the  present  awakening  of  our 
churches  to  their  duty  to  those  for  whose  benefit  Christianity 
was  specially  proclaimed  in  the  first  days  of  its  history. 
Europeans  coming  to  our  shores  will  yet  learn  that  a  state 
1  In  his  opening  address  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  in  1876. 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.       287 

church,  supported  as  the  tool  of  despotism,  is  one  thing,  and 
that  the  Gospel  of  Christ  is  quite  another  thing.  Second,  it 
may  be  anticipated  that  republican  institutions  will  teach 
those  who  enjoy  them  that  there  are  better  methods  than 
violence  of  securing  the  reforms  which  the  people  really  de- 
sire. Third,  the  determined  effort  to  reform  our  divorce  laws, 
and  purify  and  elevate  the  family,  which  is  now  making,  will 
show  that  over-hasty  conclusions  drawn  from  corrupt  and 
rotten  society  are  erroneous,  —  at  any  rate,  if  there  are  the 
capabilities  for  good  in  the  American  character  which  we 
all  hope. 

"  From  socialism,  as  such,  the  American  people,  in  the 
writer's  opinion,  have  nothing  to  fear.  So  long  as  socialists 
confine  themselves  to  peaceful  methods  there  is  no  reason 
why  their  right  of  free  speech  should  be  abridged  or  even 
feared.  It  were  wiser  to  seek  to  learn  anything  from  them 
which  they  have  to  teach  than  to  become  alarmed.  It  is 
the  glory  of  America  that  she  has  faith  to  believe  that  only 
such  institutions  as  rest  upon  sound  common  sense  and 
approved  experience  will  be  supported  by  the  people." 1 

There  are  several  reasons  for  this  opinion.  Peaceful  social- 
ism can  be  introduced  only  by  degrees  in  a  slow  and  gradual 
growth,  and  we  are  so  far  from  it,  that  some  advocates,  like 
Lassalle  and  Rodbertus,  speak  about  a  full  realization  of 
their  aims  after  the  expiration  of  two,  three,  and  even  five 
hundred  years.  Now,  if  our  descendants,  generations  hence, 
are  convinced,  as  a  result  of  successive  experimental  steps, 
that  pure  socialism  is  the  best  industrial  form,  it  certainly 
need  give  us  no  concern,  and  it  were  foolish  to  pass  a  single 
sleepless  night  in  lamentations  over  the  prospect.  We  all 
hope  that  our  children's  children, — in  short,  all  future  genera- 

1  Quoted  from  my  article  on  "  Socialism  in  America  "  in  the  North 
American  Review  for  June,  1886. 


288  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

tions,  —  will  be  even  more  capable  than  their  ancestry  to  man- 
age the  affairs  of  their  own  age.  Second,  socialism,  when 
stripped  of  all  accessories,  is  simply  a  theory  of  industrial 
society,  and  if  it  could  be  shown  that  it  is  a  better  form  of 
economic  life  than  our  present  imperfect  system,  it  ought  to 
be  welcomed  most  heartily.  I,  for  my  part,  do  not  believe 
that  this  is  true  ;  but  I  fail  to  see  any  valid  reason  why  a  man 
who  thinks  so  should  be  subject  to  reproach.  On  the  con- 
trary, I  see  great  harm,  possibilities  of  terrible  disaster  in 
any  serious  attempt  to  suppress  free  and  open  inquiry,  and 
to  drive  error  into  those  gloomy  and  subterranean  channels, 
where  it  grows  and  expands  in  a  congenial  atmosphere  until 
it  breaks  forth  in  volcanic  eruptions. 

Finally,  the  really  dangerous  forces  at  work  among  us  are 
those  of  disintegration,  —  the  centrifugal  not  the  centripetal. 
Now,  the  whole  aim  and  purpose  of  socialism  is  a  closer 
union  of  social  factors,  and  so  thoroughly  convinced  am  I 
that  the  present  need  is  growth  in  that  direction,  so 
thoroughly  persuaded  am  I  that  there  is  no  present  danger, 
that  we  shall  advance  far  enough  towards  the  goal  of  socialism 
to  intrench  on  the  sphere  of  the  individual,  or  to  commit 
any  irreparable  injury,  that  I  could  almost  say  welcome  the 
work  of  the  socialist  as  a  necessary  and  beneficial  bulwark 
against  the  anarchy  of  individualism.1 

1  The  members  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  realize  full  well  that 
they  have  little  in  common  with  the  Anarchists.  A  pamphlet  has 
recently  been  published  by  the  National  Executive  Committee  of  this 
party,  entitled  "Socialism  and  Anarchism  —  Antagonistic  Opposites." 
In  the  first  paragraph,  the  writer  says:  "Socialism  and  anarchism  are 
opposites.  .  .  .  Socialists  and  Anarchists,  as  such,  are  enemies.  They 
pursue  contrary  aims,  and  the  success  of  the  former  will  forever  destroy 
the  fanatical  hopes  of  the  latter."  The  Socialists  are  weak  in  Chicago 
because  the  Anarchists  are  strong.  They  claim  that  if  they  had  had  more 
influence  in  that  cky,  the  horrible  tragedy  of  May  4  would  never 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.       289 

But  if  socialism  in  itself  is  not  to  be  feared,  quite  the 
opposite  is  the  case  with  respect  to  the  violence  of  the 
Internationalists. 

It  is  evident  that  there  is  no  danger  in  any  near  future,  — 
probably  not  in  the  lifetime  of  any  who  read  this,  —  of  a  total 
overthrow  of  republican  institutions  in  this  land.  Giving 
the  men  of  violence  credit  for  all  the  forces  they  can  pos- 
sibly claim,  they  could  muster  under  their  banners  only  a 
comparatively  small  part  of  the  population,  and  this  com- 
posed of  men  scattered  from  Maine  to  California,  and  from 
Michigan  to  Georgia,  and  chiefly  raw,  undrilled  laborers, 
without  competent  leaders,  or  the  resources  which  are  the 
sinews  of  war.  But  does  it  consequently  follow  that  they 
could  do  no  serious  damage?  Let  him  who  thinks  so 
remember  the  loss  of  life  and  property  in  1877,  the  latter 
estimated  at  not  less  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 
Now  that  is  exactly  what  we  have  to  fear,  another  1877  ;  and 
this  is  precisely  that  for  which  the  Anarchists  are  preparing. 
It  is  a  refrain  which  one  finds  repeatedly  in  all  their  publi- 
cations :  "  Get  ready  for  another  1877  —  buy  a  musket  for  a 
repetition  of  1877."  "Buy  dynamite  for  a  second  1877." 
"  Organize  companies  and  drill,  to  be  ready  for  a  recurrence 
of  the  riots  of  1877." 

Truth,  in  its  number  for  Dec.  15,  1883,  published  an 
article  entitled  :  "  Street  Fighting.  —  How  to  use  the  Military 
Forces  of  Capital  when  it  is  Necessary  !  —  Military  Tactics 
for  the  Lower  Classes."  It  purports  to  be  written  by  an 
officer  in  the  United  States  army,  and  a  military  authority 
informs  the  writer,  that  the  substance  of  this  article,  although 
possessing  little  merit,  is  not  of  such  a  character  as  to  render 
this  impossible.  It  suggests  new  methods  of  building  barn- 
have  occurred.  It  is  true  that  they  have  condemned  every  proposal  of 
such  acts  as  madness. 


290  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

cades,  and  improved  methods  of  meeting  attacking  troops. 
Numerous  and  apparently  reasonable  diagrams  are  given. 
"  Military  knowledge,"  says  the  officer  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  "  has  become  popularized  a  little  even  since 
1877,  and  it  would  not  be  hard  to  find,  in  every  large  city  of 
the  world  to-day,  upon  the  side  of  the  people,  some  fair 
leaders  capable  of  meeting  the  enemy  in  some  such  way  as 
this."  Then  follows  one  of  the  diagrams. 

The  Vorbote  has  recently  published  a  series  of  articles  on 
the  arming  of  the  people.  One  sentiment  often  repeated 
is  this  :  "  We  have  shown  too  much  mercy  in  the  past.  Our 
generous  pity  has  cost  us  our  cause.  Let  us  be  relentless  in 
the  coming  struggle." 

Truth,  in  its  issue  dated  Nov.  3,  1883,  quotes  Fe"lix 
Pyat  to  this  effect :  "  We  have  the  right,  we  have  the  power ; 
defend  it,  employ  it !  without  reserve,  without  remorse, 
without  scruples,  without  mercy.  .  .  .  War  to  the  extreme, 
to  the  knife.  A  question  of  life  or  death,  for  one  of  the  two 
shall  rest  on  the  spot.  .  .  .  For  the  good  of  the  people,  iron 
and  fire.  All  arms  are  human,  all  forces  legitimate,  and  all 
means  sacred.  We  desire  peace;  the  enemy  wants  war. 
He  may  have  it  absolutely.  Killing,  burning  —  all  means 
are  justifiable.  Use  them ;  then  will  be  peace  !  " 

The  revolutionists  claim  that  while  the  first  1877  took 
them  unawares,  they  will  be  armed  to  the  teeth  and  ready 
for  the  second,  which  will  usher  in  the  dawn  of  a  new  civili- 
zation. It  is  surprising  that  many  of  them  in  their  fury  and 
fanaticism,  expect  the  present  generation  will  not  pass  away 
until  all  their  dreams  are  fulfilled,  and  not  one  stone  of  our 
old  civilization  is  left  on  another.  There  is  no  doubt  about 
their  terrible  earnestness.  One  of  them  addressed  recently 
an  epistle  to  the  writer,  demanding  of  him  whether  in  the 
coming  conflict  he  would  be  found  fighting  on  the  side  of 


STRENGTH  OF  ^EVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM,     291 

the  oppressed  or  the  oppressor,  —  "  on  the  side  of  socialism 
or  capitalism."  In  fact,  a  very  little  association  and  famil- 
iarity with  the  socialists  is  sufficient  to  convince  one  of  their 
earnestness,  as  well  as  of  the  fact  that  property  does  not,  by 
any  means,  invariably  make  conservatives  of  men. 

Now  can  there  be  any  doubt  about  the  seriousness  of  the 
situation  ?  If  it  were  known  that  one  thousand  men,  like  the 
notorious  train  robbers,  the  James'  boys,  were  in  small 
groups  scattered  over  the  United  States,  would  not  every 
conservative  and  peace-loving  householder  be  filled  with 
alarm,  and  reasonably  so  ?  Yet  here  we  have  more  than  ten 
times  that  number  educated  to  think  robbery,  arson,  and 
murder  justifiable,  nay,  even  righteous ;  taught  to  believe  the 
slaughter  of  the  ruling  classes  a  holy  work,  and  prepared  to 
follow  it  with  all  the  fanaticism  of  religious  devotion,  ready 
to  die  if  need  be,  and  prepared  to  stifle  all  feelings  of  grati- 
tude and  natural  affection,  and  to  kill  with  their  own  hands 
every  opponent  of  the  grand  cause.  It  is,  indeed,  as  Presi- 
dent White  has  pointed  out,  an  anomaly  in  our  legislation, 
that  it  is  lawful  for  a  man  like  John  Most  to  preach  whole- 
sale massacre,  while  it  is  criminal  for  A  to  incite  B  to  slay  C. 
And  this  Most l  is  the  lion  among  the  extremists  in  the 
United  States ;  this  man  who,  on  account  of  his  excessive 
violence,  was  repudiated  by  his  own  countrymen,  and  almost 
unanimously  expelled  from  the  social  democratic  party  of 
Germany.  There  are  those  who,  when  extensive  and  riotous 
strikes  again  occur,  will  remember  the  teachings  which  are 
entering  into  their  flesh  and  blood,  yes,  into  their  very  soul, 
and  will  take  their  muskets  and  their  dynamite,  and  "  descend 

1  Most  continued  to  sink  in  the  estimation  even  of  the  Anarchists,  — 
even  still  more  of  the  laboring  classes,  by  whom  he  had  always  been 
abhorred,  —  until  his  imprisonment  which  has  done  a  little  —  not 
much  —  to  restore  him  to  favor. 


292  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

into  the  streets,"  and,  thinking  the  great  day  has  arrived, 
will  cast  about  right  and  left,  and  seek  to  demolish,  to  anni- 
hilate all  the  forces  and  resources  of  wealth  and  civilization.1 
While  the  result  will  be  their  inevitable  defeat,  it  will  cause 
sorrow  and  bloodshed  to  the  defenders  of  our  institutions, 
as  well  as  to  the  rebels,  and  will  drive  further  apart  than  ever 
before  in  this  land,  the  two  great  classes  of  industrial  society, 
—  employers  and  employees. 2 

What  we  have  to  fear  then  is  large  loss  of  life,  estrange- 
ment of  classes,  incalculable  destruction  of  property,  and  a 
shock  to  the  social  body,  which  will  be  a  serious  check  to  our 
economic  growth  for  years  to  come. 

Something  more  serious  still  is  among  the  possibilities,  for 
it  should  be  understood  that  the  civilization  of  modern  times 
will  be  subjected  to  severer  tests  than  those  which  have 
overthrown  the  glory  of  ancient  states.  It  has  been  sup- 
posed that  the  accumulations  of  knowledge,  of  culture,  of 
wealth  could  no  longer  be  annihilated,  because  gunpowder 
and  the  implements  of  modern  warfare  have  rendered  it  im- 
possible for  savages  and  barbarians  to  vanquish  advanced 
nations.  This  is  true,  but  false  is  the  not  overwise  conclu- 
sion so  often  drawn  from  this  fact,  that  uninterrupted  prog- 
ress of  the  race  for  all  future  time  is  a  certainty.  It  is  not 
always  easy  to  read  aright  the  lessons  of  human  history ;  but 
plain  and  clear,  and  unquestioned  do  the  annals  of  the  past 

1  At  such  a  time,  even  one  man  may  do  vast  damage. 

2  This  entire  paragraph  is  re-printed,  without  the  change  of  a  word, 
from  my  "Recent  American  Socialism,"  which  was  written  early  in 
1885.     I  think  there  has  already  been  a  partial  realization  of  the  fears 
there  expressed.     Of  course,  the   Chicago  massacre  occurs   to  every 
one ;   but  those  regions  in  America  where  there  has  been  most  violence 
in  connection  with  recent  strikes,  have  been  precisely  those,  so  far  as 
I  know,  which  have  been  most  under  the  influences  of  the  ideas  of  the 
Internationalists, 


STRENGTH  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  SOCIALISM.    293 

reveal  a  power  which  "  makes  for  righteousness,"  and  which 
—  call  it  what  we  will  —  passes  judgment  on  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  and  dooms  those  to  decay  and  destruction  which 
have  ceased  to  help  onward  the  growth  of  mankind.  The 
moment  advance  stops,  the  seeds  of  final  overthrow  begin 
to  take  root  in  the  soil.  Now,  I  apprehend  that  what  has 
been  true  of  the  past  will  hold  good  for  the  future.  I 
believe  that  Almighty  God  —  for  thus  do  most  of  us  call  the  \ 
supreme  power  revealed  in  history — still  judges  the  nations 
of  earth,  and  exacts  more  from  them  than  ever  before,  be- 
cause of  their  grander  opportunities.  The  dangers  which 
threaten  civilization  have  not  disappeared ;  their  nature  has 
changed.  No  longer  do'  they  proceed  from  without,  but 
from  within.  Our  foes  are  those  of  our  own  household. 
Threatening  disasters  are  domestic,  not  foreign. 

The  beginning  of  the  wonderful  inventions  of  the  past  four 
centuries  was  accompanied  by  equally  marvellous  discoveries 
of  new  and  comparatively  unoccupied  lands  —  notably  the 
entire  Western  Hemisphere.  The  march  of  civilization  con- 
tinued its  westward  course,  and  first,  in  our  day,  is  it  begin- 
ning to  double  on  itself.  The  Occident  and  the  Orient  now 
touch ;  growth  has  been  extensive ;  now  that  the  room  for 
expansion  is  disappearing,  it  must  become  intensive  ! 1  Pop- 
ulation becomes  denser,  and  at  the  present  rate  of  increase 
will,  in  a  few  generations,  present  a  crowded  appearance  all 
the  earth  over ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  the  power  of  one 
man  to  do  injury  is  increasing  with  alarming  rapidity. 

Again,  the  vicious  character  of  certain  elements  which 
congregate  in  cities,  is  proverbial,  and  their  viciousness  grows 
with  their  opportunities.  Did  not  Bismarck,  indeed,  long 
ago  express  the  wish  that  all  great  cities,  because  hot-beds  of 
revolution,  should  be  swept  off  the  surface  of  the  earth ! 
1  Africa,  as  a  field  for  settlement,  may  delay  or  turn  the  tide  a  little. 


294  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

We  have  found  security  in  this  country  in  the  large  number  of 
rural  homes  but  these  diminish  relatively  with  the  growth  of 
great  cities,  and  it  is  precisely  this  growth  which  has  char- 
acterized American  progress.  In  1790,  3.3  per  cent  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States  lived  in  cities;  in  1880, 
22.5  ;  in  1800,  there  were  six  American  cities  with  a  popula- 
tion of  8,000,  or  more;  in  1880,  286.  From  1790  to  1880, 
our  entire  population  increased  twelve-fold,  but  our  urban 
population,  eighty-six-fold.  The  growth  of  cities  has  not 
been  peculiar  to  the  United  States,  but  has  been  common  to 
the  civilized  world.  It  lies  in  the  nature  of  our  civilization, 
and  can  be  retarded  by  no  weak  and  foolish  outcries.  It  is 
part  and  parcel  of  our  economic  development,  and  as  such, 
is  certain  to  continue  in  the  future.  Every  new  railway, 
every  mechanical  invention,  every  improved  industrial  pro- 
cess, concentrates  the  population  in  cities. 

This  is  not  written  to  excite  undue  alarm,  but  to  call 
attention  to  the  nature  of  forces  now  at  work  in  the  world. 
There  are  many  hopeful  signs.  The  truth,  in  a  single  sen- 
tence, is  this  :  the  potentialities  in  the  civilized  world,  either 
for  good  or  for  evil,  are  grand  beyond  historical  precedent, 
and  the  use  made  of  them  depends  largely  upon  the  intel- 
lectual enlightenment  and  the  ethical  elevation  of  the  pres- 
ent generation. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE   REMEDIES. 

NOW  arises  that  old  question,  What  shall  we  do  about 
it?  Well,  there  is  no  simple,  easily  applied  formula 
which  will  cure  social  evils,  and  any  one  who  pretends  to 
have  at  his  command  a  panacea  for  the  ailments  of  the 
body  politic,  is  a  quack  worthy  of  no  respect. 

Certainly  it  cannot  be  my  purpose,  in  the  few  remaining 
pages  of  the  present  book,  to  present  an  elaborate  scheme 
of  social  regeneration.  My  aim  is  a  more  modest  one.  It 
is  only  to  give  a  few  suggestions,  scarcely  more  than  hints, 
which  may  be  useful  to  the  reader,  enabling  him  to  contribute 
to  a  better  utilization  of  the  world's  experience,  and  of 
established  rules  of  moral  conduct. 

First  of  all,  it  is  a  time  for  those  men  to  keep  quiet,  who, 
little  in  heart  and  mind,  have  no  better  remedy  for  social 
phenomena  which  do  not  please  them,  than  physical  force. 
They  fail  absolutely  to  understand  the  age  in  which  they 
live,  and  will  involve  us  all  in  ruin,  if  allowed  to  execute  their 
savage  plans.  This  applies  equally  to  men  of  all  social 
classes.  Nevertheless,  legal  repression  has  its  own  place. 
Outbreaks  of  violence  must  be  repressed,  and  that  even 
more  for  the  sake  of  the  workingmen  themselves  than  for 
their  employers ;  for  the  preservation  of  law  and  order  is  an 
indispensable  condition  of  the  maintenance  of  such  blessings 
as  civilization  has  already  brought  us.  If  the  law  is  some- 
times hard  and  unjust,  the  laborer  should  remember  that 


296  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

without  law  we  can  have  no  state,  and  that  the  state  alone 
can  save  us  from  that  reign  of  anarchy,  in  which  no  bounds 
could  be  set  to  the  oppression  of  the  strong  and  cunning. 
There  is,  then,  no  doubt  that  punishment l  should  be  meted 
out  to  those  who  violate  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  exception- 
ally severe  punishment  to  those  who  aim,  by  means  of  vio- 
lent action,  at  their  total  overthrow.  But  of  more  impor- 
tance than  severity  in  the  administration  of  criminal  law,  is 
certainty  and  celerity  of  punishment.  This  is  not  likely  to 
be  disputed,  but  when  we  come  to  agitation  and  incitement 
to  revolution  in  a  general  way,  there  is  more  disagreement 
in  regard  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  However,  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  the  outcome  of  past  experience  is  against  legal 
interference  with  theorists  before  they  proceed  to  overt  acts. 
With  ten  times  more  favorable  opportunities  than  exist  in 
the  United  States,  Bismarck  has  tried  the  enactment  of 
severe  laws  against  the  socialists  in  Germany,  but  with 
very  unsatisfactory  results ;  so  unsatisfactory  that  it  may 
be  questioned  whether  he  has  not  strengthened  the  social 
democrats.  He  has  rendered  several  services  to  them ;  ke 
has  united  hostile  factions  into  one  compact  party ;  he  has, 
in  his  persecutions,  enabled  them  to  pose  as  martyrs,  and 
actually  to  feel  themselves  such,  and  that  is  a  great  source 
of  strength ;  finally,  he  has  made  propaganda  for  them,  and 
drawn  to  them  the  sympathies  of  well-meaning  people. 

Every  possible  obstacle  to  their  political  action  has  had 
this  result.  They  have  elected  the  largest  number  of  mem- 
bers of  Parliament,  since  these  laws  against  them  were  in 
force.  Russia,  France,  and  Germany,  all  serve  as  warning 
against  restrictions  upon  the  socialists  in  the  United  States. 

This  leads  naturally  to  the  recent  endeavors  to  suppress 

1  Yet  mitigating  circumstances  may  be  considered.  Justice,  when 
tempered  with  mercy,  is  strongest. 


THE  REMEDIES.  297 

the  boycott,  by  the  infliction  of  imprisonment  upon  those 
guilty  of  the  offence.  What  has  it  accomplished  ?  First,  it 
is  important  to  know  the  view  which  the  laborers  take  of 
the  boycott,  and  the  impression  which  the  severe  sentences 
upon  their  companions  has  produced.  I  will  state  their 
case  in  a  few  words. 

The  boycott  has  been  employed  against  obnoxious  indi- 
viduals from  time  immemorial.  In  1327  the  citizens  of 
Canterbury,  England,  boycotted  the  monks  of  Christ's 
church,  meeting  in  an  open  field,  and  passing  these  resolu- 
tions among  others  :  "  That  no  one,  under  penalties  to  be 
imposed  by  the  city,  should  inhabit  the  prior's  houses ;  that 
no  one  should  buy,  sell,  or  exchange  drinks  or  victuals  with 
the  monastery,  under  similar  penalties."  The  history  of  the 
United  States  may  almost  be  said  to  open  with  a  boycott  of 
English  tea  and  other  wares,  which,  approved  and  supported 
by  our  best  and  most  patriotic  citizens,  has  been  repeated 
several  times.1  A  systematic  boycott  of  slave-made  prod- 
ucts was  begun  by  the  abolitionists  fifty  years  ago.2  Temper- 
ance people  have  used  the  boycott  to  repress  the  liquor  nui- 
sance time  and  time  again,  and  men  who  have  endeavored 
to  draw  profit  from  the  corruption  of  young  people,  have 
been  driven  from  their  homes  by  this  weapon.  Clergymen 
have  employed  the  boycott  repeatedly,  and  they  have 
recently  recommended  that  it  be  directed  against  the  Sun- 
day newspaper.  Railways  have  entered  into  combinations, 
and  have  aided  one  another  to  boycott  innocent  members  of 
the  community  and  other  companies.  Associations  of  business 

1  "Thus  was  the  boycott  born  in  the  cradle  of  American  liberty." 
—  Quoted  from  Workmen's  Advocate. 

2  See  the  "  Sisters  Grimke,"  by  Catherine  H.  Birney,  Boston,  1885, 
and  other  works  on  the  anti-slavery  agitation.    A  store  was  established 
in  Baltimore  to  aid  the  boycott. 


298  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

men  have  often  boycotted  those  who  would  not  unite  with 
them  in  some  money-making  scheme.1  Above  all,  there  is 
the  long-standing  boycott  of  labor,  known  as  the  black-list, 
which  has  ruined  thousands  of  poor  workingmen.  Now, 
none  of  these  men  who  have  taught  us  the  use  of  the  boy- 
cott, say  the  laborers,  have  been  punished,  although  their 
conspiracies  are  well  known;  but  as  soon  as  we  begin  to 
employ  the  weapon  against  our  oppressors,  there  is  a  howl 
from  Maine  to  California,  and  our  brave  friends  are  sent 
to  the  penitentiary,  like  common  criminals.  This  is  not 
justice ;  it  is  class  hate.  Before,  the  poor  man's  ox  was 
gored ;  now,  the  rich  man's.  That  is  the  sole  and  only  dif- 
ference. We  have  done  no  wrong.  We  have  simply  let 
people  alone  who  have  injured  us,  and  appealed  to  public 
opinion  to  support  us  in  resistance  to  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion. The  charge  of  extortion  is  simply  trumped  up  against 
us.  The  money  received  was  to  defray  the  expenses  of  a 
course  of  action  forced  upon  us,  and  to  mitigate  the  suffer- 
ing caused  thereby  to  workingmen.  It  was  an  amicable 
adjustment  of  grievances,  such  as  takes  place  every  day. 
As  well  imprison  the  employer  who  extorts  money  from  his 
employees  for  injuries  caused  by  bad  work  or  tardiness,  or 
for  other  causes  often  imaginary  ! 

Now,  having  presented  the  laborer's  view,  not  my  own,  I 

1  The  labor  papers  cite  as  an  example  the  "  National  Burial  Case 
Association,"  and  one  of  them,  the  Labor  Bulletin,  reprints  a  circular 
of  this  body  in  which  it  is  resolved  "  That  the  members  of  this  association 
pledge  themselves  not  to  buy  a  coffin,  hardware,  dry  goods,  metallics, 
glass,  varnishes,  or  other  supplies,  of  any  firm  or  corporation  who  sells 
to  non-members  of  this  association,  who  are  selling  goods  at  less 
prices  than  the  association  list."  Four  boycotted  firms  are  named  in 
the  circular.  A  boycotted  undertaker  has  recently  brought  his  case 
before  the  courts  in  New  York.  Innumerable  examples  of  the  boycott 
of  every  kind  may  be  found  in  the  labor  press. 


THE  REMEDIES.  299 

will  give  a  few  quotations  to  show  the  impression  made  on 
the  laboring  classes  by  the  recent  action  of  the  courts  :  — 

"  The  boycott  will  be  continued,  but  with  increased  severity. 
If  an  indemnification  for  the  expenses  of  the  boycott  is  regarded 
as  extortion,  nothing  will  remain  but  to  boycott  until  the  of- 
fender is  completely  ruined,  in  order  that  others  may  take  warn- 
ing therefrom." — Bakers*  Journal. 

"  The  sentences  of  the  five  boycotters  of  Theiss  ...  to  unusu- 
ally long  terms  of  imprisonment,  is  seed  sown  by  the  party  of 
money-bags,  which  will  not  bring  forth  roses.  The  expectation 
that  this  severe  punishment  would  discourage  the  laborers  rests 
upon  a  weak  footing.  .  .  .  The  laborers  will  become  more  than 
ever  convinced,  that  justice  is  meted  out  with  one  measure  to 
them,  and  with  another  to  those  who  have  money.  Bitterness 
will  unite  them  more  strongly  than  ever  before.  The  idea  that 
they  are  citizens  of  a  free  republic,  with  equal  rights,  will  vanish, 
and  the  conviction  will  arise  that  here,  also,  the  struggle  of  class 
has  begun.  .  .  .  Formerly,  the  laborers  were  not  so  united  as 
they  should  have  been,  but  now  they  will  become  united.  The 
movement  becomes  serious.  .  .  .  Persecution  has  strengthened 
the  labor  parties  in  Germany  and  France,  and  made  them  irre- 
sistible. This  will  happen  here,  and  it  is  good!"  —  Bakers' 
Journal. 

"The  sentence  passed  on  the  boycotters  has  poured  flaming 
fire  into  the  hearts  of  the  workingmen  in  New  York,  and  has 
driven  to  the  background  all  differences  in  labor's  camp.  It  has 
united  the  many-voiced  choir  of  the  organizations  in  a  single 
powerful  cry  of  indignation."  —  The  Socialist. 

"ATROCIOUS  JUDGES. 

"  There  was  a  book  published  before  the  war  .  .  .  under  the 
title  of  '  Atrocious  Judges,'  which  described  the  judicial  reptiles 
of  the  pro-slavery  bench,  who  were  then  foremost  in  hounding 
slaves  and  persecuting  their  friends.  It  was  a  book  of  terrific 
records,  from  those  of  the  ever-infamous  Jeffries  down  to  those 


300  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

of  Taney,  who  found  that '  negroes  had  no  rights  which  white  men 
were  bound  to  respect.' 

"  It  seems  about  time  to  get  out  a  new  edition  of  that  book, 
with  the  new  names  of  the  ATROCIOUS  JUDGES  who  are 
chronicling  their  own  shame  in  the  pro-capitalist  decisions  of 
these  times." — John  Swintoris  Paper,  June  13,  1886. 

"THE  LEAP  IN  THE  DARK. 


"  BARRETT'S  WAR  OF  CRUSHING  THE  BOYCOTTERS. 


"How  A  TRICKSTER'S  STATUTE  WAS  USED  BY  A  VINDICTIVE  JUDGE 

"TO  BRAND   FIVE  HONEST  WORKINGMEN. 


"  The  vindictiveness  of  the  ruling  classes  has  found  expression 
in  the  condemnation  of  five  workingmen  to  various  terms  of  im- 
prisonment with  hard  labor  at  Sing  Sing.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  imagine  a  more  flagrant  outrage  of  every  sense  of  justice  in 
the  name  of  '  law  and  order,'  a  more  cruel  exercise  of  power 
upon  a  false  pretence,  or  conduct  more  impolitic  on  the  part  of 
officials  charged  with  a  delicate  duty,  and  invested  with  wide  dis- 
cretion, in  the  case  of  these  Theiss  boycotters,  whom  class  hate 
has  branded  as  felons.  ...  *  Whom  the  gods  would  destroy,  they 
first  make  mad.'"  —  John  Swintorfs  Paper. 

This  is  sufficient  to  show  the  impression  produced.  "  But 
what  is  your  opinion?  "  the  reader  asks. 

It  seems  to  me,  first,  that  the  boycott  is  wrong ;  —  at  any 
rate,  as  it  has  been  conducted.  It  may  be  right  for  people 
to  appeal  to  public  opinion,  to  put  down  a  gross  abuse  in  a 
quiet  and  orderly  manner.  If  clergymen  think  the  Sunday 
newspaper  a  sin,  it  is  their  duty  to  advise  people  not  to  pat- 
ronize it ;  but  to  distribute  circulars,  and  fairly  force  the 
customers  of  a  man  to  leave  him,  is  a  different  matter.  It 
condemns  a  man  untried,  and  is  liable  to  the  grossest  abuses, 
calculated  to  injure  employer  and  employed,  and  the  general 


THE  REMEDIES.  301 

public  in  addition.  At  best,  it  is  a  doubtful  remedy.  It  is 
a  movement  in  precisely  the  wrong  direction. 

Nevertheless,  it  is  not  so  clear  that  a  law  should  be  passed 
declaring  boycotting  illegal.  Professor  von  Waltershausen, 
of  the  University  of  Zurich,  a  man  of  ability,  who  has  given 
the  American  labor  movement  more  careful  study,  probably, 
than  any  other  man  in  Europe,1  after  a  painstaking  examina- 
tion of  the  subject,  pronounced  against  it,  although  recog- 
nizing the  gravity  of  the  evil,  because  he  thought  it  would 
turn  the  laborers  against  the  State ;  and  if  political  science 
teaches  one  lesson  more  clearly  than  another,  it  is  the  danger 
of  implanting  hostility  to  government,  as  such,  in  the  hearts 
of  the  masses. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  whole  subject  should  have  been 
carefully  discussed  in  our  legislatures,  and  laws  enacted  to 
restrain  the  excesses  of  the  boycott.  As  to  the  course 
which  has  been  taken,  I  would  not  be  misunderstood, 
when  I  express  the  opinion,  that  American  history  records 
few  more  disastrous  mistakes,  and  that  I  fear  greatly  we 
shall  see  sad  consequences  of  it  within  ten  years,  sadder 
still  within  twenty  years,  unless  more  powerful  conservative 
forces  are  brought  into  action  than  are  now  manifest.  I  join 
in  no  condemnation  of  a  judge  whose  personal  character  or 
official  integrity  may,  for  aught  I  know,  be  beyond  question. 
I  can  readily  understand  that  he  may  have  done  with  pain 
what  he  thought  his  duty  in  a  crisis  in  American  history.  I 
simply  say  that  I  think  he  committed  an  error  of  judg- 
ment. What  is  the  result?  He  has  united,  as  never  before 
in  America,  the  laborers  in  one  solid  mass,  and  he  has  given 
the  entire  labor  movement  a  most  unfortunate  impulse 
towards  radicalism.  This  may  be  seen  in  a  thousand  dif- 

1  He  has  brought  out  a  book  entitled  "  Die  Nord  Amerikanischen 
Gewerkschaften,"  Berlin,  1886. 


302  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ferent  ways.  One  is  the  recent  attendance  of  thousands 
at  a  mass- meeting,  called  by  socialists  in  New  York  to. 
condemn  the  action  of  the  courts  in  the  case  of  the  boy- 
cotters,  and  the  harmonious  action  of  socialists  and  work- 
ingmen  in  that  city.  Nothing  else  could  have  brought  this 
about.  The  conservative  elements  among  the  laborers,  like 
Powderly  and  many  editors  of  labor  papers,  and  their 
friends,  like  Washington  Gladden,  Heber  Newton,  Howard 
Crosby,  Lyman  Abbott,  —  all,  by  the  way,  clergymen, — 
were  earnestly  admonishing  the  laborers  to  pursue  a  legal  and 
even  a  conciliatory  course.  The  boycott  was  condemned 
again  and  again  by  laborers,  as  injurious  even  to  those  who 
used  it,  and  as  unjust,  and  there  was  every  prospect  of  a 
restriction  and  regulation  of  the  boycott  all  along  the  line. 
Now,  the  conservatives  find  the  work  of  years  overthrown. 
There  is  a  howl  among  the  Anarchists  from  Boston  to  San 
Francisco :  "  Ho,  ye  fools !  ye  men  of  law  and  order  ! 
What  have  we  always  told  you  ?  Law  is  only  for  the  poor  ! 
It  is  the  rich  man's  instrument  of  oppression."  And  to-day 
there  is  a  sympathy  among  workingmen  for  the  Chicago 
Anarchists  on  trial  for  a  brutal  massacre  of  the  authorities, 
which  would  have  seemed  inconceivable  six  months  since. 
Never  have  I  seen  such  indignation  among  the  masses, 
although  I  was  in  Germany  when  the  anti-socialistic  law  of 
1878  was  passed.  There  the  matter  was  fully  discussed, 
and  a  law,  clear  and  precise  in  its  terms,  was  passed,  and 
published  in  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  land.  Cruel  and 
unjust,  it  doubtless  was  considered,  but  no  one  could  dispute 
that  it  was  law.  The  judicial  decisions  in  New  York  do  not 
appeal  to  the  working  classes  as  interpretations  of  actual 
law,  but  as  a  perversion  of  law  for  class  purposes. 

From    Truth   of  Jan.    26,   1884,  and  a  recent  number 
of  the  Sozialist,  we  may  gain  a  hint  as  to  the  true  policy. 


THE  REMEDIES.  303 

In  speaking  of  the  indiscriminate  use  of  dynamite  as 
a  means  of  propaganda,  Truth  says :  "  Its  effect  would 
be  directly  reactionary.  Either  it  would  induce  repressive 
laws,  abrogating  the  rights  we  have  now,  which  permit  us  to 
spread  our  doctrines,  or  it  would  wring  from  the  fears  of  the 
bourgeoisie  such  ameliorative  measures  as  might  postpone  for 
centuries  the  final  struggle  for  complete  emancipation"  The 
Sozialist  of  Jan.  3,  1885,  predicts  that  they,  the  social- 
ists, will  obtain  assistance  in  their  propaganda  from  their 
enemies,  who  will  increase  discontent  among  the  masses, 
and  thus  prepare  heart  and  mind  for  the  seed  they  expect 
to  sow. 

The  two  words  used  by  Truth,  "  ameliorative  measures," 
indicate  the  correct  method  of  dealing  with  social  problems. 
We  must  listen  to  complaints  of  those  who  feel  that  they 
are  oppressed,  and  not  suppose  that  the  demands  of  even 
socialists  are  unjust,  simply  because  they  are  made  by 
socialists.  Who  can  object  to  them  when  they  complain 
because  they  are  not  allowed  to  rest  one  day  out  of  seven ; 
because  child-labor  is  tolerated ;  because  families  are  scat- 
tered in  workshops,  and  family  life  in  any  true  sense  of  the 
word  becomes  an  impossibility?  It  would  indeed  be  well 
could  every  rich  and  well-to-do  person  be  persuaded  to 
listen  to  their  complaints  as  they  appear  in  their  papers,  in 
order  to  know  how  they  feel  and  what  they  suffer * ;  or  if 
the  wealthy  could  more  generally  be  induced  to  examine  for 

1  If  every  man  and  woman  of  social  standing  superior  to  that  of  the 
working  classes,  could  be  persuaded  to  read  a  paper  like  John  Swin- 
tori's  Paper,  the  Haverhill  (Mass.)  Laborer^  the  Baltimore  Labor 
Free  Press,  or  others  which  I  might  name,  and  every  intelligent 
laborer  could  be  induced  to  read  the  writings  of  men  like  Lyman 
Abbott,  Howard  Crosby,  Washington  Gladden,  T.  Edwin  Brown,  and 
Newman  Smyth,  true  progress  in  the  future  would  be  assured. 


;    - 


304  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

themselves  the  way  poor  and  honest  people  are  often 
obliged  to  live.  Let  the  careless  and  indifferent  but  read 
the  articles  which  lately  appeared  in  the  Christian  Union,  on 
the  condition  of  the  poor  in  American  cities,  or  a  single 
pamphlet  like  "The  Bitter  Cry  of  Outcast  London,"  de- 
scribing the  life  of  the  London  laborer  from  the  observation 
of  city  missionaries,  and  issued  by  the  London  Congrega- 
tional Union  ! l  And  if  he  thinks,  as  is  too  often  said,  that 
the  laborers  become  accustomed  to  their  lot  and  contented, 
let  him  but  read  their  utterances  in  the  labor  press,  or  listen 
to  them  in  their  meetings  !  There  are  certain  things  a  man 
can  never  get  used  to,  as  for  example,  an  empty  stomach 
and  a  home  without  fire.  When  poverty  is  extreme,  it  often 
sinks  more  and  more  deeply  into  the  consciousness  of  the 
sufferer,  and  the  burden  grows  with  the  weight  of  years. 

Then  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  this  age  is  not  as  other 
ages.  There  has  been  great  progress  in  the  intelligence  of 
the  laboring  classes,  and  political  equality  has  stimulated  the 
desires  of  the  masses  for  a  larger  share  of  material  riches. 
The  means  of  production  have  been  improved  in  a  marvel- 
lous manner,  and  the  increase  of  wealth  has  been  enormous. 
The  question  the  laborer  asks  is  not  simply  whether  he 
receives  more  absolutely,  but  whether  he  receives  as  much 
in  proportion  to  what  the  other  classes  of  society  enjoy. 
His  wants  have  grown,  and  he  is  inclined  to  doubt  whether 
he  is  as  well  able  to  gratify  his  legitimate  needs  as  formerly. 
There  may  have  been  a  time,  for  example,  when  he  could 
not  read.  Then  it  was  no  hardship  to  him  that  he  was 
unable  to  buy  books.  The  case  is  different  now. 

We  ought,  then,  to  listen  to  the  demands  the  socialists  and 
the  laboring  classes  generally  make  of  the  present  state,  and 

1  See  also  "  The  Bitter  Cry  of  the  Poor  in  New  York,"  by  Mrs.  J. 
R.  Lowell,  Christian  Union,  March  26,  1885. 


THE  REMEDIES.  305 

discuss  them  in  a  spirit  of  candor,  and  grant  them  in  so  far 
as  they  may  be  just.  It  has  already  been  seen  what  the 
Socialistic  Labor  Party  desires  of  society  in  its  present  form, 
and  while  it  may  be  true  that  few  political  economists  would 
assent  to  the  practicability  of  all  the  measures  they  advocate, 
they  are  certainly  worthy  of  discussion.  Undoubtedly,  one 
often  meets  with  radical  and  apparently  absurd  propositions 
in  the  perusal  of  labor  literature,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  one 
discovers  at  times  a  surprising  spirit  of  conservatism,  and  is 
obliged  to  admit  that  many  demands  are  perfectly  legiti 
mate,  as  the  following  "  Platform  and  Supplementary  Reso- 
lutions "  of  the  Federation  of  Trades  and  Labor  Unions 
abundantly  prove. 

"  PLATFORM. 

"  i.  The  national  eight-hour  law  is  one  intended  to  benefit 
labor,  and  to  relieve  it  partly  of  its  heavy  burdens,  and  the  eva- 
sion of  its  true  spirit  and  intent  is  contrary  to  the  best  interests 
of  the  nation.  We  therefore  demand  the  enforcement  of  said 
law  in  the  spirit  of  its  designers,  and  urge  the  enactment  of 
eight-hour  laws  by  State  Legislatures  and  municipal  corporations. 

"  2.  We  demand  the  passage  of  laws  in  State  Legislatures 
and  in  Congress  for  the  incorporation  of  trades  and  labor  unions, 
in  order  that  the  property  of  the  laboring  classes  may  have  the 
same  protection  as  the  property  of  other  classes. 

"3.  We  demand  the  passage  of  such  legislative  enactments 
as  will  enforce,  by  compulsion,  the  education  of  children,  for  if 
the  State  has  the  right  to  exact  certain  compliance  with  its  de- 
mands, then  it  is  also  the  duty  of  the  State  to  educate  its  people 
to  the  proper  understanding  of  such  demands. 

"4.  We  demand  the  passage  of  laws  in  the  several  States 
forbidding  the  employment  of  children  under  the  age  of  four- 
teen years,  in  any  capacity,  under  penalty  of  fine  and  imprison- 
ment. 

"  5.   "We  demand  the  enactment  of  uniform  apprentice  laws 


306  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

throughout  the  country;  that  the  apprentice  to  a  mechanical 
trade  may  be  made  to  serve  a  sufficient  term  of  apprenticeship, 
and  be  provided  by  his  employer,  in  his  progress  to  maturity, 
with  proper  and  sufficient  facilities  to  finish  him  as  a  competent 
workman. 

"  6.  It  is  hereby  declared  the  sense  of  this  congress  that  con- 
vict or  prison  contract  labor  is  a  species  of  slavery  in  its  worst 
form ;  it  pauperizes  labor,  demoralizes  the  honest  manufacturer, 
and  degrades  the  very  criminal  whom  it  employs ;  and  as  many 
articles  of  use  and  consumption  made  in  our  prisons  under  the 
contract  system,  come  directly  and  detrimentally  in  competition 
with  the  products  of  honest  labor,  we  demand  that  the  laws 
providing  for  labor  under  the  contract  systems  herein  com- 
plained of  be  repealed. 

"  7.  What  is  known  as  the  *  order '  or  '  truck '  system  of  pay- 
ment, instead  of  lawful  currency  as  value  for  labor  performed,  is 
one  not  only  of  gross  imposition,  but  of  downright  swindle  to 
the  honest  laborer  and  mechanic,  and  we  demand  its  entire 
abolition.  Active  measures  should  be  taken  to  eradicate  the 
evil,  by  the  passage  of  laws  imposing  fine  and  imprisonment 
upon  all  individuals,  firms,  or  corporations  who  continue  to 
practice  the  same. 

"  8.  We  demand  the  passage  of  such  laws  as  will  secure  to  the 
mechanic  and  workingman  the  first  lien  upon  property,  the  prod- 
uct of  his  labor,  sufficient  in  all  cases  to  justify  his  legal  and  just 
claims. 

"9.  We  demand  the  repeal  and  erasure  from  the  statute 
books  of  all  acts  known  as  conspiracy  laws,  as  applied  to  organ- 
izations of  labor  in  the  regulation  of  wages. 

"10.  We  recognize  the  wholesome  effects  of  a  Bureau  of 
Labor  Statistics,  as  created  by  the  National  Government  and  in 
several  States,  and  recommend  for  their  management  the 
appointment  of  a  proper  person,  identified  with  the  laboring 
classes  of  the  country. 

"ii.  We  demand  the  passage  of  a  law  by  cue  United  States 
Congress  to  prevent  the  importation  of  all  foreign  laborers  under 
contract. 


THE  REMEDIES.  307 

"12.  We  declare  that  the  system  of  letting  out  national, 
State,  and  municipal  work  by  contract  tends  to  intensify  the 
competition  between  workmen,  and  we  demand  the  speedy 
abolishment  of  the  same. 

"13.  We  demand  the  passage  by  our  various  legislative 
bodies  of  an  employers'  liability  act,  which  shall  give  employees 
the  same  right  to  damages  for  personal  injuries  that  all  other 
persons  have. 

"  14.  We  recommend  all  trades  and  labor  organizations  to 
secure  proper  representation  in  all  law-making  bodies,  by  means 
of  the  ballot,  and  to  use  all  honorable  measures  by  which  this 
result  can  be  accomplished. 

"  SUPPLEMENTARY  RESOLUTIONS. 

"  i.  That  we  urge  upon  the  Legislatures  of  our  several  States 
the  passage  of  laws  of  license  upon  stationary  engineers,  and 
the  enforcement  of  proper  restrictions,  which  will  better  preserve 
and  render  protection  to  life  and  property. 

"2.  That  we  demand  strict  laws  for  the  inspection  and  ven- 
tilation ot  mines,  factories  and  workshops,  and  sanitary  supervi- 
sion of  all  food  and  dwellings. 

"3.  We  demand  of  our  representatives  in  the  National  Leg- 
islature that  they  declare  such  land  grants  as  are  not  earned  by 
railroads  or  corporations  forfeited,  and  to  restore  the  same  to  the 
public  domain." 

The  complaints  of  the  socialists  are  often  but  too  well 
grounded,  when  they  criticise  things  as  they  are.  Our 
laws  regulating  joint-stock  corporations,  for  example,  sadly 
need  reforming,  so  as  to  prevent  much  dishonest  manipula- 
tion of  joint-stock  concerns  which  might  easily  be  avoided. 
One  ought  to  be  indignant  when  one  sees  familiar  opera- 
tions like  this  :  i  company  is  established ;  a  few  get  con- 
trol of  the  management ;  declare  an  unearned  dividend ; 
pay  it  out  of  the  capital ;  then  unload  and  acquire  wealth  at 


308  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

the  expense  of  the  widow,  the  orphan,  and  the  toiler.1  It  is 
needless  to  multiply  examples.  If  we  turn  to  our  govern- 
ments, we  shall  find  in  Star  Route  contracts  and  Tweed 
ring  frauds,  much  to  help  us  to  understand  why  some 
people  have  gradually  come  to  desire  the  overthrow  of  all 
that  exists  of  human  contrivances,  as  preliminary  to  a  new 
era.2 

Happily,  much  is  being  done  to  remedy  abuses,  and  in 
many  quarters  a  most  hopeful  desire  is  manifest  to  bring 
wealthy  criminals  to  justice  and  to  strive  for  needed  reforms ; 
and  if  the  leaders  of  society  evince  an  increasing  willingness 
to  listen  to  grievances  of  labor,  to  discuss  their  propositions 
and  redress  their  wrongs,  they  will  draw  away  from  violent 
agitators  the  strongest  and  best  of  the  workingmen,  and  ren- 
der the  revolutionists  comparatively  harmless.  To  cite  an  ex- 
ample, no  one  can  withstand  the  devotion  of  a  life  like 
Peter  Cooper's,  and  it  was  touching  to  read  the  evidences 
of  the  appreciation  of  his  deeds  on  the  part  of  the  laboring 
classes.  Even  Truth  contained  an  obituary  notice  of  him, 
in  which  the  highest  and  most  unreserved  praise  was 
accorded  to  his  deeds. 

The  same  journal  contained  a  long  and  appreciative  re- 
view of  a  book  which  had  simply  attempted  to  describe 
socialism  impartially,  with  these  words  :  "  We  hope  the  book 

1  I  have  spent  part  of  several  summers  in  a  little  village  where  pre« 
cisely  that  thing  was  done  a  few  years  ago.     It  is  a  new  experience  to 
the  inhabitants  to  see  men  guilty  of  a  penitentiary  offence,  respected 
members  of  society.     It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  town  will  in  the 
future  be  quite  what  it  has  been  in  the  past. 

2  These  wrongs  are  directed  against  society  as  a  whole,  but  there 
are  abuses  as  grievous  directed  against  the  laboring  classes  as  such. 
One  of  them  recently  occurred  in  Maryland,  where  the  Miners'  Venti- 
lation Bill  was  stolen  after  it  had  passed  the  Legislature,  but  before  it 
received  the  governor's  signature. 


THE  REMEDIES.  309 

will  be  extensively  read  by  socialists,  and  that  each  reader 
will  profit  by  the  unprejudiced  manner  in  which  the  histori- 
cal facts  and  doctrinal  matters  are  set  forth,  and  that  we 
shall  learn  to  emulate  the  enemy  in  the  coolness  of  our 
judgment  and  the  calmness  of  our  criticism."  On  the  other 
hand,  a  socialistic  journalist  informs  the  writer,  that  only  one 
who  has  mingled,  as  he  has,  for  years  with  the  laboring 
classes,  can  form  any  conception  of  the  harm  done  by  a 
recent  book,  which  treated  social  problems  in  quite  a  differ- 
ent spirit,  putting  the  whole  question  of  reform  on  an  unfair 
basis,  and  treating  the  discontented  with  irritating  impatience 
and  stinging  harshness.  In  the  words  of  this  journalist : 
"  Mr. I  regard  as  a  bad  man,  one  of  the  most  dan- 
gerous of  'the  dangerous  classes.'  Unless  you  mingled,  as 
I  have  done,  with  the  proletarians  many  years,  and  knew  by 
experience  their  feelings,  you  could  not  conceive  the  in- 
finite injury  such  a  man  does  to  the  cause  he  espouses.  It 
inflames  them  more  than  standing  armies  and  Catling 
batteries." 

It  is  true,  a  man  was  never  won  by  cruel  reproaches,  and 
a  strong  government  has  its  roots  in  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
It  still  holds  that  love  is  more  powerful  that  hate. 

The  laboring  classes  are  accessible  to  arguments  by  those 
who  understand  them  and  really  wish  them  well,  and  the 
columns  of  their  papers  are  open  to  those  who  would  influ- 
ence them  for  good.  At  present  there  is  a  grand  opportu- 
nity for  men  to  do  good,  which  may  not  occur  again,  for 
the  minds  of  the  masses  are  still  plastic,  and  their  habits  of 
thought  are  being  formed.  As  Frederic  Harrison  says,  the 
workingmen  of  our  day  are  glad  to  listen  to  the  word  of  one 
who  comes  to  them  as  a  friend,  provided  his  message  be 
not  "the  perpetual,  monotonous  lie,  'It  is  all  very  good 
and  right.' " 


310  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

They  are  ready  to  learn  the  truth,  and  are  grateful  to 
those  who  try  to  help  them.1  To  Christian  people  in  par- 
ticular would  I  repeat  words  used  on  another  occasion.  When 
these  laborers,  who  reject  Christianity  as  it  is  in  our  churches, 
speak  of  Christ,  it  is  often  with  touching  reverence,  as  a 
noble  soul  who  sympathized  with  the  trials  of  their  class. 
And  when  they  denounce  religion,  they  will  affirm  at  times, 
"We  are  the  only  true  Christians";  and  I  do  believe  that 
among  the  masses  in  America  there  never  was  such  a  hun- 
ger and  thirst  for  real  Christianity  as  to-day.  What  they 
complain  of  in  substance  is,  not  that  there  is  too  much 
Christianity,  but  that  there  is  too  little ;  not  that  people  are 
Christians,  but  that  there  is  such  a  divergence  between  pro- 
fession and  practice,  that  the  church  has  become  "  of  the 
world  " ;  that  it  has  (so  they  think)  been  captured  by  the 

1  Letters  which  I  have  received  from  worldngmen  in  all  parts  of 
the  United  States,  would  move  even  a  hard  heart.  Here  is  one  from 
a  poor  mechanic,  an  adherent  of  Henry  George,  and  save  in  the  in- 
closure  of  money,  it  is  merely  typical.  The  reference  is  to  some  articles 
on  co-operation.  "  I  am  very  much  pleased  with  the  articles,  not  only 
for  the  information  they  give,  but  more  especially  because  of  the  spirit 
of  sympathy  they  evince  towards  all  lawful  endeavors  of  the  workers 
to  improve  their  condition.  I  am  glad  to  see  them  in  a  religious  paper 
(the  Congregaiionalisf),  without  any  sickly  apology  from  the  editor. 
I  thank  you  for  them.  Wish  I  could  send  them  to  every  one  of  my 
acquaintances. 

"  I  expect  to  start  to-morrow  for  southern  Kansas,  to  take  up  a  claim; 
but  I  hope  self-interest  will  never  prevent  me  from  doing  all  I  can  to 
advance  the  principle  of  common  property  in  land.  .  .  .  Enclosed  find 
$5.00,  which  you  will  please  use  for  me  in  the  cause  of  humanity,  and 
oblige,  Yours  truly, ." 

Professor  Brentano  says  that  in  spite  of  all  that  has  been  asserted  to 
the  contrary,  it  still  remains  true  that  before  the  enactment  of  the  laws 
of  1878  German  workingmen  were  always  willing  to  listen  to  a  manly, 
sympathetic  word  from  one  of  another  social  class. 


THE  REMEDIES.  311 

rich  and  made  a  part  of  the  mechanism  of  fashion ;  that 
pews  have  doors  and  locks,  and  that  the  aisles  are  guarded 
by  ushers,  not  merely  to  show  people  in,  but  to  keep  them  out ; 
that  church  privileges  are  sold  —  at  times  even  literally  auc- 
tioned off  for  money. 

A  wider  diffusion  of  sound  ethics  is  an  economic  require- 
ment of  the  times.  Christian  morality  is  the  only  stable 
basis  for  a  State  professedly  Christian.  An  ethical  demand 
of  the  present  age  is  a  clearer  perception  of  the  duties  of 
property,  intelligence,  and  social  position.  It  must  be 
recognized  that  extreme  individualism  is  immoral.  Ex- 
treme individualism  is  social  anarchy,  and  —  to  cite  a  com- 
parison recently  made  in  Hopkins  Hall  —  the  first  social 
Anarchist  was  Cain,  who  asked  indignantly  if  he  were  his 
brother's  keeper.  Laissez-faire  politics  assure  us  we  are 
not  keepers  of  our  brothers,  that  each  one  best  promotes 
the  general  interest  by  best  promoting  his  own.  There  are 
those  who  tell  us  in  the  name  of  science,  that  there  is  no 
duty  which  one  class  owes  to  another,  and  that  the  nations 
of  the  earth  are  mere  collections  of  individuals,  with  no  re- 
ciprocal rights  and  duties.  It  is  time  for  right-thinking  per- 
sons, and  particularly  for  those  who  profess  Christianity,  to 
protest  vigorously,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  against  such 
doctrines  wherever  found.  As  a  friend,  a  professor  in  one 
of  our  leading  colleges,  forcibly  puts  it,  the  error  of  this 
school  of  political  economists  is  that  fundamental  one  of 
Herbert  Spencer's  ethical  system,  —  "a  determination  to 
ignore  law  and  its  sanctions." 

A  higher  and  more  advanced  political  economy  proclaims 
all  this  false,  and  asserts  that  within  certain  bounds  we  are 
obliged  to  concern  ourselves  about  the  welfare  of  others. 
Even  less  than  law  does  political  economy  recognize  any 
absolute  proprietary  rights,  and  in  a  higher  ethical  sense  all 


312  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

our  goods  are  but  intrusted  to  us  as  stewards,  to  be  adminis- 
tered in  promoting  the  welfare  of  our  fellow-men,  as  well  as 
our  own,  and  equally  with  our  own.  If  the  rulers  of  our 
society  remember  this  and  act  upon  it,  they  surely  never  need 
dread  the  laborer. 

When  we  pass  in  review  the  several  thousand  years  of 
human  history,  we  discover  one  feature  of  the  progress  of 
the  race  to  be  a  gradual  extension  of  the  range '  of  ethical 
ideas ;  in  other  words,  as  the  centuries  have  passed,  man 
has  included  an  ever-increasing  portion  of  his  fellows  within 
the  circle  of  those  towards  whom  he  feels  bound  to  act  in 
accordance  with  the  data  of  ethics.  Once  moral  obligations 
did  not  extend  beyond  the  clan  or  tribe,  and  the  same  word 
signified  enemy  and  stranger,  but  the  tribe  has  finally  given 
way  to  the  nation,  and  those  of  the  same  nationality  have 
felt  drawn  together  with  an  ethical  tie ;  and  in  this  century 
men  feel,  as  never  before,  that  all  men  of  all  kindreds  and 
tongues  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  are  embraced  within  the 
sphere  of  reciprocal  rights  and  duties.  The  word  humanity 
means  more  to-day  than  at  any  past  period  in  the  history  of 
the  race.  The  extension  of  practical  ethics  has  been  ac- 
companied by  an  intensive  growth.  The  stream  has  deep- 
ened. Yet  the  ethical  ideas  of  most  people  move  chiefly 
along  horizontal  lines,  and  do  not  extend  up  and  down  to 
those  above  and  below  them  in  rank  or  position.  Social  lines 
are  considered  ethical  lines.  There  is  one  code  for  those  in 
one  class,  and  quite  another  one  for  those  who  are  outside  of 
this  class.  We  are  apt  to  recognize  a  more  stringent  law  as 
binding  upon  us  in  our  intercourse  with  one  whom  we  regard 
as  a  social  equal,  though  he  be  a  native  of  a  distant  land, 
than  with  the  resident  of  the  same  town,  whom  we  consider 
as  an  inferior.  The  absolute  ideal  was  given  two  thousand 
years  ago  by  Christ,  who  established  the  most  perfect 


THE  REMEDIES.  313 

System  of  ethics  the  world  has  ever  known.  This  ideal 
is  the  doctrine  of  human  brotherhood,  and  its  one 
universal,  all-inclusive  rule  is,  "All  things  whatsoever 
ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to 
them." 

We  are  far  from  this  ideal,  and  yet  progress  has  been 
made.  The  condition  of  the  laborer  has  gradually  improved 
on  the  whole.  He  has  passed  through  slavery  and  serfdom, 
and  has  in  the  civilized  world  become  a  free  man.  It  is  no 
longer  regarded  as  morally  right  to  hold  those  who  work  for 
us  in  the  bonds  of  slavery.  Yet  we  all  transgress  most 
grievously  the  law  of  brotherhood.  Take  the  case  of  us 
who  belong  to  social  classes  held  to  be  superior  to  the  work- 
ing class, — the  educated  and  well-to-do.  We  judge  our  com- 
panions with  one  rule,  and  workingmen  with  quite  another. 
Let  us  suppose  there  is  a  controversy  between  an  employer 
and  his  employees.  Do  we  not  at  once  accept  the  statement 
of  the  employer,  without  any  inquiry  into  the  case  as  pre- 
sented by  the  employees ;  whereas,  if  the  dispute  is  between 
two  employers,  we  suspend  judgment  until  we  hear  both 
sides?  Yet  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  employers  as  a 
class  are  more  truthful  than  their  employees.  The  fact  is, 
we  are  not  yet  ethically  developed  up  to  that  point  where  it 
occurs  to  us  that  we  are  bound  to  hear  the  case  of  an  inferior. 
But  this  is  not  all.  Many  of  us,  if  we  will  not  knowingly 
and  maliciously  lie  about  laborers,  yet  do  not  regard  it  as 
necessary  to  inquire  too  carefully  about  the  stories  we  repeat. 
We  take  up  our  newspapers,  which  in  controversies  give  the 
ex  parte  statements  of  employers,  and  just  such  garbled  re- 
ports of  the  side  of  the  employed  as  to  present  a  specious 
appearance  of  impartiality,  and  at  once  eagerly  swallow  every 
hard  and  bitter  word  spoken  in  the  heat  of  violent  alterca- 
tion; then  we  solemnly  proceed  to  damn  the  laboring 


314  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

classes,  and  all  their  wicked  organizations.1  Take  two 
illustrations  :  The  experiment  of  the  mine-owners,  Briggs 
Brothers,  in  England,  in  profit-sharing,  is  told  in  Mill's 
"Political  Economy,"  and  has  become  known  the  world 
over.  That  experiment  has  been  abandoned,  and  the  blame, 
almost  as  a  matter  of  course,  thrown  on  the  workmen. 
Messrs.  Briggs  Brothers  have  told  their  story,  and  every 
newspaper  has  hastened  to  print  it,  and  their  interpretation 
of  the  difficulties  has  passed  into  text-books.  Yet  this  is 
not  wilfully  malicious.  It  is  due  to  imperfect  ethical  de- 
velopment. But  now  comes  along  a  well-known  English 
clergyman,  Rev.  Mr.  Kaufmann,  and  tells  us  that  it  was  not 
the  fault  of  the  laborers  at  all,  for  their  employers  demanded 
of  them,  as  part  of  the  agreement,  conditions  which  they 
ought  not  to  have  accepted.  It  practically  amounted  to 
this  :  yield  to  us  your  freedom  or  lose  your  share  in  the 
profit ;  and  like  true  men  they  chose  the  latter  alternative. 
Another  is  the  case  of  the  Messrs.  Brewster,  carriage 

1  I  do  not  by  any  means  wish  to  say  that  all  our  daily  newspapers 
are  wilfully  partial.  The  journals  in  the  town  where  I  live,  have,  I 
think,  on  the  whole  tried  to  present  an  impartial  record  of  current 
events,  and  to  side  with  neither  capitalist  nor  laborer,  neither  rich  nor 
poor.  One  of  these  papers,  in  particular,  incurred  some  hostility  on 
account  of  its  impartial  attitude,  as  certain  capitalists  thought  it  ought 
to  take  their  side.  The  good  effect  has,  however,  been  seen.  They 
have  helped  to  maintain  what  I  have  called  the  unity  of  civilization, 
a  certain  oneness  of  feeling  in  the  community.  The  rich  may  have 
become  a  little  more  radical,  the  poor  a  little  more  conservative;  and 
I  believe  to-day  there  is  not  another  great  city  in  the  United  States 
where  the  feeling  between  classes  is  so  near  what  it  should  be.  I  do 
not  believe  there  is  another  city  where  capital  is  safer. 

Newspapers  which  appeal  to  the  worst  passions  of  the  wealthy, 
teaching  them  to  despise,  distrust,  and  resist  the  humble  social  classes, 
are  as  dangerous  as  the  incendiary  sheets  of  the  Anarchists,  and 
should  be  unhesitatingly  condemned  and  discountenanced  by  all  who 
mean  well. 


THE  REMEDIES.  315 

manufacturers,  of  New  York.  They  tried  profit-sharing,  and 
their  workmen  have  been  denounced  in  unmeasured  terms 
for  their  stupidity  and  malignity  in  the  adoption  of  such  a 
course  as  to  lead  to  the  abandonment  of  an  arrangement 
which  yielded  them  so  much.  Now,  I  pass  no  judgment  on 
the  case,  for  I  do  not  know  the  facts,  still  less  would  I  assail 
the  character  of  the  Messrs.  Brewster  who  are  doubtless 
most  estimable  gentlemen;  but  this  I  do  know,  there  are 
two  sides  to  this  controversy  of  which  only  one  is  recorded ; 
and  it  has  come  to  my  knowledge  that  a  gentleman  of  New 
York  of  wealth  and  standing,  intimately  acquainted  with  all 
the  facts,  gives  quite  a  different  interpretation  of  them  from 
the  one  so  eagerly  accepted.  These  are  simply  illustrations. 
If  we  exercised  more  charity  in  our  judgments,  it  would  be  a 
good  example  which  would  react  on  the  working  classes.1 

If  we,  too,  could  learn  to  take  into  account  mitigating  cir- 
cumstances when  we  pass  judgment  on  the  acts  of  the 
laborers,  just  as  we  do  in  other  cases,  our  opinions  might 
be  very  different.  Laborers  are  suspicious  and  distrust- 
ful, it  is  said,  and  truly ;  often  they  display  bitterness  against 
people  of  wealth  and  standing.  Is  it  surprising?  Would 
we,  treated  in  the  same  manner,  be  different?  Has  not 
every  reform  for  which  they  have  struggled  been  opposed 
most  strenuously  by  their  industrial  and  social  superiors,  and 
that  by  means  dishonest  and  contemptible  as  well  as  hon- 
orable? Yet  when  these  reforms  have  come,  they  have 
been  found  to  be  of  benefit  to  the  whole  of  society,  in 
cases  even  the  salvation  of  society.  Take  child  labor  in 
England  in  the  first  half  of  this  century.  It  was  little  less 
than  murder.  Nay,  I  go  further :  I  believe,  in  the  sight  of 

1  "The  morals  of  a  community  work  downward  from  the  highet 
classes."  —  Rev.  Howard  Crosby,  D.D.,  in  his  article  on  "The  Danger- 
ous  Classes/'  in  the  North  American  Review,  April,  1883. 


316  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

Almighty  God,  the  cannibals  of  the  Sandwich  Islands  were 
less  guilty  than  those  who,  appreciating  its  terrors,  knowingly, 
wilfully  supported  it ;  for  it,  also,  was  a  species  of  cannibal- 
ism, slow  but  more  cruel,  for  the  flesh  and  blood  of  the  little 
ones  were  devoured  piecemeal.  Yet  it  required  the  strug- 
gle of  a  generation  to  pass  laws  forbidding  it,  and  nothing 
is  more  disgusting  than  the  evasive,  shifting,  lying  course  of 
its  chief  opponents.  Then  there  was  too  the  old  cry  of 
Mammon, — it  would  ruin  trade  and  drive  capital  from  Eng- 
land.1 Well,  the  laborers  and  their  friends  gained  that 
point ;  then  came  the  protection  of  women  and  the  preser- 
vation of  the  homes;  again  a  long  struggle,  again  a  vic- 
tory which  proved  good ;  then  laws  to  protect  the  life  and 
limb  of  employees  in  factories  by  regulations  concerning  the 
fencing-in  of  dangerous  machinery,  the  ventilation  of  work- 
rooms, etc.,  were  proposed,  and  a  bill  was  introduced  in 
Parliament  to  appoint  factory  inspectors  to  enforce  the  fac- 
tory legislation  against  the  same  miserable  opposition, — 
again  a  triumph  of  justice  which  has  proved  very  good.3 
So  it  has  continued  through  the  entire  list  of  reforms  in 
Great  Britain ;  and  this  is  the  judgment  of  one  after  the 
lapse  of  some  time  since  the  introduction  of  most  of  them, 
and  at  a  sufficient  distance  to  view  English  history  with 
judicial  impartiality :  "  On  the  one  side  stood  the  laborers, 
led  by  a  few  radical  manufacturers  and  philanthropic  Tories ; 
en  the  other,  the  great  mass  of  manufacturers  and  liberal 
doctrinaires,  especially  the  so-called  Manchester  School.  On 

1  This  was  seriously  maintained  by  the  elder  Peel,  early  in  this  cen- 
tury. 

2  Even  Carl  Marx,  who  reluctantly  acknowledged  any  possibility  of 
effectual  reform  during  the  continuance  of  our  present  industrial  sys- 
tem, was  forced  to  speak  of  "  the  physical  and  moral  regeneration  "  of 
the  laboring  classes  in  England. 


THE  REMEDIES.  317 

the  side  of  the  laborers  in  this  struggle,  marvellous  display 
of  heroism  and  joy  in  silent  sacrifice,  only  brought  into  more 
vivid  light  by  the  occasional  outbreak  of  wild  despair  on  the 
part  of  a  few;  on  the  side  of  the  mass  of  manufacturers, 
the  expenditure  of  all  means  at  their  command  to  conceal 
the  truth  and  to  silence  the  most  imperative  demands  of 
humanity ;  on  the  side  of  the  Manchester  School,  arguments 
against  state  intervention  drawn  from  Adam  Smith,  and 
intended  for  entirely  different  circumstances,  and  coupled 
with  those  gloomy  prophecies  for  the  economic  future  of 
England  in  case  of  the  passage  and  execution  of  factory 
laws.  Step  by  step  the  manufacturers  defended  English 
industry  against  the  legal  regulation  demanded  by  the  labor- 
ers ;  step  by  step,  and  for  each  separate  branch  of  produc- 
tion were  the  laborers  compelled  to  secure  the  protection  of 
their  wives  and  children  against  conscienceless  greed." l 

A  specific  vice  of  our  time,  and  one  which  political  econo- 
mists of  all  schools  condemn,  is  extravagance  and  luxury.* 

1  Brentano. 

2  That  waste  impoverishes,  is  a  truth  which,  simple  as  it  is,  needs  to 
be  impressed  upon  all  social  classes.      A  lady  will  spend  $500  for 
a  dress,  and  excuse  her  extravagance  on  the  plea,  that  it  furnishes 
work  to  the  poor.     She  overlooks  the  obvious  fact  that  the  same  sum 
spent  in  clothing  the  aged  and  infirm  would  furnish  an  equal  amount 
of  employment.     A  report  of  doubtful  origin  tells  us  that  Mr.  Powderly 
breaks  his  ginger-ale  bottles  in  order  to  furnish  labor  to  glass-workers. 
If  this  be  true,  he  should  reflect  that  he  could  at  least  save  the  bottles 
and  use  the  money  received  for  them  in  the  purchase  of  glassware. 

One  of  the  fundamental  propositions  concerning  capital,  as  stated 
by  John  Stuart  Mill,  is  that,  though  saved,  it  is  consumed.  This  is  the 
regular  course  in  a  normal  condition  of  things  in  modern  industrial  life, 
and  shows  how  misleading  are  declamations  of  some  recent  social- 
ists against  saving,  which,  in  their  opinion,  diminishes  employment  for 
labor.  Another  example  will  render  this  still  clearer.  Of  two  working- 
men,  one  saves  all  that  he  can  during  a  course  of  years,  and  deposits 


318  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

It  is  wastj  of  economic  powers,  injuring  those  who  indulge 
in  it,  and  exciting  envy  and  bitterness  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  are  excluded.1  The  New  York  Volkszeitung,  April  7, 
1883,  a  socialistic  journal,  printed  not  very  long  ago  a  bitter 
description  of  a  sinfully  extravagant  ball  given  by  a  wealthy 
New  Yorker.  It  was  significantly  entitled  "  Mene,  Tekel, 
Upharsin.  Belshazzar  in  his  glory."2 

it  with  a  building  association;  the  other  spends  his  surplus  earnings  in 
fleeting  pleasures.  At  the  expiration  of  the  period,  during  which  both 
have  given  the  same  employment  to  labor,  the  one  has  a  house  of  his 
own,  the  other,  nothing;  and  the  former  is  more  likely  than  the  latter 
to  raise  the  standard  of  life  among  the  laboring  classes.  I  am  well 
aware  of  the  limitations  to  the  utility  of  saving,  and  also  of  the  excep- 
tions to  the  general  rule,  that  it  is  useful  to  a  greater  or  less  extent. 
I  do  not  by  any  means  consider  the  miser  as  a  desirable  member  of  the 
community.  Yet  I  think  this  principle,  in  which  all  economists  agree, 
shows  the  advantages  which  might  be  expected  to  accrue  from  instruc- 
tion in  the  elements  of  political  economy  in  all  public  schools.  A 
general  comprehension  of  the  most  elementary  economic  truths  would 
often  induce  different  action  from  that  which  we  commonly  see.  If 
people  could  but  grasp  the  full  import  of  this  one  principle,  that  waste 
impoverishes,  it  would  prove  of  incalculable  benefit,  and  foreigners 
might  soon  cease  to  wonder  at  the  wastefulness  of  American  life. 
There  are,  indeed,  few  among  us  who  make  the  most  of  what  we  have. 
Many  who  live  in  worry  and  discomfort  have  a  sufficient  income  to 
satisfy  all  rational  wants,  were  it  well  expended. 

1  For  a  just  estimate  of  luxury,  considered  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  economist  and  the  Christian,  see  an  admirable  article  by  Emile  de 
Laveleye  in  The  Popular  Science  Monthly  for  March,  1881. 

2  "  The  great  luxury  that  is  displayed  by  certain  people  here  acts 
like  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  the  workingmen  and  others,  and  forces 
them  to  consider  these  questions."  —  Charles  Lenz,  before  the  U.  S.  Sen* 
ate  Committee  on  Education  and  Labor. 

"  Luxury  has  its  decent  limits,  and  we  in  this  land  are  in  danger  in 
many  directions  of  overstepping  those  limits."  —  Bishop  Henry  C. 
Potter,  in  his  admirable  letter  of  May  15,  1886,  to  the  clergy  of  the 
Diocese  of  New  York. 


THE  REMEDIES.  319 

-The  social  injury  of  vice  is  seen  in  the  reproaches  made 
against  existing  society  by  the  Anarchists.  A  sad  condition 
of  family  life  is  ridiculed  and  brought  forward  as  proof  of 
the  hopeless  rottenness  of  capitalistic  society.  In  the  long 
run,  virtue  is  rewarded  in  states  and  in  individuals,  and  that 
social  body  is  doomed  which  is  essentially  immoral. 

The  single  individual  cannot  do  all  that  is  required  to 
bring  to  pass  the  golden  age  in  the  future  for  which  we  all 
hope  and  pray.  A  wonderful  law  has  bound  us  all  so  to- 
gether that  when  one  suffers  others  endure  pain,  when  one 
sins  the  penalty  is  visited  on  the  innocent  as  well  as  on  the 
guilty.1  When  one  looks  the  world  over,  one  can  feel  little 
doubt  that,  women  and  children  included,  even  the  greater 
part  of  suffering  is  caused  by  acts  for  which  no  guilt 
attaches  to  him  who  suffers.  It  was  intended  that  it 
should  be  so,  for  it  was  never  meant  that  man  should 
be  completely  happy  while  his  fellows  are  in  pain.  Other- 
wise, the  brotherhood  of  man  were  an  unmeaning  phrase. 
The  solidarity  of  human  interests  is  a  terrible  reality. 
Nevertheless,  individuals  have  to  do  a  great  deal  in  their 
individual  capacity  to  cure  social  evils,  and  first  of  all  is 
that  ethical  correction  of  evil  tendencies  which  in  theologi- 
cal language  is  called  regeneration.  Every  employer,  every 
employee,  and  every  discontented  human  being  should  first 
look  within,  and  begin  the  work  of  reform  in  their  own  na- 
tures. The  workingmen  in  particular  should  cultivate  tem- 
perance, and  continue  the  good  work  already  begun.  As  the 

1  An  example  to  the  point  is  the  case  of  the  Chicago  Anarchists,  for 
which  organized  labor  is  in  no  way  responsible.  Have  not,  indeed, 
the  trades-unions  and  other  labor  societies  been  at  swords'  points  per- 
petually with  these  Anarchists?  Yet  innocent  workingmen  are  made 
to  suffer  grievously,  and  their  cause  injured,  on  account  of  acts  which 
they  abhor. 


320  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

best  of  them  see,  they  have  no  worse  foe  than  liquor.  Then, 
personal  purity  ought  to  be  encouraged  among  them,  and  to 
this  too  little  attention  has  been  given.  I  am  told  by  one 
who  ought  to  know,  that  unchastity  is  to-day  a  more  crying 
evil  among  them  than  intemperance.  There  can  be  no 
healthy  family  life  without  chastity,  and  without  a  healthy 
family  life,  there  can  be  no  sound  social  or  even  industrial 
life.  All  this  involves  a  multitude  of  problems,  and  chief 
among  them  is  the  tenement-house  question.  Every  effort 
to  surround  the  working  people  with  wholesome  home  influ- 
ences must  be  encouraged.  In  a  city  like  New  York,  the 
laborers  as  a  rule  have  nothing  which  could  be  called  a  home. 
In  the  factories  and  workshops,  young  people  are  subjected 
to  bad  influences  to  a  needless  extent.  Girls  are  often 
obliged  to  submit  to  insults,  to  resent  which  involves  dismis- 
sal and  loss  of  livelihood  for  self,  often  also  for  young 
brothers  and  sisters  or  a  widowed  mother.  Frequently,  they 
are  started  on  the  downward  track  by  boss  or  employer,  who 
shows  them  favors  in  their  work,  for  which  they  pay  with 
their  virtue.  When  I  made  a  tour  of  personal  inspection  of 
industrial  centres  in  1885,  preparatory  to  the  preparation  of 
this  book,  I  spent  a  few  days  in  a  city  of  less  than  thirty 
thousand  inhabitants  in  good  old  New  England,  where  I  was 
told  that  as  many  as  two  hundred  couples  live  together 
outside  the  bonds  of  wedlock.  It  was  something  so  com- 
mon that  it  did  not  involve  a  loss  of  caste  in  the  laboring 
population. 

Experience  must  bring  the  fact  more  and  more  home  to 
every  thinking  person  that  one  indispensable  condition  of  per- 
manent improvement  in  the  lot  of  laborers  is  their  moral  ele- 
vation. The  first  conditions  of  success  in  their  various  efforts 
are  mutual  confidence,  incorruptible  integrity,  and  unques- 
tioned fidelity  in  positions  of  trust.  Without  these  qualities, 


THE  REMEDIES.  321 

political  action,  co-operation,  and  organization  can  do  but  poor 
and  imperfect  work,  while  they  will  frequently  fail  altogether. 
Again  and  again  have  venality,  faithlessness,  corruption, 
defeated  the  eiforts  of  the  toiling  masses.  Christian  ethics 
—  by  all  acknowledged  to  be  the  most  perfect  system  of 
ethics,  regardless  of  any  divine  origin — contain  the  princi- 
ples which  should  animate  the  entire  labor  movement.  But 
how  are  men  to  learn  these  ?  The  masses  can  acquire  such 
an  acquaintance  with  the  data  of  ethics  as  to  render  them  a 
living  reality  only  through  some  one  who  is  a  personal  em- 
bodiment of  them.  Abstract  ethics  have  not  and  never  will 
become  a  mighty  vital  power  in  this  world.  It  is  the  concrete 
which  moves  men.  Now,  I  know  only  one  perfect  concrete 
embodiment  of  Christian  ethics,  and  that  is  their  Founder. 
He  it  is  who  must  become  the  personal  Saviour  of  this  labor 
movement,  if  it  is  ever  to  accomplish  its  legitimate  end.1 

Manufacturers  should  cultivate  the  true  humility  of  great 
souls,  and  adopt  a  more  conciliatory  attitude  towards  their 
laborers,  encouraging  them  in  the  settlement  of  difficulties 
by  arbitration,  and  receiving  the  committees  and  agents  of 
their  employees  just  as  they  would  those  of  any  other  com- 
pany of  men  with  whom  they  have  dealings.  They  should 
recognize  the  same  rights  in  their  workmen  to  combine  for 
mutual  advancement  which  they  claim  for  themselves.  If 
they  are  wealthy,  they  ought  not  to  presume  upon  it,  or 
expect  servility  from  their  employees.  Like  other  rich  men, 
they  should  take  to  heart  the  golden  words  of  Bishop  Potter  : 
"  I  do  not  know  why  poverty  should  cringe  to  wealth,  which  is 
as  often  as  otherwise  an  accidental  distinction,  and  quite  as 
often  a  condition  unadorned  by  any  especial  moral  or  intel- 
lectual excellence.  .  .  .  No  arrogance  is  more  insufferable  or 

1  All  this  is  said  entirely  apart  from  my  views  as  a  church  member. 
I  come  to  it  by  an  independent  route  as  a  social  scientist. 


322  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

unwarrantable  than  that  of  mere  wealth."  It  is,  further,  the 
duty  of  manufacturers  and  of  all  employers  to  assist  their 
workingmen  in  every  laudable  endeavor  to  resist  conspir- 
acies on  the  part  of  their  business  rivals  for  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  employed.  They  should  be  ready  to  speak 
out  in  public,  and  expose  and  denounce  wrong, — just  as 
many  of  them  will  do  at  their  own  tables,  for  example. 
Even  good  men,  who  wish  themselves  to  do  right,  often 
take  such  an  attitude  in  public,  whenever  they  fancy  vested 
interests  in  danger,  that  one  gets  the  impression  of  a  will- 
ingness to  join  hands  with  the  very  devil,  if  he  will  only 
assure  them  the  safety  of  their  money-bags.  Folly  !  It 
is  this  timidity  on  their  part  which  has  wrought  half  the 
trouble ;  for  the  really  bad  employers,  who  for  gold  would 
worship  Satan,  and  send  all  their  employees  to  hell,  are  few. 
But  there  are  such  in  the  United  States,  and  upon  their 
heads  rests  the  blood  of  unnumbered  thousands.  People  of 
all  classes  should  combine  to  suppress  the  comparatively  few 
on  both  sides  of  the  social  struggle  who  cause  that  mischief 
which  endangers  the  safety  of  our  republic.1  Employers 
ought  to  have  the  confidence  and  friendship  of  those  in 
their  employ.  Many  of  them  have  it,  and  year  after  year 
sustain  the  pleasantest  relations  with  those  about  them. 
With  tact  and  perseverance,  the  good  will  of  employees,  even 
of  the  worst  class,  can  be  won,  as  was  demonstrated  by  the 
experience  of  Robert  Owen,  whose  autobiography  ought  to 
be  read  by  every  manufacturer  in  the  country. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  every  employer  and  indeed 
every  man  of  wealth  and  position  on  the  side  of  the 
workingman  is  a  conservative  element  in  society.  This 
proved  true,  even  of  so  extreme  and  radical  a  man  as  Robert 

1  I  fear  employers  are  a  little  less  ready  to  cast  unworthy  men  out 
of  their  combinations  than  the  employees. 


THE  REMEDIES.  323 

Owen,  who  incurred  the  hostility  of  his  fellow-manufactur- 
ers, and  yet  on  the  whole  strengthened  the  foundations  on 
which  they  were  constructing  their  fortunes.  England  is 
strong  and  free  because  it  contains  men  like  Mr.  Forster, 
Mr.  Chamberlain,  Mr.  Samuel  Morley,  Mr.  Hughes,  Mr. 
Brassey.  When  Mr.  Cross,  a  conservative  minister  of  the 
Interior,  Lgalized  trades-unions  and  codified  the  factory  leg- 
islation, he  was  building  wisely  for  the  future ;  and  when,  as 
always  happens  in  these  days  in  England,  in  the  case  of 
proposed  legislation  for  workingmen,  members  of  the  ruling 
class,  like  a  great  land-owner  or  large  manufacturer,  rise  in 
Parliament  to  plead  the  cause  of  their  subordinates,  they  are 
rendering  a  service  to  every  employer  of  labor  in  Great 
Britain.  To  a  greater  extent  than  elsewhere  do  the  govern- 
ing social  elements  in  England  sympathize  with  the  labor 
movement  and  concern  themselves  with  great  social  prob- 
lems, and  on  this  account  class  antagonism  is  less  sharp 
than  in  other  similarly  situated  countries,  like  France  and 
Germany.  If  we  would  live  to  be  as  old  as  England,  it  is 
time  to  begin  to  imitate  her  example  in  this  respect. 

Workingmen  must  remember  that  they  too  often  give  just 
cause  for  complaint  to  their  employers  by  reason  of  careless- 
ness, wastefulness,  poor  workmanship,  neglect  of  trusts  com- 
mitted to  them,  bad  faith,  distrust,  and  downright  insolence, 
which  is  as  unbecoming  in  them  as  in  their  industrial 
captains.  Workingmen  ought  to  cultivate  a  more  concili- 
atory tone  in  all  their  relations,  both  in  the  shop  and  field 
and  in  their  various  societies.  The  discords  which  too 
often  divide  them  are  the  triumph  of  their  enemies,  but  a 
shame  to  them  and  a  mortification  to  their  friends.  The 
organization  of  labor,  as  this  book  has  shown,  is  an  indis- 
pensable condition  of  the  improvement  of  the  masses,  and  it 
must  be  extended  and  also  pursued  on  a  more  elevated 


324  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

ethical  plane,  if  it  is  to  accomplish  its  legitimate  ends. 
There  must  be  displayed  a  greater  willingness  to  yield  per- 
sonal advantage  to  the  common  good,  and  a  stronger  bond 
of  union  than  has  heretofore  existed  must  be  sought  in  an 
intensified  feeling  of  brotherhood  which  will  beget  self- 
sacrifice  and  mutual  trust  and  confidence. 

In  conclusion,  there  are  then  four  chief  agencies  through 
which  we  must  work  for  the  amelioration  of  the  laboring 
class,  as  well  as  of  all  classes  of  society.  These  are 
the  labor  organization,  the  school,  the  State,  and  the 
Church. 

One  principal  remedy  against  the  evils  of  socialism,  nihil- 
ism, and  anarchism  is  a  better  education  in  political,  social, 
and  economic  science.  The  dense  ignorance  on  these 
questions,  even  among  the  better  classes,  is  something 
astounding.  People  contend  against  an  unknown  enemy. 
There  are  very  few  colleges  where  any  adequate  instruction 
is  given  in  the  great  social  problems  of  the  day.  What  is 
the  result?  Their  graduates,  instead  of  converting  others 
from  error,  often  yield  to  the  foes  of  society,  and  when  they 
do  seek  to  instruct,  their  ignorance  of  social  movements  is 
so  gross  that  they  render  themselves  a  laughing-stock  to 
workingmen.  Perhaps  they  write  an  editorial  to  show 
socialists  that  a  division  of  property  would  not  produce  an 
equality  which  would  last  twenty-four  hours  !  A  graduate  of 
a  well-known  college  in  New  England,  a  clergyman,  wrote 
not  long  ago  that  in  his  day  they  had  in  political  economy 
only  what  could  be  learned  out  of  a  couple  of  text-books,  like 
Mill  and  Fawcett,  eminently  respectable  authorities,  but 
hardly  containing  all  that  is  needed  by  the  college  graduate 
of  our  day.  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  two  or  three  of 
his  class,  and  among  them  a  professor  in  a  theological 
school,  had  become  socialists.  Education  in  political  and 


THE  REMEDIES.  32i 

social  sciences  ought  to  be  given,  not  only  in  colleges,  but 
in  every  high  school  and  academy  in  the  land. 

How  is  social  power,  the  force  which  resides  in  society,  to 
be  utilized?  The  answer  is,  largely  through  the  State, 
legally  organized  society.  The  individual  has  his  province, 
the  State  has  its  functions,  which  the  individual  either  can- 
not accomplish  at  all,  or  cannot  accomplish  so  well.1  But  an 
obstacle  to  the  proper  economic  activity  of  the  State  has 
been  found  in  the  low  view  men  have  too  frequently  taken 
of  its  nature.  Calling  it  an  atomistic  collection  of  units, 
some  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to  speak  of  taxation  for  the 
support  of  public  schools  as  robbery  of  the  propertied 
classes.  Now  it  may  rationally  be  maintained  that,  if  there 

1  The  most  pressing  need  at  present  is  the  complete  public  control 
of  all  railways.  The  postal  savings  banks,  such  as  are  now  doing  a 
good  work  in  England  and  several  other  European  countries,  are  one 
of  the  most  important  institutions  which  the  general  government  could 
give  us  as  an  aid  in  the  work  of  the  elevation  of  the  masses.  There  is 
absolutely  no  valid  objection  to  be  urged  against  their  introduction  in 
this  country,  and  no  contrivance  so  simple  could  accomplish  more.  A 
better  regulation  of  corporate  enterprises  is  a  still  more  important  but 
a  more  difficult  duty  of  the  State.  A  classification  of  undertakings 
suitable  for  the  sphere  of  the  individual  and  of  those  suitable  for  some 
public  authority  is  another  pressing  need  of  our  times.  The  super- 
stitious adherence  to  laisscz  faire  has  prevented  the  proper  activity  of 
the  State,  and  this  in  turn  has  reacted  upon  the  sphere  of  private  enter- 
prise and  has  discouraged  individual  initiative  and  industry.  The 
reader  would  do  well  to  consult  upon  this  point  a  valuable  pamphlet  by 
Professor  Henry  C.  Adams,  entitled  "Principles  that  should  control 
the  Interference  of  the  States  in  Industries,"  published  by  the  Constitu- 
tion Club  of  the  city  of  New  York.  Some  valuable  remarks  on  the 
proper  industrial  functions  of  the  State  may  be  found  in  the  "  Relation 
of  the  Modern  Municipality  to  the  Gas  Supply,"  by  Dr.  E.  J.  James, 
published  in  Baltimore  by  the  American  Economic  Association.  A 
recent  pamphlet  published  by  Science  in  New  York,  47  Lafayette 
Place,  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  economics  may  also  be  read 
nth  profit,  Jt  is  entitled  "  Science  Economic  Discussion." 


320  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

is  anything  divine  on  this  earth,  it  is  the  State,  the  product 
of  the  same  God-given  instincts  which  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Church  and  the  Family.  It  was  once  held  that 
kings  ruled  by  right  divine,  and  in  any  widely  accepted 
belief,  though  it  be  afterwards  discredited,  there  is  generally 
found  a  kernel  of  truth.  In  this  case  it  was  the  divine 
right  of  the  State.  Socrates,  who  held  the  laws  of  the  State 
sacred  and  inviolable,  even  when  they  condemned  him  to 
death,  had  a  correcter  view  of  its  nature  than  our  modern 
individualists.  The  Christian  ought  not  to  view  civil 
authority  in  any  other  light  than  a  delegated  responsibility 
from  the  Almighty.  When  men  come  to  look  upon  their 
duty  to  the  State  as  something  as  holy  to  their  duty  to  the 
church,  regarding  the  State  as  one  of  God's  chief  agencies 
for  good,  it  will  be  easy  for  government  to  perform  all  its 
functions.  Questions  of  civil  service,  as  ordinarily  pre- 
sented, do  not  go  deep  enough.  A  higher  conception  of  the 
State  is  required. 

One  crying  need  of  the  times  is  equality  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  law.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  talk  about  legal 
equality  and  —  with  a  few  exceptions  like  the  old  conspiracy 
laws  —  the  laws  themselves  read  so  as  to  bear  equally  on  all, 
but  when  it  comes  to  the  execution  it  is  quite  a  different 
thing.  There  is  one  administration  for  the  poor,  another  for 
the  rich,  and  still  another,  widely  different,  for  vast  corpora- 
tions. It  is  idle  to  deny  this.  Everybody  knows  it,  and  the 
laborers  resent  it  bitterly.1 

One   thing  which   should   never  be   attempted   is   legal 

1  Inequality  in  the  administration  of  law  —  and  administration  has 
been  said  to  be  even  more  important  than  constitutions  —  is  both  pos- 
itive and  negative.  The  general  laws  are  enforced  more  severely 
against  the  poor;  and  the  laws  in  favor  of  the  workingmen  are  —  one 
may  almost  say,  as  a  rule  —  not  enforced  at  all. 


THE  REMEDIES.  327 

repression  of  the  labor  movement.  If  the  history  of  social 
movements  in  modern  times  teaches  us  anything  at  all,  it 
is  the  folly  of  this.  It  simply  drives  the  activities  out  of 
sight.  It  suppresses  the  symptoms,  and  aggravates  the  dis- 
ease tenfold.  When  combinations  in  England  were  declared 
not  amenable  to  the  law  of  conspiracy,  outrages  soon 
began  to  diminish,  and  they  continued  to  decrease  pari 
fassu  with  the  recognition  and  support  which  trades-unions 
received  from  public  opinion  and  the  established  authorities 
of  the  land.  Withdraw  the  respect  and  esteem  of  the  com- 
munity and  you  take  away  one  of  the  strongest  supports  of 
character.  The  law  of  1879  in  Illinois  which  forbade  unau- 
thorized companies  of  armed  men,  was  —  it  may  as  well  be 
acknowledged  frankly  —  directed  against  workingmen.  It 
was  class  legislation.  Has  it  done  any  good  ?  It  has  not 
suppressed  the  Lehr-  und  Wehrverein1  of  Chicago,  and  no 
one  knows  how  many  more  may  be  drilling  in  secret,  though 
the  fact  that  it  has  produced  bitterness  and  intensified  dis- 
content is  undeniable.  It  is  a  bad  law  and  a  bad  precedent. 
Our  police  system  needs  reforming.  What  is  wanted  is 
some  kind  of  a  control  which  shall  prevent  the  continual 
clubbing  of  poor  people  without  cause.  Some  kind  of  an 
administrative  court  might  answer  the  purpose,  and  it  would 
render  the  police  not  less  but  more  efficient.  It  is  a  bad  sign 
and  shows  something  wrong  when  the  great  mass  of  honest 
workingmen  are  bitterly  hostile  to  the  police ;  but  apart  from 
that,  there  are  sufficient  evidences  of  the  frequent  brutality  of 

1  An  armed  company  of  Anarchists.  It  is  reported  that  there  are  several 
secret  companies  of  Anarchists  in  the  United  States,  chiefly  in  Chicago, 
and  it  is  well  known  that  they  have  for  several  years  been  distributing 
arms  and  encouraging  workingmen  to  buy  them  in  all  parts  of  the 
country,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  the  destruction  of  existing  institu« 
tions. 


328  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

policemen,  and  in  this  country  they  are  beginning  to  assume 
a  tone  which  would  better  become  the  Czar  of  Russia  than 
humble  guardians  of  the  peace.  Certainly  the  police  presi- 
dent of  Berlin  would  not  venture  to  assume  the  tone  of 
some  petty  New  York  police  officials.  People  should  re- 
member, if  they  do  not  desire  a  police  despotism  in  this 
country,  that  "  eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty,"  and 
that  it  is  precisely  at  such  times  as  these  in  which  we  now 
live  that  the  rights  of  free  men  are  lost.  Let  no  one  mis- 
understand this.  The  office  of  a  policeman  is  an  honorable 
one  and  should  be  respected ;  and  there  are  many  men  both 
brave  and  good  in  every  police  force  who  deserve  only 
praise.  These  are  doubtless  in  the  majority,  but  there  are 
too  many,  thoroughly  depraved  and  corrupted,  who  are  only 
too  glad  to  club  workingmen  and  workingwomen  to  divert 
attention  from  their  other  misdeeds.  Who  has  not  heard  of 
the  bribed  police  of  New  York  ?  Who  does  not  know  that 
men  on  $5,000  a  year  contrive  to  spend  $25,000  annually? 
Who  does  not  know  that  police  captains  are  in  collusion  with 
houses  of  infamy  and  other  illegal  resorts,  and  accept  "  hush  " 
money  ?  Does  it  stand  to  reason  to  suppose  that  these  dis- 
reputable characters  are  always  in  the  right  in  their  contro- 
versies with  workingmen  ?  It  is  needless  to  argue  the  mat- 
ter. Every  one,  who  will,  may  gain  access  to  the  facts  of 
the  case. 

But  even  when  they  are  not  bad  men,  the  peculiar  temp- 
tation of  those  engaged  in  such  offices  should  be  borne  in 
mind.  It  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  soldier,  which  is  well 
described  by  Maurice,  in  these  words :  "  There  is  a  brutal 
appetite  for  slaughter,  which  is  in  the  nature  of  every  soldier 
because  of  every  man,  which  war  would  probably  call  forth 
in  each  of  us."  1 

i"  Social  Morality." 


THE  REMEDIES.  329 

Clubbing  may  be  substituted  for  "  slaughter  "  and  police 
service  for  "  war  "  in  the  above.  Let  us  by  all  means  have 
the  very  best  and  most  efficient  police  force  in  every  city, 
but  place  it  under  proper  administrative  control,  and  confine 
it  within  its  own  proper  sphere. 

Public  authorities  —  and  let  us  have  a  force  sufficient  to  do 
this  in  every  emergency — should  protect  property  and  per- 
son. The  outrages  of  private  bands  of  hirelings  have  con- 
tinued too  long.  If  property  owners  may  employ  a  private 
army  to  protect  their  things,  surely  workmen  may  employ 
armed  forces  to  protect  their  lives ;  and  we  may  as  well  give 
up  government  and  return  to  the  barbarism  of  anarchy.  The 
Ohio  law,  which  forbids  the  employment  of  deputy-sheriffs 
not  resident  in  the  county,  may  be  commended  as  worthy  of 
imitation. 

Above  all  things,  let  not  government  appear  to  the  work- 
ingmen  of  the  country  as  something  merely  harsh  and  re- 
pressive, for  then  its  overthrow  is  merely  a  question  of  time. 
The  beneficent  nature  of  the  State  should  be  brought  out 
strongly.1 

Chief  attention  should  be  directed  to  the  young,  and  with 
a  good  will  and  energetic  action  they  can  be  so  influenced 
as  to  change  the  character  of  the  population  materially  in 
one  generation.2  They  should,  when  necessary,  be  removed 
from  vicious  surroundings,  and  universal  and  compulsory 

1  Again  I  must  quote  the  admirable  words  of  Bishop  Potter's  "  Pas- 
toral Letter  "  :  "  We  may  cover  the  pages  of  our  statute  books  with 
laws  regulating  strikes  and  inflicting  severest  penalties  on  those  who 
organize  resistance  to  the  individual  liberty,  whether  of  employer  or 
workman;  we  may  drill  regiments  and  perfect  our  police :  the  safety  and 
welfare  of  a  state  are  not  in  these  things,  they  are  in  the  contentment 
and  loyalty  of  its  people,  and  they  come  by  a  different  road." 

2  There  are  some  good  remarks  on  this  subject  in  an  article  by  David 
Dudley  Field,  in  the  Forum,  Vol.  I. 


530  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

education  ought  to  reach  every  child  in  the  land.  Schools 
may  be  improved  by  the  introduction  of  instruction  in  morals 
and  manners.  Manual  training  for  boys,  sewing  and  cooking 
for  girls,  gymnastic  exercises  in  suitable  structures  for  both 
are  all  desirable,  and  would  yield  a  large  return  for  every 
dollar  invested.  Play-grounds  for  children  might  well  be 
provided  by  every  municipality,  and  if  the  cost  should  be 
large  in  great  cities,  it  would  be  amply  repaid  in  the  vigor 
and  health  of  their  bodies.  Public  baths  come  under  this 
general  head ;  and  more  should  be  done  for  rational  amuse- 
ment in  order  that  the  masses  may  receive  the  culture  of 
wholesome  recreation.1 

1  The  Church  may  also  well  do  something  in  this  direction,  as  was 
suggested  to  me  by  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Leeds  of  Grace  Church,  Balti- 
more, whose  letter  is  subjoined. 

"  GRACE  CHURCH  RECTORY,  Baltimore,  March  9,  1885. 
"  Dear  MR.  ELY  :  — 

"  I  thank  you  for  sending  me  the  paper  containing  your  letter 
on  the  great  social  problem,  your  solution  of  which  I  fully  agree 
with.  There  is  a  fault  in  the  Church  in  not  elevating  as  she  ought 
—  and  as  she  has  it  in  her  power  to  do  —  the  so-called  laboring 
classes,  and  in  promoting  among  all  ranks  in  life  a  feeling  of  brother- 
hood. 

"  The  fault,  however,  is  less  in  the  Church,  as  such,  than  in  the  pro- 
miscuous assemblies  that  gather  within  her  walls;  some  of  whom  make 
the  poor  workmen  uncomfortable  by  coldness  and  distance,  while 
among  others  the  workingman  makes  himself  uncomfortable  by  the 
thought  of  contrasted  appearance  and  inequality  of  position.  ...  It 
is  not  through  worship  alone  that  we  shall  reach  them;  but  even  more, 
I  believe,  by  the  provision  of  places  of  innocent  pastime,  and  social  in- 
tercourse among  themselves,  free  from  the  dangers  of  alluring  saloons, 
and  yet  antidotes  to  the  gloom  of  unattractive  homes  in  crowded  lanes 
and  alleys.  Out  of  them  they  will  pass  under  the  Church's  encourage- 
ment into  her  places  of  prayer  of  their  own  choice  and  motion. 

"  Believe  me  in  the  fellowship  of  a  common  interest, 
"Sincerely  yours, 

"GEORGE  LEEDS." 


THE  REMEDIES.  331 

The  Church  must  claim  her  full  place  as  a  social  power, 
existing  independently  of  the  State.  It  is  said  that  the 
Church  is  the  representative  of  Christ,  whose  kingdom  was 
not  of  this  earth.  True,  but  for  us  the  higher  life  has  its 
basis  in  the  lower  life,  and  that  Christianity  is  certainly  de- 
fective which  is  not  a  living  force  in  matters  of  temporal 
concern.  It  may  be  that  the  talents  intrusted  to  us  here 
are  small  compared  to  the  opportunities  of  a  future  state ; 
but  the  attainment  of  the  higher  responsibilities  depends 
upon  the  administration  of  our  earthly  stewardship.  Now,  it 
seems  to  the  writer  that  the  Church  neglects  the  enforce- 
ment of  our  duties  with  respect  to  temporal  concerns. 

The  entire  duty  of  man  is  summed  up  by  Christ  in  two 
commandments,  which  inculcate  love  to  God  and  love  to 
one's  neighbor,  and  the  one  is  said  to  be  like  unto  the 
other.  Now  our  theological  seminaries  have  learned  pro- 
fessors to  teach  their  students,  the  future  clergy,  how  to 
obey  the  first,  and  the  various  branches  of  learning  taught 
are  called  theology ;  but  we  find  in  them  no  one  to  teach 
us  how  to  fulfil  the  second  commandment.  That  is  the  func- 
tion of  social  science,  but  too  many  think  glittering  gener- 
alities are  sufficient.  This  is  a  serious  error,  for  it  is  by  no 
means  always  an  easy  thing  to  show  our  love  to  our  fellow- 
man  in  our  deeds.  We  often  hurt  him  when  we  would  help 
him. 

It  is  with  satisfaction  one  turns  from  the  study  of  social 
problems  to  the  teachings  of  Christ,  which  seem,  from  a 
purely  scientific  standpoint,  to  contain  just  what  is  needed. 
On  entering  our  churches,  the  painful  scene  of  discord  be- 
tween what  one  sees  and  hears  and  what  Christ  taught,  is  by 
no  means  easy  to  describe.  It  is  too  frequently  difficult  to 
believe  that  the  fashionable  people  about  one  are  followers 
of  the  humble  Nazarene,  who  found  it  so  hard  for  the 


332  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT. 

wealthy  to  enter  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  bid  the  rich 
young  man  sell  all  that  he  had  and  give  to  the  poor.  A 
great  deal  is  said  in  criticism  of  the  communism  of  the 
early  Christians,  and  it  is  doubtless  true  that  it  proved  no 
brilliant  success,1  but  it  would  be  well  to  dwell  more  at 
length  on  the  spirit  which  that  early  communism  presup- 
posed. A  group  of  men  and  women,  who  sell  their  all  and 
form  one  fund  that  they  may  live  in  common  as  brothers 
and  sisters,  without  those  social  distinctions  so  dear  to  us 
all,  must  have  been  actuated  by  sincere  convictions  and  un- 
feigned love.  This  is  what  men  did  who  were  near  Christ 
and  upon  whom  there  had  been  a  wonderful  outpouring  of 
God's  Spirit.  It  may  not  be  necessary  for  men  to  do  that 
now,  though  it  is  not  certain  that  many  a  man  may  not  be 
called  upon  to  part  with  wealth  for  the  sake  of  Christian 
progress ;  but  it  is  necessary  that  Christians  manifest  a  will- 
ingness to  do  this. 

In  the  harmonious  action  of  State,  Church,  and  individual, 
moving  in  the  light  of  true  science,  will  be  found  an  escape 
from  present  and  future  social  dangers.  Herein  is  pointed 
out  the  path  of  safe  progress ;  other  there  is  none. 

1  Nevertheless,  I  know  of  no  proof  whatever  for  the  common  asser- 
tion that  the  poverty  of  the  believers  at  Jerusalem  was  in  any  way  con- 
nected with  the  experiment  in  communism. 


APPENDIX    I. 


I.  PLATFORM  OF  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  LABOR 
UNION. 

II.  PLEDGE  AND  PREAMBLE  OF  THE  JOURNEYMEN  BRICK- 
LAYERS' ASSOCIATION  OF  PHILADELPHIA. 

III.  DECLARATION   OF  PRINCIPLES   AND   OBJECTS   OF   THE 

CIGAR  MAKERS'  PROGRESSIVE  UNION  OF  AMERICA. 

IV.  EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  NATIONAL 

AMALGAMATED   ASSOCIATION  OF   IRON   AND    STEEL 
WORKERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 
V.  MANIFESTO  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL  WORKING  PEOPLES' 
ASSOCIATION. 

VI.  LETTER  TO  TRAMPS,  REPRINTED  FROM  THE  "  ALARM  "  OF 

CHICAGO. 

VII.  PLATFORM  AND  PRESENT  DEMANDS  OF  THE  SOCIALISTIC 

LABOR  PARTY. 

VIII.  DECLARATION  OF   INDEPENDENCE,  JULY  4,  1886,  BY  AN 
AMERICAN  SOCIALIST. 


I. 

PLATFORM    OF    PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    NATIONAL 
LABOR   UNION. 

ADOPTED  FRIDAY,  SEPTEMBER  25,  1868. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident :  that  all  people  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  cer- 
tain inalienable  rights;  that  among  them  are  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that  to  secure  these  rights,  govern- 


334  APPENDIX. 

ments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed. 

That  there  are  but  two  pure  forms  of  government  —  the  Auto- 
cratic and  the  Democratic ;  under  the  former,  the  will  of  the  in- 
dividual sovereign  is  the  supreme  law,  under  the  latter,  the  sov 
ereignty  is  vested  in  the  whole  people,  all  other  forms  being  a 
modification  of  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  principles,  and  that 
ultimately  one  or  the  other  of  these  forms  must  prevail  through- 
out all  civilized  nations,  and  it  is  now  for  the  American  people 
to  determine  which  of  these  principles  shall  triumph.  That 
the  design  of  the  founders  of  the  republic,  was  to  institute 
a  government  upon  the  principle  of  absolute  inherent  sovereignty 
of  the  people,  and  that  would  give  to  each  citizen  the  largest 
political  and  religious  liberty  compatible  with  the  good  order  of 
society,  and  secure  to  each  the  right  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his 
labor  and  talents;  that  when  laws  are  enacted  destructive  of 
these  ends,  they  are  without  moral  binding  force,  and  it  is  the 
right  and  duty  of  the  people  to  alter,  amend,  or  abolish  them, 
and  institute  such  others,  founding  them  upon  the  principles  of 
equality,  as  to  them  may  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  pros- 
perity and  happiness.  Prudence  will  indeed  dictate  that  impor- 
tant laws  long  established,  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and 
transient  causes ;  and  experience  has  shown  that  the  American 
people  are  more  disposed  to  suffer  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than 
to  change  the  forms  and  laws  to  which  they  have  been  accus- 
tomed. But  when  a  long  train  of  legislative  abuses,  pursuing 
invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  subvert  the  spirit 
of  freedom  and  equality  upon  which  our  institutions  are  founded, 
and  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  servitude,  it  is  their  right,  it  is 
their  duty,  to  abolish  such  laws  and  provide  new  guards  for  their 
future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  suffering  of  the 
wealth-producing  classes  of  the  United  States,  and  such  is  the 
necessity  which  constrains  them  to  put  forth  an  organized  and 
united  effort  for  maintaining  their  natural  rights,  which  are  im- 
perilled by  the  insidious  schemes  and  unwarranted  aggression  of 
unscrupulous  bankers  and  usurpers,  by  means  of  unwise  and  cor- 
rupt legislation. 


APPENDIX.  335 

We  further  hold  that  all  property  or  wealth  is  the  product  of 
physical  or  intellectual  labor  employed  in  productive  industry,  and 
in  the  distribution  of  the  productions  of  labor.  That  laborers 
ought  of  right,  and  would,  under  a  just  monetary  system,  receive 
or  retain  the  larger  proportion  of  their  productions ;  that  the 
wrongs,  oppressions,  and  destitution  which  laborers  are  suffering 
in  most  departments  of  legitimate  enterprise  and  useful  occupa- 
tion, do  not  result  from  insufficiency  of  production,  but  from  the 
unfair  distribution  of  the  products  of  labor  between  non-produc- 
ing capital  and  labor. 

That  money  is  the  medium  of  distribution  to  non-producing 
capital  and  producing  labor,  the  rate  of  interest  determining 
what  proportion  of  the  products  of  labor  shall  be  awarded  to 
capital  for  its  use,  and  what  to  labor  for  its  productions; 
that  the  power  to  make  money  and  regulate  its  value,  is  an 
essential  attribute  of  sovereignty,  the  exercise  of  which  is,  by 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  wisely  and  properly 
granted  to  Congress  ;  and  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  Congress 
to  institute  it  upon  such  a  wise  and  just  basis  that  it  shall  be 
directly  under  the  control  of  the  sovereign  people  who  produce 
the  value  it  is  designed  to  represent,  measure  and  exchange, 
that  it  may  be  a  correct  and  uniform  standard  of  value,  and 
distribute  the  products  of  labor  equitably  between  capital  and 
labor,  according  to  the  service  of  labor  performed  in  their  pro- 
duction. That  the  law  enacting  the  so-called  national  banking 
system  is  a  delegation  by  Congress  of  the  sovereign  power  to 
make  money,  and  regulate  its  power  to  a  class  of  irresponsible 
banking  associations,  thereby  giving  to  them  the  power  to  con- 
trol the  value  of  all  the  property  in  the  nation,  and  to  fix  the 
rewards  of  labor  in  every  department  of  industry,  and  is  inimical 
to  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  subversive  of  the  principles  of  justice 
upon  which  our  Democratic  Republican  institutions  are  founded, 
and  without  warrant,  in  the  Constitution ;  justice,  reason,  and 
sound  policy  demand  its  immediate  repeal,  and  the  substitution 
of  legal  tender  treasury  notes,  as  the  exclusive  currency  of  the 
nation. 

That  this  money  monopoly  is  the  parent  of  all  monopolies  — 


336  APPENDIX. 

the  very  root  and  essence  of  slavery  —  railroads,  warehouses, 
and  all  other  monopolies,  of  whatever  kind  or  nature,  are  the  out- 
growth of  and  subservient  to  this  power,  and  the  means  used  by 
it  to  rob  the  enterprising,  industrial,  wealth-producing  classes  of 
the  products  of  their  talents  and  labor. 

That  as  government  is  instituted  to  protect  life  and  secure  the 
rights  of  property,  each  should  share  its  just  and  proper  propor- 
tion of  the  burdens  and  sacrifices  necessary  for  its  maintenance 
and  perpetuity ;  and  that  the  exemption  from  taxation  of  bank 
capital  and  government  bonds,  bearing  double  and  bankrupting 
rates  of  interest,  is  a  species  of  unjust  class  legislation,  opposed 
to  the  spirit  of  our  institutions,  and  contrary  to  the  principles  of 
sound  morality  and  enlightened  reason.  That  our  monetary, 
financial,  and  revenue  laws  are,  in  letter  and  spirit,  opposed  to 
the  principles  of  freedom  and  equality  upon  which  our  Demo- 
cratic Republican  institutions  are  founded.  There  is  in  all  their 
provisions,  manifestly  a  studied  design  to  shield  non-producing 
capital  from  its  just  proportion  of  the  burdens  necessary  for  the 
support  of  the  government,  imposing  them  mainly  on  the  in- 
dustrial, wealth-producing  classes,  thereby  condemning  them  to 
lives  of  unremunerated  toil,  depriving  them  of  the  ordinary  con- 
veniences and  comforts  of  life,  of  the  time  and  means  necessary 
for  social  enjoyment,  intellectual  culture,  and  moral  improve- 
ment, and  ultimately  reducing  them  to  a  state  of  practical  servi- 
tude. We  further  hold  that  while  these  unrighteous  laws  of 
distribution  remain  in  force,  laborers  cannot,  by  any  system  of 
combination  or  co-operation,  secure  their  natural  rights.  That 
the  first  and  most  important  step  towards  the  establishment  of 
the  rights  of  labor,  is  the  institution  of  a  system  of  true  co- 
operation between  non-producing  capital  and  labor.  That  to 
effect  this  most  desirable  object,  money — the  medium  of  distri- 
bution to  capital  and  labor  —  must  be  instituted  upon  such  a 
wise  and  just  principle  that,  instead  of  being  a  power  to  centralize 
the  wealth  in  the  hands  of  a  few  bankers,  usurers,  middlemen, 
and  non-producers  generally,  it  shall  be  a  power  that  will  dis- 
tribute products  to  producers,  in  accordance  with  the  labor  or 
service  performed  in  their  production  —  the  servant  and  not  the 


APPENDIX.  337 

master  of  labor.  This  done,  the  natural  rights  of  labor  will  be 
secured,  and  co-operation  in  production,  and  in  the  distribution 
of  products,  will  follow  as  a  natural  consequence.  The  weight 
will  be  lifted  from  the  back  of  the  laborer,  and  the  wealth- 
producing  classes  will  have  the  time  and  the  means  necessary  for 
social  enjoyment,  intellectual  culture,  and  moral  improvement, 
and  the  non-producing  classes  compelled  to  earn  a  living  by 
honest  industry.  We  hold  that  this  can  be  effected  by  the  issue 
of  treasury  notes  made  a  legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  and  convertible,  at  the  option  of  the  holder, 
into  government  bonds,  bearing  a  just  rate  of  interest,  sufficiently 
below  the  rate  of  increase  in  the  national  wealth,  by  natural  pro- 
duction, as  to  make  an  equitable  distribution  of  the  products  of 
labor  between  non-producing  capital  and  labor,  reserving  to  Con- 
gress the  right  to  alter  the  same  when,  in  their  judgment,  the 
public  interest  would  be  promoted  thereby ;  giving  the  govern- 
ment creditor  the  right  to  take  the  lawful  money  or  the  interest- 
bearing  bonds  at  his  election,  with  the  privilege  to  the  holder  to 
re-convert  the  bonds  into  money,  or  the  money  into  bonds,  at 
pleasure. 

We  hold  this  to  be  the  true  American  or  people's  monetary 
system,  adopted  to  the  genius  of  our  Democratic  Republican 
institutions,  in  harmony  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of  our  Consti- 
tution, and  suited  to  the  wants  of  the  government  aud  business 
interests  of  the  nation ;  that  it  would  furnish  a  medium  of  ex- 
change, having  equal  power,  a  uniform  value,  and  fitted  for  the 
performance  of  all  the  functions  of  money,  co-extensive  with  the 
jurisdiction  of  government.  That  with  a  just  rate  per  cent 
interest  on  the  government  bonds,  it  would  effect  the  equitable 
distribution  of  the  products  of  labor  between  non-producing 
capital  and  labor,  giving  to  laborers  a  fair  compensation  for  their 
products,  and  to  capital  a  just  reward  for  its  use ;  remove  the 
necessity  for  excessive  toil,  and  afford  the  industrial  classes  the 
time  and  means  necessary  for  social  and  intellectual  culture. 
With  the  rate  of  interest  at  three  per  cent  on  the  government 
bonds,  the  national  debt  would  be  liquidated  within  less  than 
thirty  years,  without  the  imposition  or  collection  of  a  farthing  of 


338  APPENDIX. 

taxes  for  that  purpose.  Thus  it  would  dispense  with  the  hungry 
horde  of  assessors,  tax  gatherers,  and  government  spies,  that  are 
harassing  the  industrial  classes,  and  despoiling  them  of  their 
subsistence. 

We  further  hold  that  it  is  essential  to  the  happiness  and  pros- 
perity of  the  people,  and  the  stability  of  our  Democratic  Repub- 
lican institutions,  that  the  public  domain  be  distributed  as 
widely  as  possible  among  the  people,  —  a  land  monopoly  being 
equally  as  oppressive  to  the  people,  and  dangerous  to  our  institu- 
tions, as  the  present  money  monopoly.  To  prevent  this,  the 
public  lands  should  be  given  in  reasonable  quantities  and  to 
none  but  actual  occupants. 

We  further  hold  that  intelligence  and  virtue  in  the  sovereignty 
are  necessary  to  a  wise  administration  of  justice,  and  that  as  our 
institutions  are  founded  upon  the  theory  of  sovereignty  in  the 
people,  in  order  to  their  preservation  and  perpetuity,  it  is  the 
imperative  duty  of  Congress  to  make  such  wise  and  just  regula- 
tions as  shall  afford  all  the  means  of  acquiring  the  knowledge 
requisite  to  the  intelligent  exercise  of  the  privileges  and  duties 
pertaining  to  sovereignty,  and  that  Congress  should  ordain  that 
eight  hours'  labor,  between  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun, 
should  constitute  a  day's  work  in  all  government  works  and 
places  where  the  national  government  has  exclusive  jurisdiction ; 
and  that  it  is  equally  imperative  on  the  several  States  to  make 
like  provision  by  legal  enactment.  Be  it  therefore  unanimously 

Resolved,  That  our  first  duty  is  now  to  provide,  as  speedily  as 
possifjle,  a  system  of  general  organization  in  accordance  with 
the  principles  herein  more  specifically  set  forth,  and  that  each 
branch  of  industry  shall  be  left  to  adopt  its  own  particular  form 
of  organization,  subject  only  to  such  restraint  as  may  be  neces- 
sary to  place  each  organization  within  line,  so  as  to  act  in  har- 
mony in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole,  as 
well  as  each  of  the  parts ;  and  that  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of 
each  individual,  in  each  and  every  branch  of  industry,  to  aid  in 
the  formation  of  such  labor  organizations  in  their  respective 
branches,  and  to  connect  themselves  therewith. 


APPENDIX.  339 

COOPERATIVE. 

Resolved,  That  in  co-operation  based  upon  just  financial  and 
revenue  laws,  we  recognize  a  sure  and  lasting  remedy  for  the 
abuse  of  the  present  industrial  system,  and  that,  until  the  laws 
of  the  nation  can  be  remodelled  so  as  to  recognize  the  rights  of 
men  instead  of  classes,  the  system  of  co-operation  carefully 
guarded  will  do  much  to  lessen  the  evils  of  our  present  system. 
We  therefore  hail  with  delight  the  organization  of  co-operative 
stores  and  workshops,  and  would  urge  their  formation  in  every 
section  of  the  country,  and  in  every  branch  of  business. 

WOMAN'S  LABOR. 

Resolved,  That  with  the  equal  application  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  our  Republican  Democratic  government,  and  a 
sound  monetary  system,  there  could  be  no  antagonism  between 
the  interests  of  the  workingmen  and  workingwomen  of  this  coun- 
try, nor  between  any  of  the  branches  of  productive  industry,  — 
the  direct  operation  of  each,  when  not  prevented  by  unjust  mone- 
tary laws,  being  to  benefit  all  the  others  by  the  production  and 
distribution  of  the  comforts  and  necessaries  of  life;  and  that 
the  adoption,  by  the  national  government,  of  the  financial  policy 
set  forth  in  this  platform,  will  put  an  end  to  the  oppression  of 
workingwomen,  and  is  the  only  means  of  securing  to  them  as 
well  as  to  the  workingmen  the  just  reward  of  their  labor. 

Resolved,  That  we  pledge  our  individual  and  undivided  sup- 
port to  the  sewing- women  and  daughters  of  toil  in  this  land, 
and  would  solicit  their  hearty  co-operation,  knowing,  as  We  do, 
that  no  class  of  industry  is  so  much  in  need  of  having  their  con- 
dition ameliorated  as  the  factory  operatives,  sewing-women,  etc., 
of  this  country. 

CONVICT-LABOR. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  the  abolishment  of  the  system  of 
convict-labor  in  our  prisons  and  penitentiaries,  and  that  the  labor 
performed  by  convicts  shall  be  that  which  will  least  conflict  with 
honest  industry  outside  of  the  prisons,  and  that  the  wares  man- 
ufactured by  the  convict  shall  not  be  put  upon  the  market  at  less 
than  the  current;  market-rates. 


340  APPENDIX. 

IMPROVED   DWELLINGS  FOR  LABORERS. 

Resolved,  That  we  would  urgently  call  the  attention  of  the  in- 
dustrial classes  to  the  subject  of  tenement  houses  and  improved 
dwellings,  believing  it  to  be  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
community  that  a  reform  should  be  effected  in  this  respect,  as 
the  experience  of  the  past  has  proved  that  vice,  pauperism,  and 
crime  are  the  invariable  attendants  of  the  over-crowded  and  illy 
ventilated  dwellings  of  the  poor,  and  urge  upon  the  capitalists  of 
the  country  attention  to  the  blessings  to  be  derived  from  invest- 
ing their  means  in  the  erection  of  such  dwellings. 

INTELLECTUAL   IMPROVEMENT. 

Resolved,  That  the  formation  of  mechanics1  institutes,  lyceums, 
and  reading-rooms,  and  the  erection  of  buildings  for  that  pur- 
pose, are  recommended  to  workingmen  in  all  cities  and  towns, 
as  a  means  of  advancing  their  social  and  intellectual  improve- 
ment. 

REMEDY  FOR  INSUFFICIENT  WORK. 

Resolved,  That  this  Labor  Congress  would  most  respectfully 
recommend  to  the  workingmen  of  the  country,  that  in  case  they 
are  pressed  for  want  of  employment,  they  proceed  to  become 
actual  settlers ;  believing  that  if  the  industry  of  the  country  can 
be  coupled  with  its  natural  advantages,  it  will  result  both  in 
individual  relief  and  national  advantages. 

Resolved,  That  where  a  workingman  is  found  capable  and 
available  for  office,  the  preference  should  invariably  be  given  to 
such  person. 

Six  ADDITIONS   TO   THE   PLATFORM   ADOPTED   BY   THE 
NATIONAL  LABOR  UNIONS  SINCE  1868. 

Resolved,  That  the  public  lands  of  the  United  States  belong  to 
the  people,  and  should  not  be  sold  to  individuals,  nor  granted  to 
corporations ;  but  should  be  held  as  a  sacred  trust  for  the  benefit 
of  the  people,  and  should  be  granted,  free  of  cost,  to  landless 
settlers  only,  in  amounts  not  exceeding  160  acres  of  land. 

Resolved,  That  the  treaty-making  power  of  the  government 
has  no  authority  in  the  Constitution  to  "  dispose  of"  the  public 


APPENDIX.  341 

lands  without  the  joint  sanction  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives. 

Resolved,  That  as  labor  is  the  foundation  and  cause  of  national 
prosperity,  it  is  both  the  duty  and  interest  of  the  government  to 
foster  and  protect  it.  Its  importance,  therefore,  demands  the 
creation  of  an  executive  department  of  the  government  at  Wash- 
ington, to  be  denominated  the  Department  of  Labor,  which 
shall  aid  in  protecting  it  above  all  other  interests. 

Resolved,  That  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  are 
the  three  cardinal  principles  of  government,  and  the  first  two 
more  sacred  than  the  latter;  therefore,  money  necessary  for 
prosecuting  wars  should,  as  it  is  required,  be  assessed  and  col- 
lected from  the  wealth  of  the  country  and  not  be  entailed  as  a 
burden  on  posterity. 

Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  both  the  present  political  parties 
are  dominated  by  the  non-producing  classes,  who  depend  on 
public  plunder  for  subsistence  and  wealth,  and  have  no  sym- 
pathy with  the  working  millions  beyond  the  use  they  can  make 
of  them  for  their  own  political  and  pecuniary  aggrandizement ; 
therefore,  the  highest  interest  of  our  colored  fellow-citizens  is 
with  the  workingmen,  who,  like  themselves,  are  slaves  of  capital 
and  politicians,  and  strike  for  liberty. 

Resolved,  That  women  are  entitled  to  equal  pay  for  equal  ser- 
vices with  men ;  that  the  practice  of  working  women  and  chil- 
dren ten  to  fifteen  hours  a  day  at  starvation  prices  is  brutal  in 
the  extreme,  and  subversive  to  the  health,  intelligence,  and 
morality  of  the  nation,  and  demands  the  interposition  of  law. 


II. 

JOURNEYMEN    BRICKLAYERS'    PROTECTIVE   ASSO- 
CIATION  OF  PHILADELPHIA. 

PLEDGE. 

I  hereby  solemnly  and  sincerely  pledge  my  honor  as  a  man, 
that  I  will  not  reveal  any  private  business  or  proceedings  of  this 


342  APPENDIX. 

Association,  or  any  individual  action  of  its  members;  that  1 
will,  without  equivocation  or  evasion,  and  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  so  long  as  I  remain  a  member  thereof,  abide  by  the 
Constitution  and  By-Laws,  and  the  particular  scale  of  prices  of 
work  adopted  by  it;  that  I  will  acquiesce  in  the  will  of  the 
majority,  and  that  I  will  at  all  times,  by  every  honorable  means 
within  my  power,  procure  employment  for  members  of  this 
Association;  that  I  will,  at  all  times  and  places,  especially  at 
work,  endeavor  to  assist  and  comfort  my  fellow- workmen  who 
are  members  of  this  Association. 

PREAMBLE. 

Whereas,  To  elevate  and  maintain  a  proper  position  in  our 
trade  and  calling,  we  have  found  it  necessary  to  organize  and 
adopt  means  by  which  we  may  assert  our  individual  rights,  there- 
fore be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  Journeymen  Bricklayers'  Protective  Asso- 
ciation of  Philadelphia,  with  a  view  to  maintain  a  fair  rate  of 
wages,  encourage  members  to  advance  themselves  in  their  trade, 
to  fraternize  in  a  spirit  of  harmony,  and  use  every  means  which 
may  tend  to  the  elevation  of  Bricklayers  in  the  social  scale  of 
life,  form  themselves  into  a  union  for  the  accomplishment 
of  these  ends,  do  therefore  enact  and  declare  the  following  as 
their  Constitution,  By- Laws,  and  Rules  of  Order. 


III. 

CONSTITUTION   OF  THE  CIGAR-MAKERS'  PROGRES- 
SIVE  UNION    OF  AMERICAN 

DECLARATION  OF  PRINCIPLES. 

The  working  people,  though  being  the  creators  of  all  wealth, 
are  in  every  sense  of  the  word  unfree,  economically  and  politi- 
cally. 

1  This  is  one  of  the  socialistic  unions. 


APPENDIX.  343 

The  means  of  production,  money,  machinery  and  tools  of  all 
kinds,  as  well  as  the  soil,  are  in  the  hands  of  a  few — the  capi- 
talistic class. 

The  working  classes,  compelled  by  want,  are  selling  their  only 
means,  their  laboring  power,  to  the  capitalistic  class  for  wages, 
regulated  by  supply  and  demand. 

The  surplus  of  the  values  created  by  the  laboring  classes  goes 
to  the  capitalistic  class  causing  the  growth  of  gigantic  monopo- 
lies, the  destruction  of  the  middle  class,  and  the  pauperization 
of  the  working  people  in  an  ever-increasing  ratio.  The  means  of 
production  in  the  hands  of  capitalists  are  a  powerful  means 
of  subduing  the  class  of  workers. 

Every  improvement  in  the  means  of  production  does  away 
with  a  number  of  human  hands,  and  annually  the  army  of  the 
unemployed  is  on  the  increase,  thereby  decreasing  the  demand 
for  the  means  of  life  on  the  part  of  the  laboring  class. 

The  misproportion  of  production  and  the  demand  for  products 
is  growing,  and  crises  are  the  natural  consequence. 

The  capitalistic  class,  by  its  wealth,  owns  all  legislation,  its 
privileges  are  guaranteed  by  law. 

The  laboring  classes  have  —  as  experience  shows  —  nothing  to 
expect  from  present  legislatures.  Therefore,  we  consider  it  to 
be  a  necessity  for  the  workers  of  our  day  to  recognize  and  defend 
their  common  interests  as  a  class. 

For  that  purpose  they  need  Organization  I 

Disunited,  the  workers  are  nothing !  United,  they  are  an  irre- 
sistible power! 

Organization  and  united  action  are  the  only  means  by  which 
the  laboring  classes  can  gain  any  advantages  for  themselves. 

Organization  and  Unity  bear,  in  themselves,  the  germ  for  a 
just  form  of  society. 

Good  and  strong  labor  organizations  are  enabled  to  defend 
and  preserve  the  interests  of  the  working  mass. 

Organization  enables  them  to  assist  each  other  in  case  of 
strikes,  death  and  disease. 

By  Organization  only,  the  workers,  as  a  class,  are  able  to  gain 
legislative  advantages.  The  battle-cry  of  the  laboring  class 


344  APPENDIX. 

must  be:  "Cut  loose  from  the  present  political  parties;  Elect 
none  but  ivorkingmen  to  the  Legislature1."  They  know  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  people ;  they  know  where  to  put  in  the  lever  to  lift 
the  burdens  from  their  fellow-sufferers  and  to  give  them  their 
economic  and  political  rights. 

These  organized  economic  and  political  struggles  teach  the 
workers  to  conduct  their  own  case  and  to  give  them  confidence 
in  their  own  might. 

Self-confidence  gives  to  the  worker  the  power  to  do  away  with 
the  present  unjust  mode  of  production,  as  well  as  with  the  social 
system  of  classes  to  put  in  their  stead  the  co-operative  mode  of 
producing,  with  a  just  distribution  of  all  products,  and  political 
equality  of  all  individuals. 

The  confidence  in  one's  own  power  destroys  the  belief  in  all 
authority  wherever  exerted. 

To  do  away  with  all  unjust  domination  in  state,  society,  etc., 
and  to  establish  real  sovereignty  of  the  people  is  the  aim  of  the 
modern  labor  movement. 

The  laboring  classes  must  be  freed  by  the  laboring  classes  them- 
selves. 

ARTICLE  II.  — OBJECT. 

SEC.  I.  This  Union  aims  at  the  furtherance  of  the  material 
and  intellectual  welfare  of  all  workers,  male  and  female,  em- 
ployed at  the  manufacture  of  cigars. 

SEC.  2.  This  Union  proposes  to  carry  out  its  aims  by  the  fol- 
lowing means :  — 

a)  By  gratuitously  furnishing  work ; 

b)  By  mutual  pecuniary  aid ; 

1)  In  case  of  strikes  and  lockouts,  of  sickness  and  death ; 

2)  By  lending  money  for  travelling ; 

3)  In  case  of  legal  difficulties  consequent  upon  affairs  con- 
cerning the  Union ; 

f)   Regarding  intellectual  advancement ; 

1)  By  issuing  an  organ  defending  the  interests  of  the  Union; 

2)  By  lectures  and  discussions  upon  topics  of  Political  Econ- 
omy, Statistics,  etc ; 


APPENDIX.  345 

</)  By  agitating  propositions  for  the  introduction  of  laws  for  the 

protection  of  labor's  interests. 

SEC.  3.     Laws  for  the  protection  of  labor's  interests,  as  this 
Union  understands  them,  are  : 

a)  Prohibition  of  industrial  labor  for  boys  under  14  and  for 
girls  under  16  years  of  age. 

0)  Limiting  the  hours  of  labor  to  not  more  than  eight  per  day, 
and  enforcing  such  a  law  by  the  executive  powers  of  the 
State. 

c)    Prohibition  of  all  night  work. 
d}  Abolition  of  the  truck  system. 

e)  Prohibition  of  tenement-house  cigar-manufacture. 

f)  Prohibition  of   contract  labor  in  prisons  and  reformatory 
institutions. 

£•)  State  control  of  factories  and  workshops  with  reference  to 
their  sanitary  condition,  also  laws  for  the  protection  of  the 
life  and  limbs  and  the  health  of  the  workmen. 

h}  Owners  of  factories  to  be  made  liable,  unconditionally,  for 
accidents  caused  by  the  lack  of  proper  measures  for  the  safety 
of  their  workers. 

1)  Establishment  of  a  Central  Bureau  of  Statistics  for  labor  and 
labor  interests;    the  Bureau  to  be  controlled  by  the  labor 
unions. 


IV. 

REVISED  CONSTITUTION  AND  GENERAL  LAWS  OF 
THE  NATIONAL  AMALGAMATED  ASSOCIATION 
OF  IRON  AND  STEEL  WORKERS  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

PREAMBLE. 

"Labor  has  no  protection  —  the  weak  are  devoured  by  the 
strong.  All  wealth  and  all  power  centre  in  the  hands  of  few, 
and  the  many  are  their  victims  and  their  bondsmen." 

So  says  an  able  writer  in  a  treatise  on  association ;  and  in 


346  APPENDIX. 

studying  the  history  of  the  past,  the  impartial  thinker  must  be 
impressed  with  the  truth  of  the  above  quotation.  In  all  coun- 
^tri?s  and  at  *\\  times  capital  has  been  used  bv  those  possessing 
it  to  monopolize  particular  branches  of  business,  until  the  vast 
and  various  industrial  pursuits  of  the  world  have  been  under  the 
immediate  control  of  a  comparatively  small  portion  of  mankind. 
Although  an  unequal  distribution  of  the  world's  wealth,  it  is  per- 
haps necessary  that  it  should  be  so. 

To  attain  to  the  highest  degree  of  success,  in  any  undertaking, 
it  is  necessary  to  have  the  most  perfect  and  systematic  arrange- 
ment possible  :  to  acquire  such  a  system  it  requires  the  manage- 
ment of  a  business  to  be  placed  as  nearly  as  possible  under  the 
control  of  one  mind ;  thus  concentration  of  wealth  and  business 
tact  conduces  to  the  most  perfect  working  of  the  vast  business 

machinery  of  the  World.      -Anrl  tVmrn  iVj-pM-Vjap^ JQQ  nfhpr  organ- 

.  ization  of  serif ty  in  wtll  "ilmlflted  to  benefit  the  laborer  and 
advance  the  moral  and  social  condition  of  the  mechanic  ul  the 
country,  if  those  possessed  of  wealth  were  all  actuated  by  those 
pure  and  philanthropic  principles  so  necessary  to  the  happiness 

of  all.      Butt    alas  *  fpr   thp   pr>r>r   of  hnma[pityj    «gi,irh   Ifi    not   tht 

case.  "Wea^li  is  pow^r,"  and  practical  experience  teaches  us 
that  it  is  power  too  often  used  to  depress  and  degrade  the  daily 
laborer. 

Year  after  year  the  capital  of  the  country  becomes  more  and 
more  concentrated  in  the  hands  6f  the  tew ;  and  in  proportion  - 
as  the  wealth  of  the  country  becomes  centralized,  its  power  in- 
creases, and  the  laboring  classes  are  impoverished.  _It  there- 
fore becomes  us,  as  men  who  have  to  battle  with  th**  fit**rn  gA- 
alities  of  life,  to  look  this  matter  fair  in  the  face.  There  is  no 
dodging  the  question.  Let  every  man  give  it  a  fair,  full,  and 
Candid  consideration,  and  then  act  according  to  his  honest  con- 
victions. What  position  are  we.  the  Iron  and  Steel  Workers  of 
America,  to  hold  in  Society?  Are  we  to  receive  an  equivalent 
for  our  labor  sufficient  to  maintain  us  in  comparative  independ- 
ence and  respectability,  to  procure  the  means  with  which  to 
educate  our  children  and  qualify  them  to  play  their  part  in  the 
world's  drama?  or  must  we  be  forced  to  bow  the  suppliant's  knee 


APPENDIX.  347 

to  wealth,  and  earn  by  unprofitable  toil  a  life  too  void  of  solace 
to  confirm  the  very  chains  that  bind  us  to  our  doom  ? 

"In  union  there  is  strength;"  and  in  the  formation  of  a 
National  Amalgamated  Association,  embracing  every  iron  and 
steel  worker  in  the  country,  a  union  founded  upon  a  basis  broad 
as  the  land  in  which  we  live,  lies  our  only  hope.  Single-handed 
we  can  accomplish  nothing,  but  united  there  is  no  power  of 
wrong  we  may  not  openly  defy. 

Let  the  iron  and  steel  workers  of  such  places  as  have  not 
already  moved  in  this  matter,  organize  as  quickly  as  possible  and 
connect  themselves  with  the  National  Association.  rjonot  be 
humbugged  with  the  idea  that  this  thing  cannot  succeed.  We 
are  not  theorists ;  this  is  no  visionary  plan,  but  one  eminently 
practicable.  Nor  can  injustice  be  done  to  any  one ;  no  undue 
advantage  can  be  taken  of  any  of  our  employers.  There  is  not7 
there  cannot  be  any  good  reason  why  they  should  not  pay  us  a 
fair  price  for  our  labor.  If  the  profits  of  their  business  are  not 
sufficient  to  remunerate  them  for  their  trouble  of  doing  business, 
let  the  consumer  make  the  balance.  The  stereotype  argument 
of  our  employers,  in  every  attempt  to  reduce  wages,  is  that  their 
large  expenses  and  small  profits  will  not  warrant  the  present 
prices  for  labor ;  therefore,  those  just  able  to  live  now  must  be 
content  with  less  hereafter. 

In  answer,  we  maintain  the  expenses  are  not  unreasonable, 
and  the  profits  are  large,  and  the  aggregate  great.  rri^-~  ^  nn  ^ 
good  reason  why  we  should  not  receive  a  fair  equivalent  for  our 
labor.  A  small  reduction  seriously  diminishes  the  already  scanty 
means  of  the  operative  and  puts  a  large  sum  in  the  employer's 
pocket,  and  yet  some  of  the  manufacturers  would  appear  chari- 
table before  the  world. 

We  ask,  is  it  charitable,  is  it  humane,  is  it  honest,  to  take  \ 
from  the  laborer,  who  is  already  fed,  clothed,  and  lodged  too  \ 
poorly,  a  portion  of  his  food  and  raiment,  and  deprive  his  family   \ 
of  the  necessaries  of  life  by  the  common  resort  —  a  reduction     I 
of  his  wages?     It  must  not  be  so. 

To  rescue  our  trades  from  the  condition  into  which  they  have     » 
fallen,  and  raise  ourselves  to  that  condition  in  society  to  which 


348  APPENDIX. 

we,  as  mechanics,  are  justly  entitled,  and  to  place  ourselves  on  a 
foundation  sufficiently  strong  ^secure  us  fromjurthex^nrroach- 
ments.  and  to  elevate  thp  moral,  snrial,  pnd  intellectual  condition 
nf  pypry  iron  and  steel  worker  in  the  country,  is  the  oBject  of 
<aur  National  Association ;  and^  to  the  consummation  of  so  de- 
sirable an  object,  we,  the  delegates  in  convention  assembled,  do 
pledge  ourselves  to  unceasing  effort. 

ARTICLE  I.  —  NAME  AND  OBJECTS. 

SECTION  i.  This  Association  shall  be  known  as  the  NA- 
TIONAL AMALGAMATED  ASSOCIATION  OF  IRON  AND  STEEL 
WORKERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  consisting  of  Puddlers, 
Boilers,  Heaters  and  their  Helpers ;  Roll  Hands,  except  Drag- 
Outs  on  Muck  Mills ;  Nailers,  Spike  Makers,  Nail  and  Spike 
Feeders,  Hammermen,  Shinglers  and  Knobblers,  Refiners,  Roll 
Turners  ;  also  Picklers,  Annealers,  Washmen,  Assorters,  and  Tin 
Men  in  Tin  Mills ;  Hot  and  Cold  Straighteners  and  their  Help- 
ers ;  Gaggers  and  Drillers  working  by  the  ton ;  Chargers,  Pull- 
Outs,  Hot-Bed  Men  and  Clippers  in  Rail  Mills ;  Wire  Drawers, 
Tackers,  Spring  Makers,  Spring  Fitters,  Axle  Turners,  Water 
Tenders,  Rivet  Men,  Axle  Makers,  their  Heaters  and  Helpers ; 
Heaters  and  Welders  in  Pipe  Mills;  Gas  Makers  in  Crucible 
Steel  and  Iron  Works,  after  they  have  been  working  at  the 
business  one  year;  Shearmen  in  Bar,  Plate,  Sheet,  and  Nail 
Mills ;  Engineers  and  Blacksmiths  directly  connected  with  Iron, 
Steel  or  Tin  Works ;  also  Stockers,  Chargers,  Cupola  Tenders, 
Speigel  Melters,  Runnermen,  Vesselmen,  Bottom  Makers,  Ladle- 
men,  Pitmen,  Cindermen,  Stagemen,  and  Blowers  working  by 
the  ton,  and  Pipe  Fitters  connected  with  Bessemer  Steel  Works. 
Also  Keepers  and  their  Helpers,  Bottom  Fillers,  Top  Fillers, 
Engineers,  Iron  Men,  Cindermen,  and  Water  Tenders  at  Blast 
Furnaces  directly  connected  with  Bessemer  Steel  Mills. 

SEC.  2.  -rrKQ  nhjprts  nf  this  Association  shall  be  the  eleva- 
tlon  nf  tne  position  of  its  members,  the  maintenance  of  the 
best  interests  of  the  Association,  and  toDbtain  by  conciliation, 
or  by  other  means  that  are  fair  and  legal,  a  fair  remuneration  to 
the  members  for  their  labor ;  and  to  afford  mutual  protection  to 


APPENDIX.  J49 

members  against  broken  contracts,  obnoxious  rules,  unlawful 
discharge,  or  other  systems  of  injustice  or  oppression. 

ARTICLE     II.  —  NATIONAL    JURISDICTION    AND     GENERAL 
OFFICE. 

SECTION  I .  This  Association  shall  have  jurisdiction  over  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  in  which  there  are  at  present,  or  may 
be  hereafter,  Subordinate  Lodges  located  :  and  shall  be  the  high- 
est authority  of  the  Order  in  its  jurisdiction,  and  without  its 
sanction  no  lodge  can  exist. 

SEC.  2.  The  general  office  of  the  Association  shall  be 
located  in  the  city  of  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  and  it  shall  be  required 
that  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Lodge  reside 
in  the  city  where  the  general  office  is  located. 

ARTICLE  III.  —  NATIONAL  LODGE  ELECTIVE  OFFICERS  AND 
THEIR  DUTIES. 

SECTION  I.  The  elective  officers  of  the  National  Association 
shall  be  a  President,  who  shall  also  be  Organizer,  a  Secretary, 
a  Vice-President  for  each  district  or  division  of  a  district,  a 
Treasurer,  and  three  Trustees,  who  shall  hold  their  offices  until 
their  successors  are  elected  or  appointed. 

SEC.  2.  The  President  shall  be  elected  from  among  the  dele- 
gates at  Convention,  or  those  who  have  been  delegates  at  any 
previous  Convention,  or  whoever  held  office  in  the  National 
Association  previous  to  the  adoption  of  this  Article.  He  shall 
instruct  all  new  members  in  the  workings  of  the  Association, 
and  superintend  the  workings  of  the  order  throughout  the  juris- 
diction. He  shall  sign  all  official  documents  whenever  satisfied 
of  their  correctness  and  authenticity,  and  appoint  Vice-Presi- 
dents or  Trustees  of  the  National  Lodge  where  vacancies  occur. 
He  shall  have  power  to  visit  any  Sub-Lodge  and  inspect  their 
proceedings,  either  personally  or  by  deputy ;  and  require  a  com- 
pliance to  the  laws,  rules,  and  usages  of  this  Association,  and  if 
any  Sub-Lodge  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  place  any  of  their  books 
or  documents,  or  any  information  in  their  possession,  into  the 
hands  of  the  President,  or  his  deputy,  whenever  required  by 


350  APPENDIX. 

either  of  them  for  any  information  or  investigation  he  may  deem 
necessary,  the  President  may  fine  or  suspend  the  Sub-Lodge 
immediately,  and  report  his  action  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Na- 
tional Lodge,  who,  in  turn,  shall  report  the  same  to  the  Vice- 
President  of  the  district  in  which  the  lodge  is  located,  and  to  all 
Sub-Lodges  in  the  Association  as  soon  as  possible.  He  shall 
submit  to  the  Secretary  at  the  end  of  each  month,  an  itemized 
account  of  all  moneys,  travelling  and  incidental,  expended  by 
him  in  the  interest  of  the  Association,  and  at  the  end  of  his 
term  of  office  he  shall  report  his  acts  and  doings,  in  which  shall 
be  embodied  the  reports  of  the  Vice-Presidents,  to  the  National 
Convention.  He  shall  be  required  to  devote  all  his  time  to  the 
interest  of  this  Association,  and  for  his  services  shall  receive 
such  sum  as  the  National  Convention  shall  determine. 

SEC.  3.  The  Secretary  shall  be  elected  from  among  the  dele- 
gates at  Convention,  or  those  who  have  been  delegates  at  any 
previous  Convention,  or  who  ever  held  office  in  the  National 
Association  previous  to  the  adoption  of  this  Article.  He  shall 
take  charge  of  all  books,  papers,  and  effects  of  the  general  office. 
He  shall  furnish  all  elective  officers  with  the  necessary  letter 
heads  and  stationery.  He  shall  convene  and  act  as  Secretary  of 
the  National  Convention,  keep  all  documents,  papers,  accounts, 
letters  received,  and  copies  of  all  important  letters  sent  by  him 
on  business  of  the  Association  in  such  a  manner  and  place,  and 
for  such  purposes  as  the  National  Convention  shall  direct.  He 
shall  collect  and  receive  all  moneys  due  the  National  Associa- 
tion, pay  the  same  to  the  Treasurer,  taking  his  receipt  therefor. 
He  shall  also  draw  all  warrants  on  the  Treasurer  and  Trustees, 
which  shall  be  signed  by  the  President.  He  shall  prepare  a 
quarterly  report  of  the  financial  transactions  connected  with  the 
National  Association,  and  furnish  each  Sub-Lodge  with  a  copy 
of  the  same.  He  shall  also  furnish  each  Sub-Lodge,  in  arrears, 
with  a  statement  of  their  indebtedness  on  or  before  the  fifteenth 
of  June  in  each  year.  He  shall  register  the  names  of  members 
who  have  received  strike  or  victimized  benefits  and  the  amount 
each  member  has  received.  He  shall  close  all  accounts  of  the 
National  Association  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  June  in  each  year, 


APPENDIX.  351 

and  all  moneys  received  or  disbursed  after  said  date  shall  not 
be  reported  in  the  general  balance  account  at  the  next  National 
Convention.  He  shall,  after  the  adjournment  of  each  National 
Convention,  prepare  a  general  account  of  the  proceedings  there- 
of as  soon  as  possible,  together  with  a  general  balance  account 
of  all  moneys  received  and  disbursed,  a  copy  of  which  shall  be 
furnished  gratis  to  each  Subordinate  Lodge  in  good  standing, 
and  for  his  services  shall  receive  such  sum  as  the  National  Con- 
vention shall  determine. 

SEC.  4.  Upon  the  death,  resignation,  or  removal  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  National  Lodge,  the  Vice-President  of  the  First  Divi- 
sion of  the  First  District  shall  immediately  assume  the  duties  of 
the  President  and  notify  the  different  Vice-Presidents,  who  shall 
meet,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  National  Lodge  officers,  shall 
elect  a  successor  for  the  unexpired  term. 

.  SEC.  5.  Upon  the  death,  resignation,  or  removal  of  the  Sec- 
retary or  the  Treasurer  of  the  National  Lodge,  the  President 
thereof  shall  immediately  take  charge  of  all  books,  papers,  and 
effects  of  the  general  office,  and  notify  the  different  Vice-Presi- 
dents, who  shall  meet,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  National 
Lodge  officers,  shall  elect  a  successor  for  the  unexpired  term. 

SEC.  6.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Vice-Presidents  to  act  as 
executives  of  the  several  districts  or  divisions  of  districts  in 
which  they  may  reside,  and  render  such  other  assistance  to  the 
President  as  he  may  require.  They  shall  report  their  acts  and 
doings  for  their  term  of  office,  to  the  President  of  the  National 
lodge,  not  later  than  the  first  of  July  in  each  year.  (See 
President's  duties.)  They  shall  appoint  three  deputies  each  to 
assist  them  in  their  duties,  the  same  to  report  to  their  respective 
Vice-Presidents  every  three  months.  When  either  or  all  of  the 
regular  deputies  cannot  attend,  then  the  Vice-President  shall 
have  power  to  appoint  special  deputies  for  that  occasion.  Vice- 
Presidents  shall  be  delegates  at  large  to  the  National  Conven- 
tion. 

SEC.  7.  The  Treasurer  shall  receive  and  take  charge  of  all 
moneys,  property,  and  security  of  the  National  Association  de- 
livered to  him  by  the  Secretary,  and  all  moneys  that  accumulate 


352  APPENDIX. 

in  his  hands  over  and  above  the  amount  of  his  bond  ($10,000), 
he  shall  deposit  in  bank,  taking  a  certificate  of  deposit  there- 
for, and  all  such  certificates  he  shall  turn  over  to  the  Trustees  of 
the  National  Lodge.  He  shall  pay,  through  the  Secretary,  all 
warrants  regularly  drawn  on  him,  signed  by  the  President  and 
countersigned  by  the  Secretary,  as  required  by  this  Constitution, 
and  none  others.  He  shall  submit  to  the  National  Convention 
a  complete  statement  of  all  receipts  and  disbursements  during 
his  term  of  office.  He  shall  be  required  to  attend  the  Sessions 
of  the  National  Association ;  and  at  the  expiration  of  his  term 
of  office,  he  shall  deliver  up  to  the  successor  all  moneys,  securi- 
ties, books,  and  papers  of  the  National  Association  under  his 
control. 

SEC.  8.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  to 
receive  and  hold  the  certificates  of  deposit  turned  over  to  them 
by  the  Treasurer  of  the  National  Lodge,  as  set  forth  in  the 
duties  of  the  Treasurer,  and  in  no  case  shall  the  Trustees  re- 
turn to  the  Treasurer  any  of  said  certificates,  except  on  the  order 
of  the  President,  attested  by  the  Secretary  of  the  National 
Lodge.  They  shall  also  hold  the  required  bonds  of  the  Presi- 
dent, Secretary,  and  Treasurer,  which  shall  be  five  thousand  dol- 
lars ($5,000.00)  each  for  the  President  and  Secretary,  and  ten 
thousand  dollars  ($10,000.00)  for  the  Treasurer.  They  shall 
also,  in  conjunction  with  the  President,  Secretary,  and  Treas- 
urer, audit  all  accounts  of  the  National  Lodge  every  three 
months,  which  settlement  shall  be  final  for  each  quarter. 

A  copy  of  such  settlement  shall  be  sent  to  each  Sub-Lodge  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  National  Lodge,  in  which  shall  appear  the 
individual  expenses  of  the  National  Lodge  Officers,  including 
the  Deputies  and  members  of  the  Executive  and  Conference 
Committees  of  the  several  districts,  and  those  settlements  shall 
be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Auditing  at  each  National  Con- 
vention. For  the  faithful  performance  of  their  duties  the  Trus- 
tees shall  give  a  bond  of  five  thousand  dollars  ($5,000.00)  each, 
which  shall  be  deposited  with  the  President. 

SEC.  9.  The  Trustees  and  officers  of  the  National  Lodge 
shall  also  constitute  an  Advisory  Board  to  the  President  of 


APPENDIX.  353 

the  National  Lodge,  with  whom  he  shall  consult  at  his  dis- 
cretion. 

SEC.  10.  The  President  of  the  National  Association  shall 
preside  at  all  National  Conventions.  He  shall  preserve  order 
and  enforce  the  laws  thereof.  He  shall  have  the  casting  vote 
when  equally  divided  on  any  question,  but  shall  not  vote  at 
other  times,  except  at  the  election  of  officers  pro  tern.  He  shall 
make  out  and  announce  the  following  committees :  — 

On  report  of  the  President  and  other  officers,  on  Ways  and 
Means,  on  Auditing,  on  Secret  Work,  on  Grievance,  on  Claims, 
on  Appeals,  on  Constitution  and  General  Laws,  on  General 
Good  of  the  Order. 

SEC.  1 1 .  The  National  Lodge  Officers,  Vice-Presidents,  Depu- 
ties, Executive,  and  Conference  Committees  shall,  at  the  end  of 
each  quarter,  present  to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Lodge,  an 
itemized  report  of  their  actual  lost  time  in  the  mill  and  all  travel- 
ling and  other  necessary  expenses  incurred  by  them  in  the  dis- 
charge of  their  duties,  which  shall  be  paid  by  the  National 
Association.  (See  Section  8  of  this  Article.) 

SEC.  12.  The  term  of  office  of  the  President,  Secretary, 
Treasurer,  and  Trustees  of  the  National  Lodge,  also  the  Vice- 
Presidents  of  the  several  Districts  and  Divisions,  shall  not  expire 
until  the  first  day  of  October,  after  a  successor  to  either  of  them 
has  been  elected. 

ARTICLE  V.  — REVENUE. 

SECTION  i.  The  revenue  of  this  Association  shall  be  de- 
rived as  follows :  — 

For  issuing  a  Charter  to  a  Subordinate  Lodge,  $5.00;  new 
Seal,  $6.00 ;  remodeling  an  old  Seal,  $4.50 ;  Rituals,  $1.00  each  ; 
Due  and  Withdrawal  Cards,  10  cents  each;  Constitution  and 
General  Laws,  10  cents  each ;  Blank  Reports,  10  cents  each. 

SEC.  2.  In  order  to  create  a  fund  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the 
National  Association  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President  to 
assess  a  quarterly  tax  on  the  different  Subordinate  Lodges,  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  taxable  members  on  the  last  re- 
port preceding  the  date  assessments  are  made,  sufficient  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  the  National  Association. 


354  APPENDIX. 

SEC.  3.  In  order  to  create  a  fund  for  the  support  of  victim- 
ized members,  or  such  members  as  may  be  engaged  in  legalized 
strikes,  it  shall  be  required  that  each  member  of  the  Association 
shall  pay  to  his  lodge,  for  the  Protective  Fund,  the  sum  of 
twenty-five  cents  per  month. 

SEC.  4.  At  the  last  stated  meeting  in  each  quarter  the 
Financial  Secretary  of  each  lodge  shall  report  to  the  lodge  the 
correct  number  of  members  on  his  books  taxable  to  the  Protec- 
tive Fund  for  the  quarter,  when  an  order  shall  be  drawn  on  the 
Treasurer  for  a  sum  equal  to  seventy-five  cents  for  every  member 
on  the  books  thus  reported  by  the  Financial  Secretary,  and  the 
sum  thus  drawn  on  the  Treasurer  shall  be  given  to  the  Corre- 
sponding Representative,  who  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  for- 
ward the  same  to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Lodge,  who  will 
receipt  therefor. 

SEC.  5.  In  order  to  replenish  the  Protective  Fund  when  it 
has  been  depleted  by  a  long  and  continuous  drain  thereon,  the 
President  of  the  National  Lodge  shall  have  discretionary  power 
to  levy  a  special  assessment  upon  each  member  reported  in  good 
standing  on  the  past  quarterly  report,  except  members  on  strike 
or  out  of  work  two  weeks,  which  assessment  must  be  collected 
by  the  Financial  Secretary  of  the  lodge  and  sent  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  National  Lodge  without  delay. 

SEC.  6.  Any  member  who  is  sick  or  out  of  employment  dur- 
ing the  period  of  one  full  month  shall  be  exempt  from  paying 
the  twenty-five  cents  per  month  to  the  Protective  Fund  until  he 
recovers  from  his  sickness  or  finds  employment.  But  members 
out  of  employment  must  report  the  fact  to  their  lodge  at  every 
regular  meeting  or  be  charged  with  the  twenty-five  cents  per 
month  to  the  Protective  Fund. 

SEC.  7.  All  moneys  due  the  National  Association  shall  be 
forwarded  to  the  Secretary  thereof  by  draft  (on  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  or  Pittsburg),  Express,  P.  O.  Order,  or  RegistCi  :d 
Letter.  For  checks  sent  on  any  bank,  except  in  the  city  of 
Pittsburg,  twenty-five  cents  extra  will  be  charged  for  collection. 


APPENDIX.  355 


ARTICLE  VII.  — STRIKES. 

SECTION  i.  No  Sub-Lodge  under  the  jurisdiction  of  this 
Association  shall  be  permitted  to  enter  into  a  strike  unless 
authorized  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  their  district  or 
division. 

SEC.  2.  When  the  Executive  Committee  of  a  district  or 
division  find  it  necessary,  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  this 
Association,  to  legalize  a  strike  in  any  one  department  of  a 
mill  or  works,  it  shall  be  required  that  the  men  of  all  other  de- 
partments shall  also  cease  work  until  the  difficulty  is  settled. 

SEC.  3.  When  a  strike  has  been  legalized,  and  the  general 
office  of  the  Association  has  been  properly  notified  of  the  fact, 
the  Secretary  of  the  National  Lodge  shall  at  once  prepare  a 
printed  statement  of  all  the  facts  as  near  as  possible,  and  for- 
ward to  all  lodges,  warning  all  true  men  not  to  accept  work  in 
such  mills. 

SEC.  4.  Any  Subordinate  Lodge  entering  into  a  strike  in 
the  manner  provided  by  the  laws  of  this  Association,  shall  re- 
ceive from  the  Protective  Fund  the  sum  of  four  dollars  ($4.00) 
per  week  for  each  member  actually  engaged  in  the  strike  in  the 
mill  over  which  the  lodge  has  jurisdiction,  provided  they  remain 
in  the  locality  of  the  strike,  or  notify  the  Corresponding  Repre- 
sentative of  that  lodge  of  their  location,  and  their  being  unem- 
ployed each  week  while  on  strike,  and  have  held  membership  in 
the  Association  for  six  months,  are  not  in  arrears,  and  the  lodge 
to  which  they  belong  is  in  good  standing  in  the  National  Asso- 
ciation. This  section  also  applies  to  members  who  are  standing 
turns  in  the  mill  on  strike,  and  who  hold  no  other  situation 
except  that  of  standing  turns  in  that  mill. 

SEC.  5.  No  member  shall  be  entitled  to  strike  benefits  for 
t'le  first  two  weeks  while  on  a  legalized  strike.  Payment  of 
benefits  shall  date  from  the  commencement  of  the  fourth  week 
after  the  strike  has  been  legalized,  and  no  benefits  shall  be 
allowed  for  the  fractional  part  of  the  first  week. 

SEC.  6.  A  member  who  has  been  suspended  or  expelled  shall 
not  receive  any  strike  benefits  until  six  months  after  he  has  beeji 
restored  to  membership, 


356  APPENDIX. 

SEC.  7.  If  any  member  or  members,  while  receiving  benefits 
from  this  Association  shall  work  three  or  more  days  in  one  week, 
at  any  job,  either  in  or  outside  of  a  mill  or  factory,  he  or  they 
shall  not  be  entitled  to  benefits  for  that  week. 

SEC.  8.  Any  member  engaged  in  a  legalized  strike,  procuring 
a  permanent  situation  elsewhere,  forfeits  his  claims  to  strike 
benefits  during  the  continuance  of  such  strike. 

ARTICLE  VIII.— VICTIMIZED  MEMBERS. 

SECTION  i .  Should  any  member  or  members  of  this  Associa- 
tion be  discharged  (victimized)  from  his  or  their  employment  for 
taking  an  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  this  Association,  either  as 
a  member  of  the  Mill  or  Conference  Committee,  or  for  otherwise 
being  active  in  promoting  and  guarding  the  interests  of  this 
Association,  such  member  or  members  shall  use  his  or  their  best 
endeavors,  with  the  Manager,  to  get  reinstated,  and  failing  in 
this,  he  or  they  shall  then  and  there  report  such  case  to  the 
chairman  of  the  Mill  Committee,  who  shall  at  once  proceed  to 
investigate  the  case  as  set  forth  in  Sections  2  and  3  of  Article 
VI.  Should  the  committee  fail  to  get  the  brother  or  brothers 
reinstated,  they  shall  then  carry  the  case  to  the  lodge  in  precisely 
the  same  manner  as  in  cases  where  the  whole  mill  is  involved  in 
difficulty,  and  in  no  case  of  individual  discharge  (except  the 
Mill  Committee  have  good  grounds  to  believe  that  the  brother 
is  discharged  without  just  cause},  shall  such  job  be  declared 
vacant  until  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  district  or  division 
has  decided  the  case. 

SEC.  2.  Should  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  district  or 
division,  after  deciding  the  brother  victimized,  deem  the  organ- 
ization unable  to  sustain  a  strike  for  his  reinstatement,  he  shall 
receive  from  the  Protective  Fund  of  the  Association  six  dollars 
($6.00)  per  week  until  another  situation  has  been  procured  for 
him,  either  by  himself  or  other  members  of  the  Association. 
The  law  applying  to  the  payment  of  victimized  benefits  shall  be 
the  same  as  that  governing  the  payment  of  strike  benefits. 
(See  Sections  5,  6  and  7  of  Article  VII.) 


APPENDIX.  357 

ARTICLE  X.  — SCALE  OF  PRICES. 

SECTION  i.  Wherever  practicable,  steps  shall  be  taken  to 
provide  a  scale  of  prices  for  every  trade  or  calling  in  each  dis- 
trict represented  in  this  Association. 

ARTICLE  XVII.  — DISHONORABLE  MEMBERS. 
SECTION  i.  Any  member  robbing  or  embezzling  from  a 
brother  member,  or  leaving  a  member  in  debt  with  intent  to 
defraud  by  not  giving  proper  notice  of  his  departure,  or  has 
been  fraudulently  receiving  or  misapplying  the  funds  of  the 
Association,  or  the  money  of  any  member  or  candidate  intrusted 
to  him  for  payment  of  the  same,  or  by  divulging  any  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  his  lodge,  or  who  has  slandered  any  brother  mem- 
ber, or  advocated  division  of  the  funds  or  separation  of  lodge 
districts,  or  by  acting  contrary  to  the  established  rules  of  this 
Association  on  any  question  affecting  the  price  of  labor,  or  the 
system  of  working  in  any  district,  if  opposed  to  the  interests  of 
his  fellow-workmen  in  keeping  with  the  rules  of  this  Association, 
shall,  upon  trial  and  conviction  thereof,  be  punished  by  fine,  sus- 
pension, or  expulsion,  as  may  be  determined  by  two-thirds  of  the 
members  present. 

ARTICLE  XXVIII.  — FINES  FOR  VARIOUS  CAUSES. 

SECTION  i .  Officers  and  members  of  Subordinate  Lodges  are 
required  to  be  punctual  in  their  attendance. 

SEC.  2.  Officers  of  Subordinate  Lodges  failing  to  attend  the 
regular  meetings  of  the  lodge  shall,  for  each  omission,  be  fined 
twenty-five  cents,  unless  satisfactory  reasons  can  be  shown,  in 
which  case  the  fine  shall  be  remitted. 

SEC.  3.  Members  of  Subordinate  Lodges  failing  to  attend 
meetings  of  their  lodge  at  least  once  a  month,  shall  be  fined  the 
sum  of  ten  cents,  unless  excused  through  sickness  or  some  un- 
avoidable cause. 

SEC.  4.  Any  member  of  Subordinate  Lodges  failing  to  appear 
at  the  last  stated  meeting  in  June  and  December,  shall  be  fined 
fifty  cents,  unless  he  can  give  satisfactory  evidence  that  it  was 
impossible  to  attend. 


358  APPENDIX. 

SEC.  5.  Any  member  of  Subordinate  lodges  persisting  in 
using  unseemly  language,  or  in  an  indecent  manner  giving 
offence  to  a  brother  member,  or  by  offensive  conduct,  shall  be 
fined  one  dollar  for  the  first  offence,  and  if  he  still  persists  in  the 
unmanly  use  of  such  language,  he  shall  be  excluded  from  the 
lodge  room,  and  not  permitted  to  re-enter  during  the  meeting. 

SEC.  6.  The  Chairman  of  any  committee  failing  to  report  at 
the  time  required,  unless  further  time  be  granted,  shall  be  fined 
one  dollar.  Such  fine,  however,  shall  be  remitted  when  satisfac- 
tory explanations  are  given. 

SEC.  7.  Any  member  entering  a  Subordinate  Lodge  under 
the  influence  of  liquor,  shall  for  the  first  offence  be  fined  one 
dollar,  and  double  the  sum  for  every  subsequent  offence. 

SEC.  8.  Any  member  of  a  Subordinate  Lodge  violating  his 
obligation  to  this  Order,  shall  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  not  less  than 
three  dollars,  reprimand,  suspension,  or  expulsion,  according  to 
a  decision  of  his  lodge,  on  a  two-thirds  majority. 

SEC.  9.  Any  Corresponding  Representative  failing  or  neglect- 
ing to  prepare  and  forward  the  quarterly  report  of  his  lodge,  or 
to  attend  to  such  other  duties  as  pertain  to  his  office,  shall  be 
fined  two  dollars. 

SEC.  10.  All  fines  thus  imposed,  if  not  paid  at  the  time,  shall 
be  charged  by  the  Financial  Secretary  to  the  person  from  whom 
due,  and  shall  stand  against  such  person  as  regular  dues,  and 
must  be  liquidated  to  entitle  him  to  any  privileges  or  benefits  of 
this  Association. 


V. 

MANIFESTO    OF   THE    INTERNATIONAL    WORKING 

PEOPLES'  ASSOCIATION.     >    <       > 
TO   THE  WORKINGMEN  OF  AMERICA. 

FELLOW- WORKMEN  :  The  Declaration  of  Independence 
says :  — 

"...  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pur- 
suing invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce 


APPENDIX.  359 

them  (the  people)  under  absolute  Despotism,  it  is  their  right, 
it  is  their  duty  to  throw  off  such  government  and  provide  new 
guards  for  their  future  security." 

This  thought  of  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  justification  for 
armed  resistance  by  our  forefathers,  which  gave  birth  to  our 
Republic,  and  do  not  the  necessities  of  our  present  time  compel 
us  to  reassert  their  declaration  ? 

Fellow-Workmen,  we  ask  you  to  give  us  your  attention  for  a 
few  moments.  We  ask  you  candidly  to  read  the  following  mani- 
festo issued  in  your  behalf,  in  the  behalf  of  your  wives  and  chil- 
dren, in  behalf  of  humanity  and  progress. 

Our  present  society  is  founded  on  the  expoliation  of  the  prop- 
erty less  classes  by  the  propertied.  This  expoliation  is  such  that 
the  propertied  (capitalists)  buy  the  working  force  body  and  soul 
of  the  propertyless,  for  the  price  of  the  mere  costs  of  existence 
(wages),  and  take  for  themselves,  i.e.,  steal,  the  amount  of  new 
values  (products)  which  exceeds  this  price,  whereby  wages  are 
made  to  represent  the  necessities  instead  of  the  earnings  of  the 
wage-laborer. 

As  the  non-possessing  classes  are  forced  by  their  poverty  to 
offer  for  sale  to  the  propertied  their  working  forces,  and  as  our 
present  production  on  a  grand  scale  enforces  technical  develop- 
ment with  immense  rapidity,  so  that  by  the  application  of  an 
always  decreasing  number  of  human  working  forces,  an  always 
increasing  amount  of  products  is  created  ;  so  does  the  supply  of 
working  forces  increase  constantly,  while  the  demand  therefor 
decreases.  This  is  the  reason  why  the  workers  compete  more 
and  more  intensely  in  selling  themselves,  causing  their  wages  to 
sink,  or  at  least  on  the  average,  never  raising  them  above  the 
margin  necessary  for  keeping  intact  their  working  ability. 

Whilst  by  this  process  the  propertyless  are  entirely  debarred 
from  entering  the  ranks  of  the  propertied,  even  by  the  most 
strenuous  exertions,  the  propertied,  by  means  of  the  ever- 
increasing  plundering  of  the  working  class,  are  becoming  richer 
day  by  day,  without  in  any  way  being  themselves  productive. 

If  now  and  then  one  of  the  propertyless  class  become  rich,  it 
is  not  by  their  own  labor,  but  from  opportunities  which  they 


360  APPENDIX. 

have  to  speculate  upon,  and  absorb  the  labor-product  of 
others. 

With  the  accumulation  of  individual  wealth,  the  greed  and 
power  of  the  propertied  grows.  They  use  all  the  means  for  com- 
peting among  themselves  for  the  robbery  of  the  people.  In  this 
struggle,  generally,  the  less-propertied  (middle  class)  are  over- 
come, while  the  great  capitalists,  par  excellence,  swell  their 
wealth  enormously,  concentrate  entire  branches  of  production, 
as  well  as  trade  and  intercommunication,  into  their  hands,  and 
develop  into  monopolists.  The  increase  of  products,  accom- 
panied by  simultaneous  decrease  of  the  average  income  of  the 
working  mass  of  the  people,  leads  to  so-called  "  business  "  and 
"commercial"  crises,  when  the  misery  of  the  wage-workers  is 
forced  to  the  extreme. 

For  illustration,  the  last  census  of  the  United  States  shows 
that  after  deducting  the  cost  of  raw  material,  interest,  rents,  risks, 
etc.,  the  propertied  class  have  absorbed  —  i.e.,  stolen  —  more 
than  five-eighths  of  all  products,  leaving  scarcely  three-eighths  to 
the  producers.  The  propertied  class,  being  scarcely  one-tenth 
of  our  population,  and  in  spite  of  their  luxury  and  extravagance, 
unable  to  consume  their  enormous  "profits,"  and  the  produc- 
ers, unable  to  consume  more  than  they  receive,  —  three-eighths, 
—  so-called  "over-productions"  must  necessarily  take  place. 
The  terrible  results  of  panics  are  well  known. 

The  increasing  eradication  of  working  forces  from  the  pro- 
ductive process,  annually  increases  the  percentage  of  the  prop- 
ertyless  population,  which  becomes  pauperized,  and  is  driven  to 
"  crime,"  vagabondage,  prostitution,  suicide,  starvation,  and 
general  depravity.  This  system  is  unjust,  insane,  and  murderous. 
It  is  therefore  necessary  to  totally  destroy  it  with  and  by  all 
means,  and  with  the  greatest  energy  on  the  part  of  every  one 
who  suffers  by  it,  and  who  does  not  want  to  be  made  culpable 
for  its  continued  existence  by  his  inactivity. 

Agitation  for  the  purpose  of  organization;  organization  for 
the  purpose  of  rebellion.  In  these  few  words  the  ways  are 
marked,  which  the  workers  must  take  if  they  want  to  be  rid  of 
their  chains,  as  the  economic  condition  is  the  same  in  all  coun- 


APPENDIX.  361 

tries  of  so-called  "  civilization,"  as  the  governments  of  all  Mon- 
archies and  Republics  work  hand  in  hand  for  the  purpose  of 
opposing  all  movements  of  the  thinking  part  of  the  workers,  as 
finally  the  victory  in  the  decisive  combat  of  the  proletarians 
against  their  oppressors  can  only  be  gained  by  the  simultaneous 
struggle  along  the  whole  line  of  the  bourgeois  (capitalistic) 
society,  so  therefore  the  international  fraternity  of  peoples,  as 
expressed  in  the  International  Working  People's  Association, 
presents  itself  a  self-evident  necessity. 

True  order  should  take  its  place.  This  can  only  be  achieved 
when  all  implements  of  labor  — the  soil  and  other  premises  of 
production,  in  short,  capital  produced  by  labor  —  is  changed  into 
societary  property.  Only  by  this  presupposition  is  destroyed 
every  possibility  of  the  future  spoliation  of  man  by  man.  Only 
by  common,  undivided  capital  can  all  be  enabled  to  enjoy  in 
their  fulness  the  fruits  of  the  common  toil.  Only  by  the  impossi- 
bility of  accumulating  individual  (private)  capital  can  every  one 
be  compelled  to  work  who  makes  a  demand  to  live. 

This  order  of  things  allows  production  to  regulate  itself  ac- 
cording to  the  demand  of  the  whole  people,  so  that  nobody  need 
work  more  than  a  few  hours  a  day,  and  that  all  nevertheless  can 
satisfy  their  needs.  Hereby  time  and  opportunity  are  given  for 
opening  to  the  people  the  way  to  the  highest  possible  civiliza- 
tion ;  the  privileges  of  higher  intelligence  fall  with  the  privileges 
of  wealth  and  birth.  To  the  achievement  of  such  a  system  the 
political  organizations  of  the  capitalistic  classes  —  be  they  mon- 
archies or  republics  —  form  the  barriers.  These  political  struc- 
tures (States),  which  are  completely  in  the  hands  of  the  propertied, 
have  no  other  purpose  than  the  upholding  of  the  present  order 
of  expoliation. 

All  laws  are  directed  against  the  working  people.  In  so  far 
as  the  opposite  appears  to  be  the  case,  they  serve  on  one  hand 
to  blind  the  worker,  while  on  the  other  hand  they  are  simply 
evaded.  Even  the  school  serves  only  the  purpose  of  furnishing 
the  offspring  of  the  wealthy  with  those  qualities  necessary  to  up- 
hold their  class  domination.  The  children  of  the  poor  get 
scarcely  a  formal  elementary  training,  and  this,  too,  is  mainly 


362  APPENDIX. 

directed  to  such  branches  as  tend  to  producing  prejudices,  arro- 
gance, and  servility ;  in  short,  want  of  sense.  The  Church  finally 
seeks  to  make  complete  idiots  out  of  the  mass  and  to  make  them 
forego  the  paradise  on  earth  by  promising  a  fictitious  heaven. 
The  capitalistic  press,  on  the  other  hand,  takes  care  of  the  con- 
fusion of  spirits  in  public  life.  All  these  institutions,  far  from 
aiding  in  the  education  of  the  masses,  have  for  their  object  the 
keeping  in  ignorance  of  the  people.  They  are  all  in  the  pay  and 
under  the  direction  of  the  capitalistic  classes.  The  workers  can 
therefore  expect  no  help  from  any  capitalistic  party  in  their 
struggle  against  the  existing  system.  They  must  achieve  their 
liberation  by  their  own  efforts.  As  in  former  times  a  privileged 
class  never  surrendered  its  tyranny,  neither  can  it  be  expected 
that  the  capitalists  of  this  age  will  give  up  their  rulership  without 
being  forced  to  do  it. 

If  there  ever  could  have  been  any  question  on  this  point,  it 
should  long  ago  have  been  dispelled  by  the  brutalities  which  the 
bourgeoisie  of  all  countries  —  in  America  as  well  as  in  Europe  — 
constantly  commits,  as  often  as  the  proletariat  anywhere  ener- 
getically move  to  better  their  condition.  It  becomes,  therefore, 
self-evident  that  the  struggle  of  the  proletariat  with  the  burgeoisie 
must  have  a  violent  revolutionary  character. 

We  could  show  by  scores  of  illustrations  that  all  attempts  in 
the  past  to  reform  this  monstrous  system  by  peaceable  means, 
such  as  the  ballot,  have  been  futile,  and  all  such  efforts  in  the 
future  must  necessarily  be  so,  for  the  following  reasons :  — 

The  political  institutions  of  our  time  are  the  agencies  of  the 
propertied  class  ;  their  mission  is  the  upholding  of  the  privileges 
of  their  masters ;  any  reform  in  your  own  behalf  would  curtail 
these  privileges.  To  this  they  will  not  and  cannot  consent,  for 
it  would  be  suicidal  to  themselves. 

That  they  will  not  resign  their  privileges  voluntarily  we  know ; 
that  they  will  not  make  any  concessions  to  us  we  likewise  know. 
Since  we  must  then  rely  upon  the  kindness  of  our  masters  for 
whatever  redress  we  have,  and  knowing  that  from  them  no  good 
may  be  expected,  there  remains  but  one  recourse — FORCE! 
Our  forefathers  have  not  only  told  us  that  against  despots  force 


APPENDIX.  363 

fs  justifiable,  because  it  is  the  only  means,  but  they  themselves 
have  set  the  immemorial  example. 

By  force  our  ancestors  liberated  themselves  from  political  op- 
pression, by  force  their  children  will  have  to  liberate  themselves 
from  economic  bondage.  "It  is,  therefore,  your  right;  it  is 
your  duty,"  says  Jefferson ;  "  to  arms ! " 

What  we  would  achieve  is,  therefore,  plainly  and  simply,  — 

First,  Destruction  of  the  existing  class  rule,  by  all  means, 
i.e.,  by  energetic,  relentless,  revolutionary,  and  international 
action. 

Second,  Establishment  of  a  free  society  based  upon  co-opera- 
tive organization  of  production. 

Third,  Free  exchange  of  equivalent  products  by  and  between 
the  productive  organizations  without  commerce  and  profit- 
mongery. 

Fourth,  Organization  of  education  on  a  secular,  scientific, 
and  equal  basis  for  both  sexes. 

Fifth,   Equal  rights  for  all  without  distinction  to  sex  or  race. 

Sixth,  Regulation  of  all  public  affairs  by  free  contracts  between 
the  autonomous  (independent)  communes  and  associations,  rest- 
ing on  a  federalistic  basis. 

Whoever  agrees  with  this  ideal  let  him  grasp  our  outstretched 
brother  hands ! 

Proletarians  of  all  countries,  unite  ! 

Fellow- workmen,  all  we  need  for  the  achievement  of  this 
great  end  is  ORGANIZATION  and  UNITY. 

There  exists  now  no  great  obstacle  to  that  unity.  The  work 
of  peaceful  education  and  revolutionary  conspiracy  well  can  and 
ought  to  run  in  parallel  lines. 

The  day  has  come  for  solidarity.  Join  our  ranks !  Let  the 
drum  beat  defiantly  the  roll  of  battle,  "  Workmen  of  all  lands, 
unite  !  You  have  nothing  to  loose  but  your  chains  ;  you  have  a 
world  to  win ! " 

Tremble,  oppressors  of  the  world  !  Not  far  beyond  your  pur- 
blind sight  there  dawns  the  scarlet  and  sable  lights  of  the  JUDG- 
MENT DAY. 


364  APPENDIX. 

VI. 
LETTER  TO   TRAMPS. 

To  TRAMPS,  THE  UNEMPLOYED,  THE  DISINHERITED,  AND 
MISERABLE. 

A  word  to  the  35,000  now  tramping  the  streets  of  this  great 
city,  with  hands  in  pockets,  gazing  listlessly  about  you  at  the 
evidences  of  wealth  and  pleasure  of  which  you  own  no  part, 
not  sufficient  even  to  purchase  yourself  a  bit  of  food  with  which 
to  appease  the  pangs  of  hunger  now  gnawing  at  your  vitals.  It 
is  with  you  and  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  others  similarly 
situated  in  this  great  land  of  plenty,  that  I  wish  to  have  a  word. 

Have  you  not  worked  hard  all  your  life,  since  you  were  old 
enough  for  your  labor  to  be  of  use  in  the  production  of  wealth  ? 
Have  you  not  toiled  long,  hard,  and  laboriously  in  producing 
wealth  ?  And  in  all  those  years  of  drudgery,  do  you  not  know 
you  have  produced  thousand  upon  thousands  of  dollars'  worth  of 
wealth,  which  you  did  not  then,  do  not  now,  and  unless  you  ACT, 
never  will,  own  any  part  in?  Do  you  not  know  that  when  you 
were  harnessed  to  a  machine,  and  that  machine  harnessed  to 
steam,  and  thus  you  toiled  your  ten,  twelve,  and  sixteen  hours  in 
the  twenty-four,  that  during  this  time  in  all  these  years  you  re- 
ceived only  enough  of  your  labor  product  to  furnish  yourself  the 
bare,  coarse  necessaries  of  life,  and  that  when  you  wished  to 
purchase  anything  for  yourself  and  family  it  always  had  to  be  of 
the  cheapest  quality?  If  you  wanted  to  go  anywhere  you  had 
to  wait  until  Sunday,  so  little  did  you  receive  for  your  unremit- 
ting toil  that  you  dare  not  stop  for  a  moment,  as  it  were?  And 
do  you  not  know  that  with  all  your  squeezing,  pinching,  and 
economizing,  you  never  were  enabled  to  keep  but  a  few  days  ahead 
of  the  wolves  of  want  ?  And  that  at  last  when  the  caprice  of 
your  employer  saw  fit  to  create  an  artificial  famine  by  limiting 
production,  that  the  fires  in  the  furnace  were  extinguished,  the 
iron  horse  to  which  you  had  been  harnessed  was  stilled,  the 
factory  door  locked  up,  you  turned  upon  the  highway  a  tramp, 
with  hunger  in  your  stomach  and  rags  upon  your  back? 


APPENDIX.  365 

Yet  your  employer  told  you  that  it  was  over-production  which 
made  him  close  up.  Who  cared  for  the  bitter  tears  and  heart- 
pangs  of  your  loving  wife  and  helpless  children,  when  you  bid 
them  a  loving  "  God  bless  you  !  "  and  turned  upon  the  tramper's 
road  to  seek  employment  elsewhere?  I  say,  who  cared  for  those 
heartaches  and  pains  ?  You  were  only  a  tramp  now,  to  be  exe- 
crated and  denounced  as  a  "worthless  tramp  and  a  vagrant"  by 
that  very  class  who  had  been  engaged  all  those  years  in  robbing 
you  and  yours.  Then  can  you  not  see  that  the  *•  good  boss"  or 
the  "  bad  boss"  cuts  no  figure  whatever?  that  you  are  the  com- 
mon prey  of  both,  and  that  their  mission  is  simply  robbery? 
Can  you  not  see  that  it  is  the  INDUSTRIAL  SYSTEM  and  not  the 
"  boss  "  which  must  be  changed  ? 

Now,  when  all  these  bright  summer  and  autumn  days  are  go- 
ing by,  and  you  have  no  employment,  and  consequently  can  save 
up  nothing,  and  when  the  winter's  blast  sweeps  down  from  the 
north,  and  all  the  earth  is  wrapped  in  a  shroud  of  ice,  hearken 
not  to  the  voice  of  the  hypocrite  who  will  tell  you  that  it  was 
ordained  of  God  that  "  the  poor  ye  have  always  "  ;  or  to  the  arro- 
gant robber  who  will  say  to  you  that  you  "  drank  up  all  your 
wages  last  summer  when  you  had  work,  and  that  is  the  reason 
why  you  have  nothing  now,  and  the  workhouse  or  the  woodyard 
is  too  good  for  you;  that  you  ought  to  be  shot."  And  shoot 
you  they  will  if  you  present  your  petitions  in  too  emphatic  a 
manner.  So  hearken  not  to  them,  but  list !  Next  winter,  when 
the  cold  blasts  are  creeping  through  the  rents  in  your  seedy  gar- 
ments ;  when  the  frost  is  biting  your  feet  through  the  holes  in 
your  worn-out  shoes,  and  when  all  wretchedness  seems  to  have 
centered  in  and  upon  you  ;  when  misery  has  marked  you  for  her 
own,  and  life  has  become  a  burden  and  existence  a  mockery; 
when  you  have  walked  the  streets  by  day,  and  slept  upon  hard 
boards  by  night,  and  at  last  determined  by  your  own  hand  to 
take  your  life,  —  for  you  would  rather  go  out  into  utter  nothing- 
ness than  to  longer  endure  an  existence  which  has  become  such 
a  burden,  —  so,  perchance,  you  determine  to  dash  yourself  into 
the  cold  embrace  of  the  lake  rather  than  longer  suffer  thus.  But 
halt  before  you  commit  this  last  tragic  act  in  the  drama  of  your 


366  APPENDIX. 

simple  existence.  Stop !  Is  there  nothing  you  can  do  to  insure 
those  whom  you  are  about  to  orphan  against  a  like  fate  ?  The 
waves  will  only  dash  over  you  in  mockery  of  your  rash  act ;  but 
stroll  you  down  the  avenues  of  the  rich,  and  look  through  the 
magnificent  plate  windows  into  their  voluptuous  homes,  and  here 
you  will  discover  the  very  identical  robbers  who  have  despoiled 
you  and  yours.  Then  let  your  tragedy  be  enacted  here !  Awaken 
them  from  their  wanton  sports  at  your  expense.  Send  forth 
your  petition,  and  let  them  read  it  by  the  red  glare  of  destruction. 
Thus  when  you  cast  "  one  long,  lingering  look  behind,"  you  can 
be  assured  that  you  have  spoken  to  these  robbers  in  the  only 
language  which  they  have  ever  been  able  to  understand;  for 
they  have  never  yet  deigned  to  notice  any  petition  from  their 
slaves  that  they  were  not  compelled  to  read  by  the  red  glare 
bursting  from  the  cannons1  mouths,  or  that  was  not  handed  to 
them  upon  the  point  of  the  sword.  You  need  no  organization 
when  you  make  up  your  mind  to  present  this  kind  of  petition. 
In  fact,  an  organization  would  be  a  detriment  to  you ;  but  each 
of  you  hungry  tramps  who  read  these  lines  avail  yourselves  of 
those  little  methods  of  warfare  which  Science  has  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  poor  man,  and  you  will  become  a  power  in  this 
or  any  other  land. 
Learn  the  use  of  explosives ! 


VII. 
PLATFORM  OF  THE  SOCIALISTIC  LABOR  PARTY. 

Labor  being  the  only  creator  of  all  wealth  and  civilization,  it 
rightfully  follows  that  those  who  perform  all  labor  and  create  all 
wealth  should  enjoy  the  result  of  their  toil. 

But  this  is  rendered  impossible  by  the  modern  system  of  pro- 
duction, which,  since  the  discovery  of  steam-power  and  since 
the  general  introduction  of  machinery,  is  in  all  branches  of  in- 
dustry carried  with  such  gigantic  means  and  appliances  as  but  a 
few  are  able  to  possess. 


APPENDIX.  367 

The  present  industrial  system  is  co-operative  in  one  respect 
only,  which  is,  That  not,  as  in  former  times,  the  individual 
works  alone  for  his  own  account,  but  dozens,  hundreds,  and 
thousands  of  men  work  together  in  shops,  in  mines,  on  huge 
farms  and  lands,  co-operating  according  to  the  most  efficient 
division  of  labor.  But  the  fruits  of  this  co-operative  labor  are 
not  reaped  by  the  workers  themselves,  but  are  in  a  great  meas- 
ure appropriated  by  the  owners  of  the  means  of  production ;  to 
wit,  of  the  machines,  of  the  factories,  of  the  mines,  and  of  the 
land. 

This  system,  by  gradually  extinguishing  the  middle  class,  nec- 
essarily produces  two  separate  sets  of  men :  That  class  of  the 
workers,  and  that  of  the  great  bosses. 

It  brings  forth  as  its  natural  outgrowths,  — 

The  planlessness  and  reckless  rate  of  production. 

The  waste  of  human  and  natural  forces. 

The  commercial  and  industrial  crisis. 

The  constant  uncertainty  of  the  material  existence  of  the 
wage-workers. 

The  misery  of  the  proletarian  masses. 

The  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  hands  of  a  few. 

Such  a  condition,  which  under  the  present  industrial  rtgime 
cannot  but  become  more  and  more  aggravated,  is  inconsistent 
with  the  interests  of  mankind,  with  the  principles  of  justice  and 
true  democracy,  as  it  destroys  those  rights  which  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  of  the  United  States  held  to  be  inalienable 
in  all  men ;  viz.,  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

This  condition  shortens  and  imperils  life  by  want  and  misery. 
It  destroys  liberty  because  the  economical  subjection  of  the 
wage-workers  to  the  owners  of  the  means  of  production  imme- 
diately leads  to  their  political  dependence,  and  it  finally  frus- 
trates the  pursuit  of  happiness,  which  is  never  possible  when 
life  and  personal  liberty  are  in  constant  danger. 

To  put  an  end  to  this  degrading  state  of  things,  we  strive  to 
introduce  the  perfect  system  of  co-operative  production ;  that 
is,  we  demand  that  the  workers  obtain  the  undivided  product  of 
their  toil. 


368  APPENDIX. 

This  being  only  feasible  by  securing  to  the  workers  control  of 
the  means  of  production, 

We  demand,  — 

That  the  land,  the  instruments  of  production  (machines,  fac- 
tories, etc.),  and  the  products  of  labor  become  the  common 
property  of  the  whole  people ;  and, 

That  all  production  be  organized  co-operatively,  and  be  car- 
ried on  under  the  direction  of  the  commonwealth ;  as  also  the 
co-operative  distribution  of  the  products  according  to  the  ser- 
vice rendered,  and  to  the  just  needs  of  the  individuals. 

To  realize  our  demands,  we  strive  to  gain  control  of  the  polit- 
ical power,  with  all  proper  means. 

The  Socialistic  Labor  Party  claims  the  title,  "  Labor  Party," 
because  it  recognizes  the  existence  of  an  oppressed  class  of 
wage-workers  as  its  fundamental  truth,  and  the  emancipation  of 
this  oppressed  laboring  class  as  its  foremost  object. 


DEMANDS  FOR  THE  AMELIORATION  OF  THE  CONDITION  OF  THE 
WORKING  PEOPLE  UNDER  THE  PRESENT  INDUSTRIAL  SYS- 
TEM OF  SOCIETY. 

The  Socialistic  Labor  Party  strives  for  a  radical  revision  o\ 
the  Constitution  and  Statutes  of  the  United  States,  the  States 
and  Municipalities,  according  to  the  following  demands :  — 

a.   SOCIAL   DEMANDS. 

1.  The  United  States  shall  take  possession  of  the  railroads, 
canals,  telegraphs,  telephones,  and  all  other  means  of  public 
transportation. 

2.  The  municipalities  to  take  possession  of  the  local  railroads, 
of  ferries,  and  of  the  supply  of  light  to  streets  and  public  places. 

3.  Public  lands  to  be  declared  inalienable.     They  shall  be 
leased  according  to  fixed  principles.     Revocation  of  all  grants 
of  lands  by  the  United  States  to  corporations  or  individuals,  the 
conditions  of  which  have  not  been  complied  with  or  which  are 
otherwise  illegal. 


APPENDIX.  369 

4.  The  United  States  to  have  the  exclusive  right  to  issue 
money. 

5.  Congressional  legislation  providing  for  the  scientific  man- 
agement of  forests  and  waterways,  and  prohibiting  the  waste  of 
the  natural  resources  of  the  country. 

6.  The  United  States  to  have  the  right  of  expropriation  of 
running  patents,  new  inventions  to  be  free  to  all,  but  inventors 
to  be  remunerated  by  national  rewards. 

7.  Legal  provision  that  the  rent  of  dwellings  shall  not  exceed 
a  certain  percentage  of  the  value  of  the  buildings  as  taxed  by 
the  municipality. 

8.  Inauguration  of  public  works  in  times  of  economical  de- 
pression. 

9.  Progressive  income  tax  and   tax   on    inheritances;    but 
smaller  incomes  to  be  exempt. 

10.  Compulsory  school  education  of  all  children  under  four- 
teen years  of  age,  instruction  in  all  educational  institutions  to  be 
gratuitous,  and  to  be  made  accessible  to  all  by  public  assistance 
(furnishing  meals,  clothes,  books,  etc.).     All  instruction  to  be 
under  the  direction  of  the  United  States  and  to  be  organized  on 
a  uniform  plan. 

11.  Repeal  of  all  pauper,  tramp,  conspiracy,  and  temperance 
laws.     Unabridged  right  of  combination. 

12.  Official  statistics  concerning  the  condition  of  labor.     Pro- 
hibition of  the  employment  of  children  in  the  school  age,  and 
the  employment  of  female  labor  in  occupations  detrimental  to 
health  or  morality.     Prohibition  of  the  convict  labor  contract 
system. 

13.  All  wages  to  be  paid  in  cash  money.     Equalization  by 
law  of  women's  wages  with  those  of  men  where  equal  service  is 
performed. 

14.  Laws  for  the  protection  of  life  and  limbs  of  working 
people,  and  an  efficient  employer's  liability  law. 

15.  Legal  incorporation  of  trades-unions. 

1 6.  Reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  proportion  to  the 
progress  of  production ;  establishment  by  Act  of  Congress  of  a 
legal  work-day  of  not  more  than  eight  hours  for  all  industrial 


370  APPENDIX. 

workers,    and    corresponding    provisions    for    all    agricultural 
laborers. 

b.   POLITICAL  DEMANDS. 

1.  Abolition  of  the  Presidency,  Vice-Presidency,  and  Senate 
of  the  United  States.     An  Executive  Board  to  be  established, 
whose  members  are  to  be  elected,  and  may  at  any  time  be  re- 
called by  the  House  of  Representatives  as  the  only  legislative 
body.     The  States  and  Municipalities  to  adopt  corresponding 
amendments  of  their  constitution  and  statutes. 

2.  Municipal  self-government. 

3.  Direct  vote  and  secret  ballots  in  all  elections.     Universal 
and  equal  right  of  suffrage  without  regard  to  color,  creed,  or  sex. 
Election  days  to  be  legal  holidays.     The  principle  of  minority 
representation  to  be  introduced. 

4.  The  people  to  have  the  right  to  propose  laws  (initiative) 
and  to  vote  upon  all  laws  of  importance  (Referendum.) 

5.  The  members  of  all  legislative  bodies  to  be  responsible  to 
and  subject  to  recall  by  the  constituency. 

6.  Uniform  law  throughout  the  United  States.     Administra- 
tion of  justice  to  be  free  of  charge.     Abolition  of  capital  pun- 
ishment. 

7.  Separation  of  all  public  affairs  from  religion ;  church  prop- 
erty to  be  subject  to  taxation. 

8.  Uniform  national  marriage  laws.     Divorce  to  be  granted 
upon  mutual  consent,  and  upon  providing  for  the  care  of  the 
children. 


VIII. 

A  DECLARATION  BY  THE  REPRESENTATIVES  OF 
THE  WAGE-WORKERS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
OF  AMERICA  IN  CONGRESS  ASSEMBLED. 

When  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary 
for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bonds  which  have  con- 
nected them  with  another,  and  to  assume,  among  the  powers  of 


APPENDIX.  371 

earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature 
and  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinion 
of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which 
impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident:  that  all  men  are 
created  free  and  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  inalienable  rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  the  right  of  each  to  the  un- 
divided product  of  his  labor. 

That  to  secure  these  rights  governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc- 
tive of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to 
abolish  it,  and  to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  founda- 
tion on  such  principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form 
as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and 
happiness. 

Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments  long  estab- 
lished should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient  causes; 
and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shown  that  mankind  are 
more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right 
themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed. 
•  But,  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing 
invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them 
under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to 
throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their 
future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferances  of  the 
people  of  these  United  States,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity 
which  constrains  them  to  alter  their  former  system  of  govern- 
ment. 

The  history  of  the  present  government  of  these  United  States 
is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having,  in 
direct  object,  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  absolute  tyranny 
and  oppression  over  the  people  of  these  States. 

To  prove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world : 

It  has  refused  its  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  for  the 
public  good. 


372  APPENDIX. 

It  has  refused  to  pass  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  largf 
districts  of  people. 

It  has  in  every  way  betrayed  the  interests  of  the  people. 

It  has  manipulated  the  votes  of  the  people  to  subserve  the 
personal  ends  of  its  officials. 

It  has  placed  in  offices  of  public  trust,  self-admitted  thieves 
and  bribe-takers. 

It  has  created  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  has  sent  out 
swarms  of  officials  to  harass  the  people. 

It  has  instituted  a  system  under  which  public  office  may  be 
bought  and  sold,  and  has  established  a  market-value  for  the 
votes  of  the  ignorant. 

It  has,  in  violation  of  its  own  formulated  laws,  continuously 
appropriated  public  funds  and  public  offices,  that  the  rule  of  a 
faction  might  be  indefinitely  prolonged. 

It  has,  in  the  shape  of  bastard  appropriations,  recklessly  dis- 
tributed the  wealth  which  our  tax-payers  year  after  year  pour 
into  the  governmental  coffers,  that  its  members  might  share  in 
the  spoils. 

It  has  permitted  and  assisted  railroad  corporations  to  assume 
the  control  of  entire  States. 

It  has  upheld  such  corporations  by  locating  in  such  States, 
judges  who  are  empowered  to  construe  the  Constitution  to  their 
own  ends. 

It  has  created  among  the  people  distinctions  as  marked  as 
those  under  monarchial  reign. 

It  has  established  a  ''shoddy  aristocracy"  in  our  midst 

It  has  refused  legal  incorporation  to  organized  bodies  of 
orderly  workingmen. 

It  has  legislated  always  for  the  interests  of  the  few  as  against 
the  interests  of  the  many. 

As  the  result : 

Justice  has  become  a  by-word. 

Patriotism  is  unknown. 

In  the  mad  rush  for  wealth  and  political  sinecure,  humanity 
and  morality  have  been  forgotten ;  "  labor"  has  been  humiliated 
and  trampled  in  the  mud. 


APPENDIX.  373 

"God"  has  assumed  the  figure  of  the  " mighty  dollar." 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions,  we  have  petitioned  for 
redress:  our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered  only  by 
repeated  injury. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  government 
officials.  We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts 
made  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have 
appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have 
conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to  cease 
these  usurpations,  but  in  all  cases  have  they  been  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  justice. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  wage-workers  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  in  General  Congress  assembled, 
appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude 
of  our  intentions,  do,  in  the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
•wage-workers  here  represented,  solemnly  publish  and  declare, 
that  the  Trade  and  Labor  Organizations  herein  represented  are, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  organizations ; 
that  they  are  absolved  from  all  political  allegiance  to  the  present 
government,  and  to  the  old  political  parties,  and  that  all  political 
connection  between  them  is,  and  ought  to  be  totally  dissolved ; 
and  that,  as  free  and  independent  organizations,  they  have  full 
power  to  formulate  their  own  laws  and  to  enforce  them,  by  the 
boycott,  by  social  ostracism,  and  by  any  and  all  peaceful  measures 
which  may  hereafter  be  deemed  necessary. 

And  for  the  support  of  this  Declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance 
upon  the  protection  of  a  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  services,  and  our  sacred  honor. 

July  4,  1886.  Signed: 

REPRESENTATIVES  OP  LABOR  ORGANIZATIONS. 


APPENDIX   II. 


THE    RELATION     OF      TEMPERANCE     REFORM    TO 
THE   LABOR   MOVEMENT. 

BY  RICHARD  T.  ELY. 

HON.  A.  J.  STREETER,  prominent  in  the  ranks  of  organized 
farmers  and  workingmen,  has  recently  written  a  letter  in  favor 
of  an  alliance  between  the  advocates  of  temperance  reform  and 
the  advocates  of  labor  reform.  This  letter  is  a  plain  manifesta- 
tion of  a  growth  which  has  been  taking  place  for  several  years. 

Labor  organizations  and  their  leaders  have  evidently  been 
more  and  more  impressed  with  the  fact  that  intemperance  is  one 
of  the  deadliest  foes  of  the  workingmen  of  this  country,  and  their 
sentiment  in  favor  of  temperance  reform  has  been  becoming  con- 
stantly more  intense.  Evidences  of  this  abound,  and  may  be 
found  in  labor  platforms,  in  reports  of  meetings  of  workingmen, 
and  in  the  labor  press.  It  is  scarcely  too  much  to  say  that  the 
labor  organizations  of  the  country  are,  at  least,  temperance  or- 
ganizations, and  many  of  their  members  and  leaders  are  out- 
spoken total  abstainers  and  prohibitionists.  Every  one  knows 
that  this  is  the  case  with  that  much  misunderstood  and  more 
maligned  organization,  the  Knights  of  Labor.  Very  impressive 
must  have  been  the  public  pledge  of  total  abstinence  given  to 
Mr.  Powderly  at  the  Richmond  convention  a  few  years  since,  by 
all  the  members  of  the  executive  board.  A  little  later  I  attended 
a  fair  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  Baltimore  and  found  on  sale 
no  beverage  stronger  than  lemonade. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  natural  that  the  leaders  of  the 
great  temperance  movement  should  be  thoroughly  in  sympathy 
with  all  just  aspirations  of  the  toiling  men  and  women  of  the 


376  APPENDIX  II. 

world.  What  else  but  broad  humanitarian  views  could  have  led 
these  noble  men  and  women  to  dedicate  their  lives  to  the  cause 
of  temperance  ?  Many  of  them  regarded  the  temperance  move- 
ment as  chiefly  a  labor  movement.  The  evil  of  intemperance 
attracted  their  attention  above  all  others,  because  it  seemed  to 
them  the  greatest  curse  of  the  age. 

If  the  labor  movement  has  broadened  in  the  direction  of  tem- 
perance, it  is  equally  certain  that  the  current  of  temperance  re- 
form is  broadening  out  and  taking  in  a  considerable  portion  of 
what  is  called  labor  reform.  The  various  platforms  of  the  tem- 
perance party,  framed  by  state  and  national  conventions,  make 
this  plain,  and  efforts  to  eliminate  parts  of  the  platform  dealing 
with  other  aspects  of  labor  reform  than  temperance  have  been 
happily  voted  down. 

Any  one  who  will  read  the  testimony  of  Miss  Frances  E.  Wil- 
lard,  President  of  the  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union, 
and  of  her  excellent  lieutenants,  before  the  United  States  Senate 
Committee  on  Education  and  Labor,  will  be  convinced  that  the 
scope  of  the  work  of  that  organization  is  anything  but  narrow. 
The  testimony  was  taken  in  New  York  in  October,  1883,  and 
was  published  in  1885,  by  the  Government  Printing  Office,  as 
Volume  II.  of  the  Testimony  taken  by  the  Committee.  Recog- 
nizing that  prevention  is  always  better  than  cure,  heredity  and 
hygiene  receive  special  attention,  and  each  has  a  department  in 
the  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union  assigned  it.  Scien- 
tific temperance  instruction  has  become  general  over  the  entire 
length  and  breadth  of  the  land  within  a  few  years,  and  it  is  due 
to  these  earnest  workers.  Cooking  is  also  considered  in  its  rela- 
tions to  intemperance.  I  find  this  sentence  in  Miss  Willard's 
testimony:  "  We  think  that  if  the  people  were  taught  to  prepare 
food  in  a  simple,  hygienic  manner,  it  would  greatly  redound  to 
their  benefit  in  establishing  simple,  unartificial  habits."  This 
confirms  the  utterance  of  a  distinguished  American  physiologist 
that  insufficient  variety  of  food  and  poorly  cooked  food  tend  to 
intemperance  by  producing  an  unnatural  craving  for  strong  drink. 
A  "  Flower  Mission,"  for  taking  flowers  to  the  sick,  is  mentioned 
in  another  department  of  work.  Military  drill  among  boys  has  also 


APPENDIX  II.  377 

been  introduced  as  a  good  feature  of  temperance  reform.  But  it  is 
not  easy  to  enumerate  all  the  ramifications  of  this  temperance  work. 
It  is  seen  clearly  by  women  like  Miss  Willard  that  whatever  builds 
up  the  home,  fosters  patriotism,  and  stimulates  love  for  our  fellow- 
men,  must  diminish  intemperance.  The  temperance  movement 
is  not  a  single  movement.  As  I  take  it,  the  word  temperance 
indicates  a  centre  of  great  social  activity.  The  temperance  move- 
ment is  a  deep,  wide  movement  of  social  reform  which  centres  in 
temperance,  but  from  that  centre  spreads  out  in  ever  more  and 
more  inclusive  circles  until  it  touches  the  entire  life  of  society. 

It  is  well,  then,  in  view  of  these  circumstances,  to  look  at  the 
temperance  movement  from  the  standpoint  of  the  workingman, 
and  to  consider  the  labor  movement  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
temperance  reformer.  If  the  two  cannot  be  coalesced,  it  is  at 
least  desirable  that  they  should  proceed  in  parallel  lines. 

I.  Let  us  reflect  for  a  moment  on  the  loss  occasioned  to  the 
workingmen  of  the  United  States  by  the  use  of  intoxicating 
drinks.  The  direct  loss  has  been  often  described  and  its  amount 
can  be  readily  learned  by  a  perusal  of  easily  accessible  tracts  and 
pamphlets.  The  importance  of  a  few  cents  a  day  is  however  not 
sufficiently  appreciated  by  people  in  moderate  circumstances,  and 
still  less  is  it  by  wage-earners.  A  street-car  line  in  Baltimore 
charges  five  cents  for  a  single  fare,  but  sells  six  tickets  for  twenty- 
five  cents.  It  may  be  put  this  way :  if  you  invest  twenty-five 
cents,  you  receive  one  extra  ticket,  good  for  a  five-cent  ride ;  that 
is,  you  make  twenty  per  cent  on  your  investment,  which  is  equal 
to  four  or  five  years'  interest  on  the  money.  Yet  I  have  ridden 
on  a  car  of  this  line  when  out  of  ten  persons  I  was  the  only  one 
to  put  a  ticket  into  the  box.  In  Washington,  where  all  lines  are 
compelled  by  law  to  sell  six  tickets  for  twenty-five  cents,  one  may 
any  day  witness  similar  evidences  of  thriftlessness.  You  may 
even  see  a  man  pay  fifteen  cents  in  fares  for  three  persons,  treat- 
ing two  others,  while  by  investing  ten  cents  additional  he  could 
get  six  tickets. 

This  illustration  shows  widespread  and  very  general  lack  of 
thrift.  The  expenditure  of  money  for  intoxicating  beverages  is 
by  far  worse,  for  it  is  a  loss  not  of  twenty  per  cent,  but  of  one 


378  APPENDIX  II. 

hundred  per  cent.  Five  cents  or  ten  cents  a  day  seems  like 
small  sum,  but  it  is  easy  to  show  that  after  the  expiration  of 
a  number  of  years  it  becomes  a  very  considerable  sum,  sufficient, 
in  most  parts  of  the  country,  let  us  say,  to  pay  for  a  comfortable 
home  for  an  artisan  in  twenty  years.  But  the  direct  loss  is  only 
a  part,  only  the  smallest  part  of  the  whole  loss.  The  habit  of 
thriftlessness  grows,  and  it  becomes  ruinous  to  one's  financial 
prospects,  condemning  one  to  a  life  of  poverty.  Waste  for  alco- 
holic beverages  means  generally  waste  for  other  injurious  or 
useless  indulgences. 

The  sum  of  money  which  a  workingman  who  is  a  moderate 
drinker,  or  only  an  occasional  drinker,  can  save  in  a  few  years 
by  the  practice  of  total  abstinence,  may  not  seem  large,  and  let 
us  confess  frankly  that  it  is  small,  and,  as  the  rate  of  interest 
falls,  becomes  smaller;  but  it  is  a  mistake  to  undervalue  the 
utility  of  a  small  sum  of  ready  money,  for  at  a  critical  period  it 
will  often  prove  to  be  the  difference  between  a  life  of  comfort, 
usefulness,  health,  contentment,  and  a  life  of  discouragement 
and  poverty.  Even  so  small  a  sum  as  fifty  dollars  may  be  the 
turning-point,  and  a  deposit  of  ten  dollars  in  a  savings  bank  will 
spare  one  many  a  humiliation. 

These  are  homely,  old-fashioned  arguments,  but  they  cannot 
be  repeated  too  often.  They  are  unfortunately  apt  to  arouse 
irritation  and  ill-will  on  the  part  of  workingmen,  because  they 
are  frequently  put  forward  as  the  only  thing  which  needs  to  be 
said  on  the  subject  of  poverty.  They  are  too  often  made  a  pre- 
text on  the  part  of  the  well-to-do,  for  their  failure  to  concern 
themselves  with  the  labor  problem.  It  is  very  comfortable  to 
the  self-complacency  of  a  plutocrat,  as  he  sips  his  champagne, 
to  say,  "  If  the  workingmen  would  stop  drinking  and  save  their 
money,  they  would  never  lack  in  this  land  of  plenty.  Intem- 
perance is  the  cause  of  poverty  and  the  only  anti-poverty  society 
needed  is  a  society  of  one  —  each  man  for  himself."  Because 
this  is  so  unjust  and  because  its  injustice  is  so  keenly  felt,  the 
large  grain  of  truth  in  it  is  too  apt  to  be  overlooked.  It  is  this 
sort  of  talk  more  than  anything  else  which  has  closed  the  ears 
of  too  many  thinking  workingmen  to  valid  temperance  argument 


APPENDIX  II.  379 

The  time  lost  on  account  of  intemperance,  and  the  strength 
of  body  wasted,  have  frequently  been  mentioned.  Professor 
Huxley,  the  naturalist,  has  told  us  what  kind  of  a  body  —  broad 
shoulders  and  deep  chest  —  he  would  wish  for  his  son.  He  lays 
stress  on  physical  strength,  because  in  this  age  of  sharp  com- 
petition the  turning-point  of  a  life  may  be  included  within  a  few 
months,  weeks,  or  days,  and  during  this  time  final  success  may 
depend  on  power  to  sustain  continuous  exertion  of  the  most 
intense  kind.  It  is  frequently  necessary,  to  enable  one  to  take 
the  tide  of  fortune  at  its  flood,  to  undergo  arduous  toil  for  a 
period  of  even  years.  Doubtless  life  is  too  intense  and  com- 
petition is  too  sharp,  but  the  struggle  for  life  must  always  be 
severe,  and  there  is  no  prospect  of  improvement  in  a  near  future. 
He  who  burdens  himself  with  habits  which  waste  even  a  little 
time  and  dissipate  even  a  little  physical  energy,  enters  the  race 
handicapped ;  a  loss  of  energy  of  which  the  loser  may  not  even 
be  conscious,  has  undoubtedly  turned  the  scale  of  fortune  against 
many  a  man. 

The  loss  of  mental  energy  is  far  more  serious,  on  the  whole, 
than  the  loss  of  physical  strength,  and  this  greater  loss  is  expe- 
rienced by  many  who  never  become  intoxicated  and  who  regard 
themselves  as  moderate  drinkers. 

The  wage-earning  classes  need  every  bit  of  mental  capacity 
which  they  possess  or  can  acquire,  to  enable  them  to  attain  well- 
being  in  the  struggle  of  modern  industrial  life.  The  wage- 
earning  classes,  as  classes,  must  act  solidly  together.  The 
solidarity  of  their  interest  can  be  disputed  by  no  fair-minded 
and  competent  observer.  Now,  if  this  is  so,  every  wage-earner 
who  wastes  any  of  his  resources  of  body  or  mind  by  the  use  of 
alcoholic  drinks,  is  an  enemy  of  his  class.  At  what  disadvantage 
in  dealing  with  employers  are  sullen  and  incompetent  men,  with 
no  reserve  of  accumulated  earnings,  as  compared  with  bright, 
open,  and  determined  men!  The  talk  about  the  equality  of 
labor  and  capital  in  labor  contracts  is  a  farce,  but  why  make  the 
inequality  needlessly  great?  Strikes  occur  too  frequently,  but 
that  they  are  sometimes  necessary  is  generally  conceded.  Up- 
right and  intelligent  men  will  be  very  careful  about  entering  on 


380  APPENDIX  II. 

a  strike,  but  when  once  undertaken,  they  will  make  a  good  fight. 
What  is  the  effect  of  intemperance  and  attendant  lawlessness  on 
strikes?  It  is  needless  to  answer  the  question.  Disorder  is  so 
manifestly  injurious  to  strikers,  that  unscrupulous  employers  have 
been  accused  of  sending  emissaries  among  them  to  stir  it  up. 
Workingmen  should  remember  Cromwell's  praying  soldiers,  and 
the  terror  they  were  to  their  finally  vanquished  enemies.  I  think 
that  absolutely  temperate  strikers,  fleeing  all  association  with 
saloons,  opening  every  meeting  of  any  sort  with  prayer,  and 
holding  a  prayer-meeting  or  some  kind  of  religious  service  every 
day,  would  inspire  an  unscrupulous  individual  or  corporate  em- 
ployer with  a  new  terror. 

A  good  point  was  made  in  the  testimony  given  by  Mr.  Alphonso 
Crosby  before  the  United  States  Senate  Committee,  to  which 
attention  has  already  been  called.  He  said  that  the  wages  of 
mechanics  were  set  by  drinking  men,  because  drinking  men 
were  improvident,  and,  having  no  economic  reserve,  were  obliged 
to  take  what  they  could  get ;  they  had  nothing  to  fall  back  on. 
This  is  in  keeping  with  what  has  been  said  about  the  solidarity 
of  the  interests  of  labor.  Nothing  is  more  disastrous  to  a  man 
who  has  something  to  sell  than  to  be  obliged  to  force  it  on  the 
market.  A  commodity  under  those  circumstances  will  frequently 
not  bring  half-price.  Now  he  who  is  obliged  to  force  labor  on 
the  labor  market  does  a  thing  equally  disastrous,  and  his  conduct 
is  injurious  to  every  workingman. 

Intemperance  weakens  the  working  people  in  another  way. 
It  is  made  a  reproach  to  them,  and  the  innocent  suffer  with  the 
guilty.  It  serves  their  opponents  as  a  very  efficient  weapon. 
With  the  ordinary  non-partisan  —  the  man  neither  employer  nor 
employed,  in  the  usual  sense  —  what  is  the  most  telling  argument 
against  the  present  agitation  for  the  eight-hour  day  ?  Undoubt- 
edly this  :  "  More  leisure  means  more  time  and  more  money  for 
the  saloon."  Doubtless  this  is  untrue,  but  in  a  good  cause  we 
ought  not  to  give  our  enemies  any  handle  to  use  against  us. 

A  continual  subject  for  discussion  among  workingmen  is  polit- 
ical action.  It  requires  all  the  unimpaired  power  of  the  keenest 
intellects  at  their  command,  to  decide  what  political  course  it  is 


APPENDIX  II.  381 

best  to  take,  and  when  any  course  is  taken,  it  demands  the 
utmost  of  their  patience  and  self-control. 

We  hear  in  political  economy  of  "  the  seen  and  the  unseen," 
the  unseen  meaning  simply  that  which  is  not  readily  seen.  Now 
I  think  it  is  manifest  that  the  worst  effects  of  intemperance,  con- 
sidered from  the  standpoint  of  the  labor  movement,  belong  to 
the  unseen.  Is  it  not  evident  that  temperance  workers  are  among 
the  best  friends  of  the  wage-earners  of  this  country,  and  that  any 
labor  leader  who  has  not  sufficient  mental  power  to  grasp  this, 
is  unfit  for  his  position?  and,  finally,  that  any  intemperate  laborer 
is  an  enemy  to  his  class  ? 

II.  Let  us  now  look  at  the  labor  movement  from  the  stand- 
point of  a  broad-minded  temperance  reformer. 

We  should,  I  think,  first  of  all,  fully  grasp  the  fact  that  the 
excessive  use  of  strong  drink  is  not  merely  the  work  of  the  devil. 
Perhaps  I  do  not  make  my  meaning  clear.  What  I  want  to  say 
is  this :  Men  do  not  indulge  in  the  use  of  intoxicating  beverages 
merely  because  they  are  moved  by  an  evil  influence,  and,  except 
in  the  case  of  confirmed  drinkers,  not  because  they  care  particu- 
larly for  what  they  drink.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  only  a 
lesser  part  of  the  strength  of  the  saloon  is  due  to  the  love  for 
the  liquor  which  it  dispenses.  We  must  go  below  surface  phe- 
nomena, and  inquire  what  gives  the  saloon  its  strength?  for 
when  we  do  so,  we  shall  become  convinced  that  mere  negative 
work  is  not  half  enough.  If  we  simply  drive  devils  out,  they 
will  return,  as  we  are  told,  in  sevenfold  strength.  A  power  for 
good  must  be  introduced  to  take  the  place  of  evil  influences  ex- 
pelled. The  greater  part  of  temperance  reform  must  be  positive 
'work,  and  a  failure  to  perceive  this  is,  I  think,  one  cause  of 
many  setbacks  in  the  past,  while  an  increasing  recognition  of 
this  principle  is  precisely  one  of  the  most  hopeful  features  of  the 
temperance  movement  of  to-day. 

One  main  cause  of  the  strength  of  the  saloon  is  that  it  fur- 
nishes  to  the  masses  a  convenient  and  always  easily  accessible 
meeting  place  and  waiting  place,  free  from  restraints,  and  it  is 
the  only  institution  of  the  kind  in  American  cities.  One  needs 
but  to  observe  what  can  be  seen  any  day  and  night  in  our  cities 


382  APPENDIX  II. 

and  to  reflect  seriously  on  its  significance,  to  understand  how 
far-reaching  this  proposition  is. 

Rich  men  have  their  social  clubs,  but  these  institutions  are 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  poor.  Workingmen  often  wish  to  meet 
to  talk  over  some  proposed  course  of  action,  let  us  say,  political. 
Where  shall  they  meet?  One  place,  and  only  one  place,  is 
always  open,  and  that  is  the  saloon.  Many  saloons  keep  large, 
pleasant  rooms  which  can  be  engaged  free  of  charge.  What  a 
temptation  is  this !  Of  course,  the  proprietor  of  the  hall  expects 
recompense,  and  every  one  who  attends  the  meeting  feels  mor- 
ally bound  to  drink  at  least  two  glasses  of  beer.  The  meetings 
which  workingmen  hold  in  these  days  are  very  frequent,  and  on 
the  whole  these  frequent  meetings  are  commendable,  but  it  is  a 
continual  difficulty  to  find  suitable  meeting  places. 

What  has  been  said  is  also  a  partial  explanation  of  the  strength 
of  the  saloon  with  the  regular  political  parties.  Many  of  the 
local  headquarters  are  in  saloons. 

We  have  as  yet  taken  but  one  step  in  ascertaining  the  causes 
of  the  strength  of  the  saloon.  A  Baltimore  cooper  talked  some- 
what like  this  to  a  friend  of  mine :  ' '  What  shall  I  do  with  my 
boys?  I  live  in  a  small  house,  very  hot  in  summer.  I  have 
eight  children,  one  of  them  a  crying,  fretful  infant,  and  when  my 
boys  come  home  after  a  hard  day's  work,  they  need  recreation. 
They  eat  their  supper  and  go  on  the  streets  and  doubtless  into 
the  saloons,  but  I  cannot  say  them  nay.  They  are  young  fellows 
and  must  have  some  enjoyment,  and  there  is  nothing  for  them  at 
home."  My  friend  suggested  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  but  he  shook  his 
head.  It  was  far  away,  and  besides,  he  did  not  feel  that  his 
boys  would  be  welcome.  It  was,  moreover,  expensive  for  a 
cooper's  sons. 

Take  the  street-car  drivers  of  Baltimore.  They  work  twelve 
hours  and  more  a  day ;  formerly,  indeed,  seventeen.  The  high- 
est pay  is  two  dollars  a  day.  When  one  of  them  in  winter  has  a 
free  evening,  how  shall  he  pass  it  ?  Quite  likely  he  has  no  friends 
with  homes  in  the  city,  and  to  expect  him  to  remain  in  his  cold, 
cheerless  attic  is  unreasonable.  He  wanders  out  on  the  street, 
he  strolls  about,  he  has  nothing  better  to  do.  On  every  corner 


APPENDIX  II.  383 

he  sees  a  saloon,  and  how  warm  it  looks !  How  attractive  the 
bright  colors  !  how  enticing  the  display  of  beautiful  glass !  He 
hears  cheerful  laughter  and  merry  voices,  and  if  he  enters,  he  is 
thoroughly  welcome.  The  price  of  admission  is  five  cents.  Is 
it  any  wonder  that  he  goes  in  ? 

Men  more  favorably  situated  feel  this  temptation,  as  many 
who  have  been  students  away  from  home  know  full  well.  I  re- 
member meeting  a  Canadian  student  who  had  studied  medicine 
in  London.  He  said  that  on  Sundays  the  only  thing  to  do,  if 
you  did  not  want  to  pass  the  entire  day  in  church,  was  to  go  to 
some  place  of  temptation,  for  all  the  places  of  innocent  recreation 
and  amusement  were  closed.  Many  young  men  could  tell  the 
same  tale.  The  devil  has  full  swing  on  Sunday  in  great  cities, 
for  the  churches  make  only  a  feeble  competition  for  a  few  hours, 
and  then  are  closed  up. 

Take  also  the  case  of  men  out  of  work,  and  remember  that 
men  in  factories  are  idle  about  one-tenth  of  the  year,  and  often 
for  a  longer  period.  What  are  they  to  do  during  these  recurring 
periods  of  idleness? 

Walking  by  a  saloon,  you  may  see  a  notice  to  the  effect  that 
base-ball  scores  are  exhibited  inside,  and  so  they  are  always 
active  to  provide  all  those  things  and  all  those  conveniences 
which  men  desire,  and  their  pay  is  in  liquor  purchased,  liquor 
with  which  those  who  drink  would  frequently  as  soon  dispense 
as  not. 

If  what  is  written  is  true,  it  will  show  many  defects  in  our 
"holly-tree"  inns  and  temperance  restaurants.  It  seems  to  be 
supposed  that  what  is  drunk  and  what  is  eaten  is  the  only 
reason  why  men  frequent  saloons,  whereas  it  is  only  one  reason, 
and  probably  in  a  very  large  majority  of  cases  only  a  subordinate 
reason.  Such  an  inn  was  once  started  in  Baltimore,  but  did  not 
succeed.  An  intelligent  workingman  told  me  that  in  the  first 
place  it  was  inconveniently  situated  on  Charles  Street,  far  away 
from  the  workingmen's  quarters,  and  that  in  the  second  place  it 
was  presided  over  by  ladies,  as  he  said,  dressed  "  in  the  tip  of 
the  fashion."  He  felt  very  uneasy,  and  after  drinking  his  cup 
of  coffee,  left,  never  to  return, 


384  APPENDIX  IT. 

We  have  already  advanced  far  enough  to  consider  a  few  reme- 
dies. In  one  way  or  another,  earnest  attempts  should  be  made 
to  provide  for  the  public  convenient  meeting  places  free  from  the 
temptations  of  the  saloons.  The  holly-tree  inns  are  a  move  in 
the  right  direction,  but  they  should  offer  all  the  attractions  of  a 
saloon  without  the  intoxicating  beverages.  I  do  not  think  they 
should  be  kept  by  ladies,  but  by  men  who  have  been  successful 
as  proprietors  and  managers  of  liquor  saloons.  When  such  a 
man,  as  occasionally  happens,  feels  the  degradation  and  wrong 
of  his  occupation,  and  is  willing  to  make  a  change,  this  at  once 
furnishes  him  with  occupation,  perhaps  not  so  profitable,  but  at 
least  sufficient  to  support  him.  All  kinds  of  non-intoxicating 
beverages  and  good  lunches  should  be  provided  at  the  lowest 
possible  price ;  also  tables  and  newspapers,  giving  men  as  good 
an  opportunity  to  pass  unoccupied  time  as  the  saloon,  also  rooms 
and  halls  for  lodges,  trades-unions,  political  clubs,  and  the  like. 
There  can,  in  my  mind,  be  no  doubt  that  such  places  would 
sooner  or  later  be  remunerative,  although  it  might  be  necessary 
to  lose  a  good  deal  of  money  at  the  start. 

Some  of  the  English  cities  seem  to  have  provided  public  halls 
for  meetings  of  citizens,  and  their  experience  is  worthy  of  exami- 
nation. 

Some  of  our  trades-unions  and  other  labor  organizations  have 
done  something  to  meet  the  want  described,  and  they  ought  to 
receive  more  encouragement  in  efforts  of  this  kind.  A  few  win- 
ters since,  I  found  two  rather  cheerless  rooms  in  an  upper  story 
of  a  large  building  in  Cleveland,  as  I  was  searching  for  an  office. 
The  rooms  contained  a  few  papers,  checkerboards,  packs  of 
cards,  etc.  I  asked  a  plainly  dressed,  but  intelligent  and  honest- 
looking  man,  by  whom  the  rooms  were  occupied,  and  was  told 
by  the  Bricklayers'  Union.  He  said  that  when  "  the  boys  "  were 
out  of  work  it  furnished  them  with  a  lounging  place  and  kept 
them  out  of  the  saloons. 

The  bricklayers  of  Philadelphia  have  a  large,  new  hall,  and 
when  I  visited  it  I  found  a  store  on  the  first  floor  vacant.  It  had 
not  then  been  rented.  The  managers  had  received  an  offer  of 
high  rent  for  it  from  a  man  who  wanted  to  open  a  saloon,  but  it 


APPENDIX  II.  385 

had  been  decided  that  under  no  circumstances  would  it  be  let  for 
such  a  purpose,  much  as  they  might  want  the  money.  I  noticed 
that  the  book-shelves  were  empty,  and  here  was  an  opportunity 
for  temperance  workers  and  philanthropists  to  encourage  a  good 
beginning  by  providing  literature  of  a  high  order  to  reduce  still 
further  the  attractions  of  the  saloon. 

The  Labor  Lyceum  of  Myrtle  Street,  Brooklyn,  furnishes  a 
meeting  place  for  workingmen,  and  rooms  for  many  of  their 
organizations.  A  benevolent  physician  has  been  active  in  aiding 
in  its  construction.  It  was  desired  to  prohibit  altogether  the 
sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  in  the  building,  but  unfortunately  it 
was  difficult  to  pay  for  it,  and  reluctantly  the  right  to  sell  beer 
was  given  to  a  man  who  pays  to  the  Lyceum  a  certain  sum  for 
every  keg  sold. 

Now,  what  temperance  workers  ought  to  do,  it  seems  to  me, 
is  to  take  hold  of  good  features  of  the  labor  movement  and  assist 
in  their  development.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  what  is  wanted  is  to 
help  people  to  help  themselves.  It  is  a  mistake  to  try  to  force 
things  on  people.  What  is  wanted  is  to  take  hold  of  institutions 
spontaneously  arising  among  the  masses,  and  to  help  to  give 
them  a  sound  development. 

Churches  should  do  more  ;  think  of  saloons  open  one  hundred 
hours  a  week,  and  churches  open,  say,  six  hours  !  The  churches, 
if  open  at  all  times,  would  furnish  meeting  places,  and  if  they 
kept  people  from  evil,  I  believe  God  would  be  pleased. 

Workingmen's  employers  would  often  find  it  profitable  to  assist 
in  this  work.  I  visited  the  Hocking  Valley  in  1886.  It  is  a 
mining  region  in  Ohio,  and  was  the  scene  of  long-continued  and 
more  or  less  violent  strikes  a  few  years  ago,  as  will  be  generally 
remembered.  In  New  Straitsville  I  was  struck  by  the  utter 
cheerlessness  and  desolateness  of  the  lives  of  people  condemned 
to  live  in  such  a  frightful  place.  I  went  in  the  evening  to  an 
entertainment  given  by  a  troupe  of  very  indifferent  minstrels. 
The  charge  was  ten  cents,  and  as  I  came  out,  a  lot  of  boys  eagerly 
asked  for  my  ticket.  The  look  on  the  faces  of  the  men  and  boys 
was  to  me  pathetic.  They  were  famishing  for  some  rational, 
health-giving  amusement.  Their  employers  had  spent  leveral 


386  APPENDIX  II. 

hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  done  their  business  a  damage, 
some  say,  of  over  a  million,  to  gain  a  victory  "  in  wind,"  as  a 
prominent  member  of  the  syndicate  said.  The  syndicate  was 
determined  to  crush  the  miner's  organization,  but  when  I  was  in 
the  place  I  think  there  was  not  even  one  miner  who  was  a  non- 
union man.  I  thought  how  much  better  it  would  have  been  for 
the  syndicate  to  expend,  say,  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  in 
the  construction  of  a  library  and  hall,  and  to  give  the  men  oppor- 
tunities for  a  more  wholesome  life.  It  would  have  been  appre- 
ciated, and  would  probably  have  saved  all  that  was  lost  in  fruit- 
less strife. 

Child-labor  is  a  potent  cause  of  intemperance,  and  here  tem- 
perance reform  and  the  labor  movement  should  proceed  unitedly. 
It  is  an  evil  which  is  rapidly  growing,  especially  in  the  West. 
Children  fall  into  bad  ways,  and  are  lost  while  yet  too  young  to 
be  fully  responsible. 

Tenement-house  reform  is  another  work  which  is  essential  to 
temperance  reform.  It  is  impossible  to  expel  King  Alcohol  from 
the  slums  of  cities  like  New  York  and  Chicago  so  long  as  these 
slums  exist.  Negative  work  here  will  never  accomplish  the  end 
desired.  The  slums  are  breathing  holes  of  hell,  and  should  be 
swept  from  the  earth,  and  if  Christian  people  would  go  earnestly 
to  work  and  stop  listening  to  the  devil  as  he  preaches  laissez 
faire,  let  alone,  non-interference,  they  could  be  swept  from  the 
earth. 

Bad  ventilation  of  mines  and  workshops  weakens  the  consti- 
tution and  paves  the  way  for  beer  and  whiskey.  Let  every  tem- 
perance advocate  support  the  workingmen  in  their  effort  to  im- 
prove the  condition  of  mines  and  workshops.  Measures  like 
these  are  not  something  which  temperance  people  may  feel  free 
to  support  or  not  to  support  as  they  see  fit.  They  are  a  real 
essential  part  of  the  temperance  movement. 

Playgrounds  for  children  are  needed.  No  American  city  has 
done  its  duty  in  this  respect,  and  we  are  lagging  far  behind  Euro- 
pean cities.  I  notice  how  eagerly  any  open  spot  near  my  house 
is  seized  by  boys  and  girls.  They  are  hungry  for  innocent  play, 
and  much  mischief  comes  from  lack  of  opportunity.  It  is  mere 


APPENDIX  II.  387 

overflow  of  animal  spirits  which  can  find  no  harmless  channel 
into  which  to  flow.  The  experience  of  Cornell  University  is  in- 
structive. Ex-President  White  told  me  that  after  military  drill 
had  been  introduced,  a  gymnasium  erected,  and  opportunities 
for  physical  exercise  of  an  innocent  kind  had  been  provided, 
difficulties  of  discipline  almost  disappeared.  Disorder  and  law- 
lessness stopped  almost  spontaneously.  I  believe  many  a  "  city 
tough"  might  have  grown  into  a  useful  citizen  had  municipal 
playgrounds  and  gymnasiums  been  provided  for  him  while  a 
child. 

Overwork  is  a  cause  of  intemperance,  especially  in  over-heated 
and  poorly  ventilated  factories,  and  it  has  generally  been  observed 
by  those  who  have  made  a  study  of  the  matter,  that  a  reduction 
in  the  hours  of  labor  is  followed  by  a  diminution  of  intemper- 
ance, perhaps  not  at  first,  but  in  a  near  future.  This  is,  I  think, 
the  very  general  testimony  of  experts  in  this  matter,  and  is  the 
result  shown  by  every  careful  investigation.  I  will  quote  a  few 
words  on  this  subject  from  Robert  Howard  of  Massachusetts, 
secretary  of  the  spinners'  organization,  and  a  very  intelligent  and 
competent  witness.  In  speaking  of  the  girls  in  Fall  River  mills, 
he  says : — 

"  It  is  dreadful  to  see  those  girls,  stripped  almost  to  the  skin, 
wearing  only  a  kind  of  loose  wrapper,  and  running  like  a  race 
horse  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  day ;  and  I  can  per- 
ceive that  it  is  bringing  about  both  a  moral  and  physical  decay 
in  them.  ...  I  must  say  that  I  have  noticed  that  the  hard, 
slavish  overwork  is  driving  those  girls  into  the  saloons  after  they 
leave  the  mills  in  the  evening ;  and  you  might  as  well  deprive 
them  of  their  suppers ;  after  they  leave  the  mills  you  will  see 
them  going  into  saloons,  looking  scared  and  ashamed,  and  trying 
to  go  in  without  any  one  seeing  them  —  good,  respectable  girls, 
too ;  but  they  come  out  so  tired,  and  so  thirsty,  and  so  exhausted, 
especially  in  the  summer  months,  from  working  along  steadily 
from  hour  to  hour,  and  breathing  the  noxious  effluvia  from  the 
grease  and  other  ingredients  that  are  used  in  the  mills,  and  they 
are  so  exhausted  when  the  time  comes  to  quit,  that  you  will  find 
that  all  their  thoughts  are  concentrated  on  something  to  drink  to 


388  APPENDIX  II. 

allay  their  thirst."     Of  course,  men  are   still  more  exposed  to 
this  temptation,  and  much  more  testimony  could  be  given. 

Here,  again,  we  ought  to  unite  positive  with  negative  work, 
and  those  interested  in  the  temperance  movement  ought  to  help 
workingmen  to  reduce  to  reasonable  limits  the  length  of  the 
working  day  in  factories  and  shops,  and  then  to  encourage  them 
to  make  a  good  use  of  leisure.  The  seventh  Earl  of  Shaftesbury 

—  whose  life,  by  Hodder,  should  be  read  by  every  philanthropist 

—  was  in  this,  as  in  so  many  other  respects,  a  model  reformer. 
He  assisted  the  short-time  committees  very  efficiently  in  securing 
suitable  legislation,  and  when  the  working  day  was  reduced  in 
accordance  with  their  programme,  he  wrote  them  a  letter,  from 
which  the  following  is  an  extract:    "My  good  friends,  .   .   . 
First,  we  must  give  most  humble  and  hearty  thanks  to  Almighty 
God  for  the  unexpected  and  wonderful  success  that  has  attended 
our  efforts.  .  .  .     But  with  your  success  have  commenced  new 
duties.    You  are  now  in  possession  of  those  two  hours  which 
you  have  so  long  and  so  ardently  desired ;  you  must  therefore 
turn  them  to  the  best  account,  to  that  account  which  was  ever 
in  the  minds  of  your  friends  and  advocates  when  they  appealed 
to  the  legislature  on  behalf  of  your  rights  as  immortal  beings,  as 
citizens  and  Christians. 

"You  will  remember  the  principal  motive  that  stimulated  your 
own  activity  and  the  energetic  aid  of  your  supporters  in  Parlia- 
ment, was  the  use  that  might  be  made  of  this  leisure  for  the 
moral  improvement  of  the  factory  people,  and  especially  the 
female  workers,  who  will  now  enjoy  far  better  opportunities  both 
of  learning  and  practising  those  duties  which  must  be  known 
and  discharged  if  we  would  have  a  comfortable,  decent,  and 
happy  population. 

"You  will  experience  no  difficulty  throughout  your  several 
districts  in  obtaining  counsel  or  assistance  on  these  subjects. 
The  clergy,  the  various  ministers,  the  medical  men  —  all  who 
have  been  so  forward  arid  earnest  in  your  cause  —  will,  I  am 
sure,  be  really  delighted  to  co-operate  with  your  efforts." 

But  one  other  point  remains  to  be  mentioned.  The  use  of 
intoxicating  beverages  has  been  in  a  thousand  and  one  ways 


APPENDIX  II.  389 

connected  with  sociability.  It  has  associations  with  joyous  and 
festive  occasions.  Here,  again,  we  must  not  be  content  with 
simple  banishment.  Those  who  have  gifts  as  social  leaders  have 
opportunity  to  do  useful  work.  They  should  give  their  earnest, 
serious  thought  to  the  development  of  new  social  forms  and  cus- 
toms, quite  as  charming  and  delightful  as  the  old,  yet  uncon- 
nected with  beverages  which  intoxicate.  Always  strive  to  put 
some  good  influence  in  the  place  of  the  evil  habit  banished,  for 
until  this  is  done  the  victory  is  only  half  won. 

These  are  a  few  of  the  suggestions  which  occur  to  me  in  con- 
nection with  those  two  large  subjects,  temperance  reform  and 
the  labor  movement,  and,  inadequate  as  this  treatment  is,  I  trust 
that  it  may  stimulate  thought  and  endeavor,  and  help  forward 
the  good  work  of  the  Woman's  Christian  Temperance  Union. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  J.  Q.,  on  cotton-mills,  48. 
Adams,  Henry  C,  on  State  interference 

in  industries,  325. 
Alarm,  the,  241,  278 ;  letter  to  tramps, 

364-366. 
Allegheny  City,  socialistic  congress  in, 

228. 
Amana,  communistic  settlement  in,  15, 

16. 

American  communism,  early,  7-33. 
Anarchists,  object  of,  6;    a  name  for 

Internationalists,  232. 
Andrews,  S.  P.,  converted  to  socialism, 

239- 

Arbeiter  Union,  Die,  published,  226. 
Arbitration  by  labor  organizations,  146- 

IS3- 
Atchison,  Kan.,  co-operation  in,  184. 


Babouvism,  revival  of,  256,  257. 

Bcecker-Zeitungt  Deutch-Amerikanisch, 
the,  279. 

Bakers'  Union,  formed,  65 ;  Journal  on 
boycott,  299. 

Baltimore,  United  Hand-Loom  Weav- 
ers' Association,  wages  of,  49,  50; 
ten-hour  system  in,  56 ;  co-operation 
in,  178 ;  co-operative  insurance  of 
the  railroad  company,  193,  194 ;  so- 
cialistic congress  in,  228,  229. 

Banks,  co-operative,  in  Massachusetts, 
198,  199.  (See  Credit  and  Co-opera- 
tion^) 

Barnard  on  building  associations,  199. 


Baumeler,  Joseph,  leader  of  Separatists, 
16. 

Beecher,  Rev.  Dr.  Thos.  K.,  on  labor 
organizations,  157,  158. 

Black  Hand,  the,  260,  261. 

Black  list,  description  of,  no,  III. 

Blacksmiths'  Union  formed,  60. 

Blair  bill,  probable  success  among  the 
working  classes,  124. 

Blanchard,  J.  G.,  poem  on  eight  hours, 
72,  73- 

Blanqui,  works  of,  introduced  to  Amer- 
ica, 220. 

"  Bootmakers'  Case,"  54. 

Boston,  workmen  of,  in  colonial  times, 
37 ;  a  centre  of  labor  organizations, 
41 ;  meeting  of  laboring  classes  in, 
50-52. 

Boycott  and  its  parallel  wrong,  166; 
mediaeval  usage  of,  297;  laborer's 
view  of,  297,  300 ;  law  against,  301, 
302,  303. 

Brassey,  Thos.,  friend  of  the  laborers, 
323- 

Brentano,  Professor,  on  the  kinds  of  in- 
surance, 142;  on  laborers'  sympa- 
thizers, 310. 

Brewster,  Messrs.,  profit-sharing,  315. 

Bricklayers'  and  Masons' Union  formed, 
63,  64 ;  in  Philadelphia,  66 ;  insur- 
ance among,  144 ;  Protective  Asso- 
ciation, pledge  and  preamble  of,  341, 
342. 

Briggs  Bros.,  profit-sharing,  314. 

Brighton,  Workingmen's  Institute  of, 

121. 

Brisbane,  Albert,  advocates  Fourierism, 


392 


INDEX. 


20,  21 ;  Dr.  Kock's  admiration  of, 
220. 

Brook  Farm,  Fourieristic  phalanx  in,  21. 

Brown,  Rev.  Dr.  T.  E.,  change  of  view 
about  labor  organizations,  154;  on 
trades-unions,  155,  156,  157. 

Buckle,  Thos.,  influence  of,  on  Anar- 
chists, 245. 

Buffalo,  co-operation  in,  184. 

Building  associations,  196-199. 

Burke,  Edmund,  influence  on  Anar- 
chists, 246. 

C. 

Cabet,  communism  of,  16. 
Camden  and  Amboy  Transportation 
Co.,  an  example  from  the  history  of, 

35- 

Canterbury,  boycott  in,  297. 

Carpenters'  Union,  65,  67 ;  life  insur- 
ance, 144 ;  on  arbitration,  148 ;  the 
organ  of,  279. 

Carter,  James  G.,  friend  of  laboring 
class,  53,  54. 

Caulkers'  Club,  object  of,  37. 

Ceresco,  Fourieristic  phalanx  in,  21. 

Chamberlain,  friend  of  laborers,  323. 

Channing,  Wm.  E.,  friend  of  labor,  53, 
54,  121,  122. 

Chicagoer  Arbeiterzeitung,  Die,  241. 

Child  labor,  Seth  Luther's  investiga- 
tions about,  48,  49. 

Childs,  Geo.  W.,  favors  laborers'  union, 
58, 59 ;  encourages  co-operation,  190. 

Christian  Socialist,  the,  280. 

Church,  responsibility  of,  to  labor,  330- 
332. 

Cigar  Makers,  radical  ideas  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Union,  5;  constitution  of, 
342-345  ;  strikes  among,  150. 

Cincinnati,  socialistic  congress  in,  228. 

Claflin,  Wm.,  favors  ten-hour  day,  57. 

Columbian  Charitable  Society  of  Ship- 
wrights and  Caulkers,  39. 

Communism,  seeks  equality,  6;  early 
American,  7-33;  revival  of,  20; 


Horace  Greeley  on,  26,  vj\  club 
founded,  225. 

Conductors'  Brotherhood  organized 
64. 

Convict  labor,  abolishment  of,  339. 

Cooper,  Peter,  service  to  labor,  308. 

Coopers'  co-operation  in  Minneapolis, 
188. 

Co-operation,  peaceful  aim  of,  6;  plea- 
sure in,  a  feature  in  community  life, 
27 ;  in  Icaria,  28 ;  prospect  of,  136, 
137 ;  in  America,  167-208 ;  distribu- 
tive, 167-179;  productive,  180-189; 
different  forms  of,  190-195;  credit, 
195-199;  failures  and  possibilities, 
199-208;  organs  of,  186;  encour- 
aged by  George  W.  Childs,  190 ;  by 
W.  A.  Wood,  191 ;  among  Messrs. 
Pillsbury's  employees,  191,  192 ;  in- 
surance, 192-195;  buildings,  196, 
197;  no  legal  provision  for,  200, 
201;  want  of  sympathy  for,  201; 
success  of,  in  England  and  Ger- 
many, 204;  of  Briggs  Bros.,  314; 
of  Messrs.  Brewster,  315 ;  National 
Labor  Union  on,  339. 

Covington,  Ky.,  co-operation  in,  186. 

Craftsman,  the,  organ  of  printers,  59. 

Credit  co-operation,  195-199. 

Crosby,  Rev.  Dr.  Howard,  on  morals 
of  community  work,  315. 

Cross,  friend  of  laborers,  323. 

Currency,  inflation,  labor  leaders'  mis- 
take respecting,  159. 

D. 

Daily  Sentinel,  the,  issue  of,  41. 
Dana,  Chas.  A.,  advocates  Fourierism, 

20. 
Darwin,  Chas.,  influence  on  Anarchists, 

247,  248. 
De  Lavelaye,  on  luxury,  referred  to, 

318;    on  Spencer's  and    Darwin's 

influence  on  Anarchists,  247. 
Democratic  party,  affiliation  with  work- 

ingmen,  43. 


INDEX. 


393 


Distributive  co-operation,  167-179 ;  Me 
Neil  on,  171,  172;  among  Sove- 
reigns of  Industry,  174-177  ;  among 
Grangers,  177-179. 

Dress  Association,  co-operative,  168. 

Drexel,  Mr.,  in  favor  of  laborers' 
union,  59. 

Dynamite,  Internationalists'  resort  to, 
255-258. 


Earle,  Wm.  H.,  founder  of  the  Sove- 
reigns of  Industry,  175. 

Eccarius,  J.  G.,  secretary  of  the  Inter- 
national, 226 ;  on  international  co- 
operation, 227. 

Economy,  Harmonists'  settlement  in, 
14,  15;  health  in,  29;  celibacy  in, 
32. 

Education,  as  a  remedy  for  social  ills, 
47 ;  labor  organizations  as  a  means 
of,  120-140. 

Educational  campaign  of  Anarchists, 
265. 

Eight-hour  system,  71,  72;  demonstra- 
tion for,  in  New  York,  228. 

Engineers,  Brotherhood  of  Locomo- 
tive, formed,  62. 

Enquirer,  the,  242,  278. 

Equality  of  man,  fallacy  of,  97,  98. 

Evans,  George  H.,  land  reforms  of,  41 ; 
political  activity  of,  43. 

Evans,  Fred.  W.,  advent  of,  to  America, 
41 ;  joins  Shakers,  12,  29,  43. 


F. 

Packet,  Die,  241,  258. 

Factory  labor,  in  New  England,  49. 

Fawcett,  Henry,  on  the  effect  of  labor 

organizations,  119. 
Federation,  of  Organized  Trades,  88, 

89;   of  Trades  and  Labor  Union, 

platform  of,  305-307. 
Federative  Union  of  Metal  Workers, 

radical  platform  of,  5. 


Field,  D.  D.,  on  the  formation  of  char- 
acter, referred  to,  329. 

Firemen,  Locomotive,  union  organized, 
64 ;  insurance  among,  144. 

Force,  Peter,  president  of  typographical 
society,  38. 

Forster,  Wm.  E.,  friend  of  labor,  323. 

Fourier,  promulgation  of  his  doctrine 
in  America,  20-25 ;  Dr.  Keek's  ad- 
miration of,  220. 

Fraser,  Daniel,  on  the  bases  of  moral- 
ity, 28  ;  on  little  duties,  32. 

Freiheit,  Die,  241 ;  on  religion,  242, 
243 ;  on  family,  243 ;  on  revolution, 
258-260.  (See  Most.) 

Furniture  Workers'  Union  formed,  64 ; 
insurance  among,  145 ;  journal,  279. 

G. 

Garrison,  Wm.  Lloyd,  a  mild  Anar- 
chist, 248. 

General  Trades-Union  of  the  City  of 
New  York,  43. 

George,  Henry,  moral  effect  of  his 
writings,  125, 126 ;  socialism  of,  283, 
284. 

Glass  Workers'  Union,  66. 

Gould,  Jay,  Anarchists'  comment  on, 
257,  263. 

Grangers,  history  of,  73-75;  educa- 
tional interests  among,  129,  130; 
co-operation  among,  177-179;  co- 
operative credit,  195. 

Granite  Cutters'  Union  formed,  65. 

Greeley,  Horace,  advocates  Fourier- 
ism,  20, 21 ;  on  early  American  com- 
munism, 26;  Dr.  Koch's  admira- 
tion of,  220. 

Gronlund,  Laurence,  expounder  of 
Carl  Marx's  doctrine,  214. 

Guilds,  ancient,  educational  features 
of,  121. 

H. 

Haeckel,  influence  of,  on  Russian  aihil 
ism  248. 


394 


INDEX. 


Hall,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  on  the  prejudice 
against  trades-unions,  155,  156. 

Hammer,  Der,  279. 

Harbinger,  The,  official  organ  of  Fou- 
rierism,  21. 

Harmonists,  history  of  their  settlement, 

14,  IS- 

Harrison,  Frederic,  on  the  red  flag  of 
the  Internationalists,  215 ;  on  labor- 
ers' friend,  309. 

Hat  Finishers'  Union  organized,  59, 64. 

Haverhill,  local  assemblies  of  K.  of  L., 
82. 

Hayes,  Ex-President,  Noyes"  relation- 
ship to,  17. 

Henricijacob,  leader  of  Economites,29. 

Hewitt,  A.  S.,  Anarchists'  attack  on,  256. 

Hocking  Valley  strike,  152. 

Hodel,  treason  of,  262. 

Horseshoers,  national  union  of,  64. 

Hosmer,  Professor,  on  the  Boston  work- 
ingmen  in  colonial  times,  37. 

Howard,  Robert,  on  the  laborers'  temp- 
tation to  intemperance,  133. 

Howells  on  Shakers,  14,  31. 

Hudson,  Mr.,  on  Pittsburgh  riot,  35. 

Hughes,  Thomas,  on  modern  social 
confusion,  30;  on  trader-unionism 
in  England,  162;  interest  in  co- 
operation, 204;  friend  of  laboring 
class,  323. 

Husbandry,  patrons  of.  (See  Gran- 
gers^ 

Huxley,  influence  of,  on  Anarchists, 
247,  248. 

Hyndman,  H.  M.,  expounds  Carl 
Marx's  doctrines,  214 ;  on  Interna- 
tionalists, 232. 

I. 

Icaria,  communistic  society  of,  16,  17 ; 
labor,  how  regarded,  28. 

Indian  common  land,  8,  9. 

Insurance  promoted  by  labor  organi- 
zations, 141-145 ;  co-operative,  192- 
195- 


Intemperance  (See  Temperance'). 

International  Workmen's  Association, 
251-253.  (See  Internationalists.) 

International  Working  People's  Asso- 
ciation, 231-251.  (See  Internation- 
alists.} 

International  Furniture  Workers' 
Union,  radical  platform  of,  5. 

Internationalists,  color  of,  209,  214,  215  ; 
character  of,  212 ;  disruption  from 
S.  L.  P.,  229 ;  manifesto,  241 ;  or- 
gans of,  241 ;  sources  of  their  plat- 
" form,  245-249;  propaganda  of  deed 
and  educational  campaign,  254- 
268  ;  strength  of,  285. 

Irish.  World  and  Industrial  Liberator, 
279. 

Iron  and  Steel  Workers'  Union  organ- 
ized, 60,  64,  65  ;  constitution  of  the 
Amalgamated  Association  of,  345- 
358. 

J. 

James,  Prof.  E.  J.,  on  co-operation, 
208 ;  on  municipal  gas  supply,  re- 
ferred to,  325. 

Jamestown  colony,  industrial  constitu- 
tion and  communism  in,  7. 

Jefferson,  Thos.,  lauded  by  Simpson,  45. 

John  Swintoris  Paper,  on  peace,  139; 
on  boycott,  300. 

Journeymen  Bakers'  National  Union, 
radical  principle  of,  5. 

K. 

Kaufmann,  Rev.,  on  strikes,  160,  161 ; 
on  the  failure  of  Briggs  Bros.'  profit- 
sharing,  314. 

Kingsley,  Chas.,  on  the  elevation  of 
workingmen,  95,  96. 

Knight,  Professor,  account  of  his  visit 
to  Zoar,  33. 

Knights  of  Labor,  rise  and  constitu- 
tion of,  75-82;  relations  to  female 
laborers,  82 ;  to  negro  labor,  83 ;  on 
arbitration,  148,  155;  preamble  of, 


INDEX. 


395 


85-88 ;  gain  of,  90 ;  libraries  of,  128 ; 
insurance,  145 ;  strikes  among,  152 ; 
productive  co-operation,  185-187; 
socialistic  tendency,  282,  283. 
Koch,  Dr.  E.  I.,  herald  of  socialism  in 
America,  220. 


Labor  not  a  commodity,  98-110;  pe- 
culiarities of,  and  the  consequences 
therefrom,  ico-iio;  combination 
laws,  109;  causes  of  movement 
since  the  Civil  War,  61,  62;  hours 
(see  Right  and  Ten  Hours)  ;  hard- 
ship of,  tempts  to  intemperance, 

133- 

Labor  organizations,  scope  of,  in 
America,  1-6;  growth  and  present 
condition,  34-91 ;  periods  in  the 
history  of,  34-91 ;  absence  of,  in 
colonial  times,  34-38;  primitive 
form  of,  38 ;  organs  of,  67,  91 ;  ex- 
tinct forms  of,  67-70;  strength  of, 
138;  insurance  among,  141-145; 
arbitration,  146-153;  dark  side  of, 
153-166;  prejudice  against,  153- 
159 ;  expenses  of,  163 ;  different  ef- 
fects of,  141-166;  economic  value 
of,  92-119;  educational  value,  120- 
140;  temperance  in,  130;  social 
culture,  135;  ethical  significance, 
137;  declaration  by  the  represen- 
tatives of,  370-373. 

Labor  Enquirer,  The,  278. 

Land,  common  property  in,  among 
Indians,  8,  9;  reform  scheme  by 
George  Evans,  41. 

Lassalle,  F.,  influence  of,  in  America, 
225. 

Lebanon,  Mount,  Shaker  community 
in,  10,  12.  (See  Shakers.') 

Ledyard,  J.  R.,  on  the  advantages  of 
co-operation,  187,  188. 

Lee,  Ann,  founds  Shakerism,  9;  eco- 
nomic and  religious  precepts  of,  10. 

Leeds,   Rev.   Dr.  George,  on  the  re- 


sponsibility of  Church  in  labor 
problem,  330. 

Letter  to  tramps,  364-366. 

Lenz,  Chas.,  on  Luxury,  318. 

Liberty,  the,  280 ;  on  London  riot,  264. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  on  dangers  of  class 
laws,  147. 

Loco-Foco  Party  begun,  42. 

Longley,  Alcander,  on  diligence  in 
community  life,  30,  31. 

Lucifer ,  the,  241. 

Luther,  Seth,  on  the  condition  of  pro- 
ducing classes,  47-50. 

Luxury,  effect  of,  on  laboring  classes, 
318. 

Lynching  advocated  by  Anarchists,  258. 

M. 

Mann,  Horace,  interest  in  labor  cause, 
53,  54,  121. 

Marriage,  prudence  in,  taught  by  trades- 
unions,  117,  118;  Internationalists' 
attack  on,  242,  243,  244. 

Marx,  Carl,  teacher  of  socialists,  214 ; 
influence  on  Weydemeyer,  221 ;  on 
the  regeneration  of  English  laborers, 
316. 

Maryland  Constitution  on  the  right  of 
resistance,  250. 

Mason,  Lowell,  on  Warren's  invention, 

239- 

Masons'  and  Bricklayers'  Union,  63, 64. 

Maurice,  F.  D.,  on  the  rightfulness  of 
war,  250;  on  thirst  for  blood,  328. 

McNeill,  Geo.  E.,  history  of  co-opera- 
tion, 171,  172. 

Meacham,  Joseph,  introduces  commu- 
nism among  Shakers,  10. 

Meyer,  assists  Weydemeyer  in  propa- 
gating socialism,  221. 

Mill,  J.  S.,  on  the  desirability  of  social 
experiments,  25;  on  the  elevation 
of  laboring  classes,  77 ;  on  strikes, 
151 ;  on  co-operation,  169 ;  on  the 
economic  value  of  labor  organiza- 
tions, 119 ;  indebtedness  to  Warren, 


396 


INDEX. 


238 ;  on  the  consumption  of  capital, 

317. 

Milton's  conception  of  law,  251. 
Miners'  Journal,  280. 
Minneapolis,  coopers'  co-operation  in, 

188. 
Moore,  Ely,  address  in  labor  interest, 

43-44- 
Morley,  on  the  working  of  social  forces, 

2. 

Morley,  Samuel,  friend  of  laboring 
people,  323. 

Most,  John,  on  the  color  for  S.  L.  P., 
209;  arrival  in  America,  229;  ap- 
peal for  forming  the  Black  Hand, 
260;  on  Stellmacher's  death,  262; 
on  Reinsdorf's  execution,  263 ;  crim- 
inal utterances  of,  291. 

N. 

Nashua,  N.H.,  co-operation  in,  184. 

National  Labor  Union,  rise  of,  69,  70 ; 
platform  of  principles,  333-341. 

Neale,  E.  V.,  interest  in  co-operation, 
204. 

Negro  labor  in  K.  of  L.,  83. 

Newark,  socialistic  congress  in,  228. 

New  England  Artizan,  issue  of,  51. 

Newspapers,  labor,  67,  91 ;  use  of,  115. 

Newton,  Dr.  Heber,  on  co-operation, 
171. 

New  York,  society  of  shipwrights  or- 
ganized, 38 ;  typographical  society 
formed,  38  ;  a  centre  of  labor  organ- 
izations^! ;  GeneralTrades-Unions, 
43 ;  socialistic  congress  in,  228. 

New  Yorker  Volkzeitung,  the,  circula- 
tion of,  278. 

Nihilism,  rise  of,  247,  248. 

Nobling,  treason  of,  262. 

North  American  phalanx,  Fourieristic, 

21,  22. 

Noyes,  John  H.,  founds  Oneida  com- 
munity, 17 ;  death  of,  19 ;  on  com- 
munistic societies  in  America,  20: 
Mrs.,  studies  Greek,  32. 


O. 

Oath  required  by  employees,  in,  112. 

Ohio,  imposition  on  laborers  in  mining 
districts,  105. 

Oneida,  Perfectionists'  community  in 
17- 

Orton,  Professor,  on  imposition  on 
laborers,  105. 

Owen,  Robert,  visits  America,  20;  suc- 
cess of,  322. 

P. 

Patrons  of  Husbandry.  (See  Grangers^) 

Peace  principle  among  labor  organi- 
zations, 139. 

Pennsylvania  R.  R.  Co.,  insurance  sys- 
tem in,  194. 

Perfectionists'  community,  history  of, 
17-20;  character  and  strength  of, 

32. 

Pestalozzi,  respected  by  laborers,  122. 

Philadelphia,  co-operative  society  in 
167,  179 ;  building  associations  in, 
198,  199;  socialistic  congress  in, 
228. 

Physiocrats,  attempt  to  free  labor  from 
legal  restrictions,  96. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  communistic  experi- 
ment of,  8. 

Pillsbury,  Messrs.,  co-operation  en- 
couraged by,  191,  192. 

Pittsburgh,  socialistic  congress  in,  228. 

Plasterers'  Union,  65. 

Police,  need  of  reform  in,  327,  328. 

Potter,  Bishop  Henry  C.,  on  luxury, 
318 ;  on  legal  restraints,  329. 

Potters'  strike  in  Trenton,  85. 

Powderly,  Mr.,  against  eight-hour  sys- 
tem, 71 ;  stigmatizes  intemperance, 
132 ;  salary  of,  163. 

Production,  co-operative,  180-189 ;  im- 
petus given  by  Sylvis,  182;  in 
Rochester,  183 ;  in  Buffalo,  184 ;  in 
Nashua,  184;  Atchinson,  184; 
among  Knights  of  Labor,  185; 
periodicals  relating  to,  186;  in 


INDEX. 


397 


Covington,  186;  Ledyard  on,  187; 

of  coopers,  188,  189. 
Progress,  the,  279. 
Proudhon,  anarchist  teacher,  237,  245. 


Quakers  assist  Separatists,  15. 
Quincy,  Josiah,  attempts  to  found  co- 
operative bank,  196. 

R. 

Railway,  fluctuations  in  stocks  through 

labor  organizations,  163 ;  insurance 

in  companies,  193,  194. 
Rankin,  J.  S.,  advocates  co-operation, 

188. 
Rantoul,   Robert,    interest    in    labor's 

cause,  53,  54,  121. 
Rapp,  George,  leader  of  Harmonists, 

IS- 

Reclus,  influence  on  Anarchists,  245. 

Reinsdorf,  August,  execution  of,  263, 
264. 

Remedies  for  labor's  wrongs,  295-332. 

Robertson,  Rev.  F.  W.,  address  before 
workingmen,  referred  to,  121. 

Rochdale  Co-operative  Society,  Wash- 
ington, 167. 

Rochester,  co-operation  in,  183. 

Rogers,  Professor  Thorold,  on  the  edu- 
cational effect  of  labor  organizations, 
140 ;  change  of  view  about  trades- 
unions,  153,  154 ;  on  undue  influ- 
ence of  organized  upon  unorgan- 
ized laborer,  164,  165. 

S. 

Schultze-Delitzsch,  founder  of  German 

credit  banks,  204. 
Seamen's  Union  formed,  65. 
Semler,  Henry,  estimate  of  number  of 

organized  laborers,  89. 
Separatists,  history  of,  15. 
Shakers,  call  themselves  a  social  watch- 


tower,  2;    history  of,  9-14;   health 

among,  28 ;   intelligence  of,  29,  30 ; 

diligence,  31 ;  temperance,  32. 
Shaw,  Dr.  Albert,  on   Icaria,  16;   on 

co-operative  coopers,  188,  189. 
Shipwrights'  Union  formed,  38,  39. 
Sigel,  Gen.  Franz,  a  Turner,  223. 
Simpson,  Stephen,  on  labor  problem, 

44,47- 
Sismondi,  disgust  at  political  economy, 

218. 
Smalley,  E.  W.,  on  Shaker  diligence, 

31- 

Smith,  Adam,  on  laborer's  appearance 
in  public,  34, 35 ;  freedom  of  labor, 

96,97. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  protests  against 
idlers,  7. 

Socialism,  advocates  juster  distribution 
of  goods,  6;  beginnings  of  modern, 
in  America,  209-230;  Weitling  prop- 
agates, 219;  impetus  from  France, 
227 ;  congress,  228 ;  strength  of,  277- 
294 ;  organs  of,  277-280. 

Socialistic  Labor  Party,  color  of,  209 ; 
character  of,  210;  materialism  of, 
212 ;  adoption  of  name,  228 ;  split 
from  Internationalists,  229;  mani- 
festo, 269,  270 ;  opposed  to  anarch- 
ism, 270,  288  ;  doctrines  of,  272,  273  ; 
organs  of,  276;  sections  of,  281; 
platform  of,  366-370. 

Socialist,  The,  on  boycott,  299. 

Sovereigns  of  Industry,  distributive  co- 
operation among,  174-177 ;  produc- 
tive co-operation,  185. 

Sozial  Demokrat,  279. 

Soziahst,  Der,  276,  278. 

Somerset,  Mass.,  co-operation  in,  184. 

Spencer,  Herbert,  influence  on  Anar- 
chists, 245,  247;  ethical  mistake 
referred  to,  311. 

Spies,  Augustus,  on  the  black  flag  of 
Anarchists,  240. 

St.  Crispin,  Knights  of,  history  of,  67, 
68. 


398 


INDEX. 


Starkweather,  on  socialistic  press,  277. 

Stellmacher,  treason  of,  262. 

Stevens,  U.  S.,  originates  Knights  of 

Labor,  75. 
Strasser,  A.,  on  strikes  of  cigar-makers, 

15°.  I52- 

Strikes,  potters',  in  Trenton,  85 ;  arbi- 
tration in,  146-153;  among  cigar- 
makers,  150, 152 ;  Professorvon Wal- 
tershausen  on  American,  150;  of 
Hocking  Valley,  152 ;  Trant  on,  160 ; 
Rev.  Kaufmann  on,  160, 161 ;  of  Iron 
and  Steel  Workers'  Association,  355. 

Sylvis,  Win.  H.,  labor  leader,  60 ;  starts 
co-operative  production,  182,  183. 

T. 

Tageblatt,  the,  276. 

Tailors'  Union  formed,  65. 

Temperance  in  community  life,  32; 
labor  organizations  on,  130-135 ; 
counter-influences  on,  132,  133 ;  re- 
form, relation  of,  to  labor  movement, 

375- 

Ten-hour  question,  55-77. 
To-day,  the,  280. 
Typographical   Society,   organized   in 

New  York,  38, 39 ;  insurance  in,  144. 
Tocsin,  the,  278. 
Trades-unions,  absence  of,  in  colonial 

times,  36 ;  conservative  and  radical 

parties  among,  5. 
Trades    Union,  the,  on  intemperance, 

134,  135-  / 

Tramps,  letter  to,  364-366. 

Trant,  Mr.,  on  strikes,  160. 

Travellick,  Dick,  on  intemperance,  132. 

Trimble,  John,  on  Grangers'  co-opera- 
tion, 177,  178. 

Truth,  the,  241,  242,  278 ;  on  religion, 
242 ;  on  arming  of  people,  290 ;  on 
boycott,  303,-  •$  o^- 

Tucker,  Benj.  R.,  representative  of 
Anarchists,  237. 

Turner,  Mr.,  on  potters'  strike  in  Tren- 
ton, 85 ;  salary  of,  163. 


Turnvereine  constituted,  221,  222;  in- 
dictment of  members,  223. 

Turnzeitung,  publication  of,  222. 

Typographical  Union,  International, 
formed,  57,  58 ;  en  arbitration,  148. 


V. 

Van  Buren,  Pres.,  introduces  ten-hour 

system,  56. 
Vanderbilt,  Wm.  H.,  Anarchists'  view 

of  his  life,  257,  263 ;  poem  on  his 

wealth,  267,  268. 

Voice  of  the  People,  the,  276,  278. 
Volkzeitung,  New  York,  276,  278. 
Von  Waltershausen,  Professor,  on 

strikes  in  America,  150 ;  on  boycott 

law,  301. 
Vorbote,  Der,   241,  278;    on  religion, 

243;  on  family,   243,  ^44;   on  the 

red    flag    of  the    Internationalists, 

215 ;  Anarchists'  organ,  226 ;  on  the 

arming  of  people,  290. 


W. 

Warren,  Josiah,  anarchic  leader,  237- 
240,  245 ;  J.  S.  Mill's  debt  to,  238. 

Washington,  D.C.,  Co-operative  Soci- 
ety, 167. 

Watervliet,  Shaker  settlement  in,  9. 

Weavers'  Trades  Association  in  Balti- 
more, wages  in,  49,  50. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  a  member  of  Typo- 
graphical Society,  38 ;  on  its  incor- 
poration, 39;  on  miscarriage  of 
justice,  249. 

Weitling,  Wilhelm,  introduces  social- 
ism to  America,  219,  220,  221. 

Western  Union  Telegraph  Co.,  vio- 
lence done  to,  35. 

Weydemeyer  disseminates  socialism  in 
America,  221. 

Whitcomb,  Samuel,  on  the  unjust  eco- 
nomic distribution,  47. 

White,  Andrew  D.,  on  a  legal  anomaly, 
291. 


INDEX. 


399 


Whittles,  Samuel,  chairman  of  co- 
operative board,  Fall  River,  205. 

Williams,  Ezekiel,  nominated  for  gov- 
ernorship, 42. 

Wilson  on  socialistic  press,  277. 

Wisconsin,  Fourieristic  phalanx  in,  21, 

22. 

Women,  relations  to  K.  of  L.,  82,  83; 
labor  union,  339,  341. 

Wood,  Walter  A.,  encourages  co-oper- 
ation; 191. 

Woodrow,  Fred.,  on  black-listing,  no, 
in. 

Workman,  the,  a  labor  organ  of  Cleve- 
land, 115. 


Workman's  Advocate,  the,  279. 
Workingmen,  Institute  for,  in  Brighton, 
121 ;  party,  42.     (Compare  Labor.) 
Working  day,  normal,  55-57. 
Wyatt,  Hon.  D.,  on  the  educational  in- 
fluence of  the  Granges,  129. 

Y. 

Young  America,  the,  issue  of,  41. 

2. 

Zoar,  Separatists'  settlement  in,  15; 
failure  of,  25,  31 ;  Professor  Knight's 
visit  to,  33. 


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